The Mine Wars

Ronald Lewis, Historian: : In most cultures where there are coal miners, middle class people and above think they're animals -- literally, and they treat them that way, and they know that.

历史学家罗纳德·刘易斯：：在大多数有煤矿工人的文化中，中产阶级及以上阶层都认为他们是动物——字面意思是，他们就是这样对待他们的，他们也知道这一点。

So what they do is reverse that matter and they take pride in the fact that they can actually survive in such a place.

所以他们所做的就是扭转局面，他们为自己能够在这样的地方生存而感到自豪。

That makes 'em hard, and they stand on their own, and they don't care what the public thinks.

这让他们很难相处，他们只顾自己，不在乎公众的想法。

Narrator: : Strangers rarely found their way into the coal camps of southern West Virginia.

旁白：：陌生人很少能进入西弗吉尼亚州南部的煤炭营地。

So when a matronly older woman walked into a camp one fall morning in 1901, the local storekeeper was curious.

因此，1901 年秋天的一个早晨，当一位年长的妇女走进一个营地时，当地的店主很好奇。

He invited her in and asked her who she was and what was her business in town.

他邀请她进来，问她是谁，来城里做什么。

The answer appeared to unnerve him.

这个答案似乎让他感到不安。

She was the notorious "Mother" Jones -- there to convince the coal miners in the area to join her union: the United Mine Workers of America, the UMW.

她是臭名昭著的“母亲”琼斯 - 在那里说服该地区的煤矿工人加入她的工会：美国煤矿工人联合会（UMW）。

James Green, Author, The Devil Is Here in These Hills: : Whenever somebody came down like Mother Jones to talk to people there about, you know, the union, they'd be run out of town by men with shot guns.

詹姆斯·格林，《魔鬼就在这些山里》的作者：：每当有人像琼斯妈妈一样下来与那里的人们谈论工会时，他们就会被拿着猎枪的人赶出城。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : Southern West Virginia was an industrial police state more or less.

道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)，当地历史学家：：西弗吉尼亚州南部或多或少是一个工业警察州。

The operators or owners did not want anyone who had union sympathies or was interested in bringing the union into their camps to be there.

经营者或业主不希望任何同情工会或有兴趣将工会引入他们的营地的人在那里。

Narrator: : The president of the UMW had apologized in advance for sending Jones on this mission; some union officials thought it was a lost cause.

旁白：：UMW 校长已就派遣琼斯执行此任务而提前道歉；一些工会官员认为这是一个失败的事业。

While men in the northern coalfields had scratched and clawed to bring their union into being over the previous 10 years, miners in southern West Virginia had been beaten down by the mine owners, whose power in the state was virtually unchecked.

过去10年里，北部煤田的人们苦苦挣扎才组建了工会，而西弗吉尼亚州南部的矿工则遭到矿主的镇压，而矿主在该州的权力几乎不受限制。

Mother Jones quickly found out what workers were up against; private guards hired by the coal operators waved guns in her face, and threatened to kill anyone who passed out handbills advertising a meeting about the union.

琼斯妈妈很快就发现了工人们面临的困难；煤炭经营者雇佣的私人警卫在她脸上挥舞着枪，并威胁要杀死任何散发有关工会会议的传单的人。

But Jones insisted she could succeed where nobody else had.

但琼斯坚称她可以在其他人无法做到的地方取得成功。

Rosemary Feurer, Historian: : West Virginia might be this backwater place to most people but for her she sees it as a place of resistance and a place that she wants to be part of a fight.

历史学家罗斯玛丽·费雷尔（Rosemary Feurer）：：对大多数人来说，西弗吉尼亚州可能是一个死水之地，但对她来说，她将其视为一个抵抗之地，也是一个她想参与战斗的地方。

Whenever there was a struggle Mother Jones was there.

每当有困难时，琼斯妈妈就会出现。

She said, "I have no home except where there is struggle."

她说：“除了有斗争的地方，我没有家。”

Narrator: : Mary Harris Jones had been driven from her native Ireland by the potato famine when she was a teenager, then watched her husband and four children die during a yellow fever epidemic just after the Civil War.

旁白：玛丽·哈里斯·琼斯（Mary Harris Jones）十几岁时因马铃薯饥荒而被迫离开祖国爱尔兰，在内战刚结束后，她就眼睁睁地看着自己的丈夫和四个孩子死于黄热病流行。

After she lost her dressmaking business in the Great Chicago Fire, she remade herself as the nation's most unlikely labor organizer.

在芝加哥大火中她失去了制衣生意后，她将自己重塑为全国最不可能的劳工组织者。

All through that winter and into the spring thaw the 65-year-old Jones kept up what she called "weary tramps through the dead of night," selling West Virginia miners on the idea of union.

从那个冬天到春天解冻，65 岁的琼斯一直在她所谓的“夜深人静的疲惫流浪者”中向西弗吉尼亚州的矿工推销工会的想法。

Thomas Andrews, Historian: : The basic impetus behind the union movement was the idea that by providing some sort of collective way for workers to bargain to present their grievances the unions could give workers strength, could sort of muster the strength of individuals and give them a way of standing up against these enormous corporations that were becoming ever more powerful.

历史学家托马斯·安德鲁斯：工会运动背后的基本动力是这样的想法：通过为工人提供某种集体的方式来讨价还价，表达他们的不满，工会可以赋予工人力量，可以聚集个人的力量，让他们有办法对抗这些日益强大的大公司。

Narrator: : Jones challenged West Virginians to stop acting like "cringing serfs" and to commit to the UMW.

旁白：琼斯向西弗吉尼亚人发起挑战，要求他们停止表现得像“卑鄙的农奴”，并致力于加入UMW。

She was loud.

她声音很大。

She was profane.

她很亵渎。

And she was demanding.

而且她要求很高。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : The miners loved it.

Denise Giardina，作家：：矿工们喜欢它。

They loved seeing this little old lady just out there kicking butt basically, and cussing, and carrying on.

他们喜欢看到这个小老太太在外面踢屁股，咒骂，然后继续。

And she was saying that they had something to stand up for and to fight back.

她说他们有一些值得捍卫和反击的东西。

Rosemary Feurer, Historian: : She was speaking in social revolutionary terms.

历史学家罗斯玛丽·费雷尔（Rosemary Feurer）：她用的是社会革命术语。

"These towns are ours.

“这些城镇是我们的。

These mines are ours.

这些地雷是我们的。

You really deserve to own these mines," that's what she would say.

你真的值得拥有这些矿山，”这就是她会说的。

She does communicate a kind of motherly love that says, "Why are you letting yourself be abused?

她确实传达了一种母爱，即“你为什么要让自己受到虐待？

Aren't you better than this?"

你不是比这个更好吗？”

Narrator: : "This whole place is stirred up," Jones reported to UMW headquarters.

旁白：“整个地方都沸腾了，”琼斯向 UMW 总部报告。

"Six months ago...

“六个月前...

these men were afraid to look at me...

这些人害怕看我......

today they are realizing they are men and have some rights on this earth."

今天，他们意识到自己是男人，在这个地球上拥有一些权利。”

Mother Jones could not have known it that spring, but she had sparked a fight that would escalate over the next 20 years from an unremarkable skirmish between capital and labor to the largest armed insurrection since the Civil War.

那年春天，琼斯妈妈不可能知道这一点，但她引发了一场斗争，这场斗争在接下来的 20 年里从资本和劳工之间的一场不起眼的小冲突升级为自内战以来最大规模的武装叛乱。

Mother Jones, her followers, and her antagonists would turn the coalfields of southern West Virginia into a blood-soaked war zone where basic constitutional rights and freedoms were violently contested.

琼斯母亲、她的追随者和她的对手将西弗吉尼亚州南部的煤田变成了血腥的战区，基本的宪法权利和自由在这里受到暴力争夺。

James Green, Author: : The story of the West Virginia mine wars is a profoundly American story of people's belief in the principles of the Founding Fathers.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：西弗吉尼亚地雷战争的故事是一个深刻的美国故事，讲述了人们对开国元勋原则的信仰。

What these people were fighting for was the rights that they thought their government had guaranteed them and had been denied them.

这些人所争取的是他们认为政府保障了他们的权利，但政府却剥夺了他们的权利。

Beverly Gage, Historian: : The right to free assembly, the right to free speech, and the idea that just because you worked for someone shouldn't mean that that person had a kind of tyrannical control over you but that you as a worker had certain democratic rights as well.

历史学家贝弗利·盖奇：自由集会的权利、言论自由的权利，以及这样一种观念：仅仅因为你为某人工作并不意味着那个人对你有某种专制的控制，但你作为一名工人也拥有某些民主权利。

Narrator: : Mother Jones was constantly on the lookout for promising young lieutenants during her earliest trips to southern West Virginia.

旁白：：琼斯妈妈在最早前往西弗吉尼亚州南部旅行期间，一直在寻找有前途的年轻副官。

One man who caught her eye was a 20-year-old miner named Frank Keeney.

其中一个引起她注意的人是一位 20 岁的矿工，名叫弗兰克·基尼 (Frank Keeney)。

James Green, Author: : Keeney was an ordinary young miner.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：基尼是一位普通的年轻矿工。

Enjoys drinking cheap whiskey at a local saloon.

喜欢在当地的酒馆喝便宜的威士忌。

He loves to joke around with his buddies.

他喜欢和他的朋友们开玩笑。

And, Mother Jones, she went up to him and she said, "Leave that pool hall alone.

琼斯妈妈走到他面前说：“别管那个台球厅。

Take this book and go up on the hill and read it and, and educate yourself and learn how to lead your fellow miners." Keeney was inclined to hear that.

带上这本书，上山去阅读它，并教育自己并学习如何领导你的矿工同伴。”基尼很想听听这个。

Narrator: : Frank Keeney was a native West Virginian, descended from one of the first families to settle in the area.

旁白：弗兰克·基尼是土生土长的西弗吉尼亚人，是最早在该地区定居的家庭之一的后裔。

He was born on Cabin Creek in 1882, just as the railroads were beginning to cut paths to the rich coal deposits in the central and southern parts of the state.

1882 年，他出生在卡宾溪 (Cabin Creek)，当时铁路刚刚开始开辟通往该州中部和南部丰富煤矿的道路。

Keeney's father died before Frank's first birthday, and his mother was unable to hold onto the family's farm.

基尼的父亲在弗兰克一岁生日前去世，他的母亲无法保住家里的农场。

She lost it to one of the many coal companies grabbing up land in southern West Virginia.

她输给了在西弗吉尼亚州南部抢占土地的众多煤炭公司之一。

Joe William Trotter, Jr., Historian: : A lot of outside investors were coming into West Virginia buying land and natural resources.

小乔·威廉·特罗特 (Joe William Trotter, Jr.)，历史学家： 许多外部投资者进入西弗吉尼亚州购买土地和自然资源。

And one of the major components of this is that they were pushing aside the old mountaineer families.

其中的主要组成部分之一是他们排挤了老登山家家庭。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : As the mining industry grew and developed and matured people became fully dependent on the mining system for not only their wages but their entire way of life.

历史学家丽贝卡·贝利 (Rebecca Bailey)：随着采矿业的成长、发展和成熟，人们不仅在工资方面而且在整个生活方式方面都完全依赖采矿系统。

Narrator: : Keeney left school at age nine and began working as a trapper boy, manning the doors that led into and out of the mines.

旁白：基尼九岁时离开学校，开始担任捕猎男孩，负责管理进出矿井的门。

Legal age to work in West Virginia was 12, but coal operators generally ignored state law.

西弗吉尼亚州的法定工作年龄为 12 岁，但煤炭经营者普遍忽视州法律。

Keeney joined an army of young boys working the mines.

基尼加入了一支由年轻男孩组成的大军，在矿山工作。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : Frank's mother, she wanted him to have an education.

查克·基尼，历史学家：：弗兰克的母亲，她希望他接受教育。

She didn't want him to go into the mines that young, at the same time she was unable to support the family on her own.

她不想让他那么年轻就去矿井，同时她又无法独自养活这个家。

When he was 12 years old there was a partial collapse of one of the mine shafts, the mule panicked and smashed him up against a wall.

当他12岁时，一个矿井部分塌陷，骡子惊慌失措，把他撞到墙上。

And he had to bite part of the mule's ear off in order for the mule to let go of him.

为了让骡子放开他，他不得不咬掉骡子的一部分耳朵。

My grandmother has always said that it was indicative of his character.

我祖母总是说这表明了他的性格。

He was more stubborn than a mule.

他比骡子还顽固。

Narrator: : At 18, Keeney was still supporting his mother and two sisters, as well as his new bride, Bessie Meadows.

旁白： 18 岁时，基尼仍在赡养他的母亲和两个姐妹，以及他的新婚新娘贝西·梅多斯 (Bessie Meadows)。

He took the best paying job he could get -- digging coal at 40 cents a ton.

他接受了他能找到的收入最高的工作——以每吨 40 美分的价格挖煤。

The rate was well below the wages paid to union men in Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana.

这一比率远低于宾夕法尼亚州、俄亥俄州和印第安纳州工会成员的工资。

And according to rules set by West Virginia coal operators, a miner had to load more than 2,200 pounds -- the "Long Ton" -- to get his 40 cents.

根据西弗吉尼亚州煤炭运营商制定的规则，矿工必须装载超过 2,200 磅（即“Long Ton”）才能获得 40 美分。

But a man with a strong back and staying power, good with a pick and blasting powder, could fill five or more cars in a shift, and make enough to support his family.

但一个拥有强壮背部和持久力、善于使用镐和炸药的人，一个班次可以装满五辆或更多汽车，赚到的钱足以养活他的家人。

Thomas Andrews, Historian: : Even though this is an industry where there is a tremendous degree of oppression it's also an industry where workers still had much more control over their own lives than they did in most American industries.

历史学家托马斯·安德鲁斯：尽管这是一个存在极大程度压迫的行业，但与大多数美国行业相比，工人们仍然对自己的生活拥有更多的控制权。

These are guys who on the whole decided when they were going to work, when they would start, when they would stop.

这些人总体上决定了他们什么时候去工作，什么时候开始，什么时候停止。

They do have this real sense of autonomy.

他们确实有这种真正的自主感。

Ellis Ray Williams, Coal Miner: : You got a certain dignity going in the coal mines, and working and drawing a paycheck, and coming out.

埃利斯·雷·威廉姆斯（Ellis Ray Williams），煤矿工人：：在煤矿工作、领取薪水，然后出来，你有一定的尊严。

That's what men would do to take care of their families.

这就是男人为了照顾家人会做的事情。

Narrator: : Coal was the engine of American industrial progress at the beginning of the 20th century.

旁白：：煤炭是20世纪初美国工业进步的引擎。

It ran locomotives, factories, steam ships, electric power plants and home furnaces; and it helped to purify the steel that made possible the rising skyscrapers.

它运行着机车、工厂、蒸汽船、发电厂和家用炉子；它有助于净化钢铁，使摩天大楼的拔地而起。

Coal -- and the men who mined it -- fueled the nation's enormous surge in wealth.

煤炭——以及开采煤炭的人——推动了国家财富的巨大增长。

Increasing wealth brought increasing appetite.

财富的增加带来了食欲的增加。

There was always a demand...

一直有一个需求...

for more.

了解更多。

Nearly three quarters of a million men across the country spent 10 or 12 hours a day in coal mines, blasting, hand-picking, shoveling and loading the indispensable rock onto rail-cars bound for destinations across the country.

全国有近四分之三的工人每天在煤矿里待上 10 到 12 个小时，进行爆破、手工采摘、铲除和将必不可少的岩石装载到开往全国各地的火车上。

Most of these miners worked the vast and long-established coalfields stretching from Pennsylvania to Illinois.

这些矿工大多数在从宾夕法尼亚州到伊利诺伊州的广阔而历史悠久的煤田工作。

Just 20,000 worked the mines in West Virginia, but the coal operators there, propelled by a state government hungry for revenue from its biggest industry, had embarked on a furious game of catch-up.

西弗吉尼亚州的煤矿只有 20,000 名工人，但当地的煤炭运营商在州政府渴望从其最大的行业获得收入的推动下，开始了一场激烈的追赶游戏。

The coal industry spread across the state.

煤炭工业遍布全州。

Production in southern West Virginia was increasing about 10 percent a year by 1900, and the potential seemed limitless.

到 1900 年，西弗吉尼亚州南部的产量每年增长约 10%，潜力似乎是无限的。

Thomas Andrews, Historian: : The southern West Virginia coalfields were really the up and coming coalfields.

历史学家托马斯·安德鲁斯：西弗吉尼亚州南部的煤田确实是新兴的煤田。

They had tremendous demand for new miners because the industry was expanding so much.

由于该行业扩张如此之快，他们对新矿工有巨大的需求。

The only way to really bring more coal out of the ground was to put more mine workers underground.

真正从地下开采更多煤炭的唯一方法就是让更多的矿工进入地下。

And the coal companies in southern West Virginia are bringing African-American miners up from the South and bringing people in from southern and eastern Europe.

西弗吉尼亚州南部的煤炭公司正在从南部引进非洲裔美国矿工，并从南欧和东欧引进人员。

Jean Battlo, Local Historian: : My father came here from Calabria, Italy with his brother Antonio.

Jean Battlo，当地历史学家：：我的父亲和他的兄弟安东尼奥从意大利卡拉布里亚来到这里。

His name was Fortunato Battaglia.

他的名字叫福尔图纳托·巴塔利亚。

Coal company agents would come up to him, he said, and say, "Lavoro e casa," in other words, "We can give you a job and a home." And, they had nothing to lose.

他说，煤炭公司的代理人会过来对他说：“Lavoro e casa”，换句话说，“我们可以给你一份工作和一个家。”而且，他们没有什么可失去的。

Ellis Ray Williams, Coal Miner: : My family decided to come from South Carolina to the coalfields of West Virginia for economic reasons and cultural reasons.

埃利斯·雷·威廉姆斯（Ellis Ray Williams），煤矿工人： 出于经济原因和文化原因，我的家人决定从南卡罗来纳州来到西弗吉尼亚州的煤田。

My parents were sharecroppers, and the life of sharecroppers wasn't the best life.

我的父母都是佃农，佃农的生活并不是最好的。

The South wasn't very free where black people were concerned.

就黑人而言，南方并不是很自由。

Joe William Trotter, Jr., Historian: : In West Virginia African Americans entered a class and racially stratified society.

小乔·威廉·特罗特 (Joe William Trotter, Jr.)，历史学家： 在西弗吉尼亚州，非裔美国人进入了一个阶级和种族分层的社会。

But compared to the South and compared to the North, West Virginia was a place in which they got a more equitable footing.

但与南方和北方相比，西弗吉尼亚州是他们获得更公平立足点的地方。

There were more black miners in West Virginia than anywhere else in the nation.

西弗吉尼亚州的黑人矿工比全国其他任何地方都多。

And black workers in this environment gained access to a system that proclaimed equal pay for the same work.

在这种环境下，黑人工人获得了同工同酬的制度。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : There was a lot of conflict among the different groups of coal miners because they didn't know each other, and so you had a great deal of prejudice.

Denise Giardina，作家：：不同的煤矿工人群体之间存在很多冲突，因为他们彼此不认识，因此存在很大的偏见。

And the companies reinforced that by building coal camps so that you had a section for black miners, had a section for Eastern European miners, and there was a section for native, Appalachian miners.

这些公司通过建造煤炭营地来强化这一点，以便有一个黑人矿工区、一个东欧矿工区和一个阿巴拉契亚本土矿工区。

And that was done on purpose.

这是故意的。

The coal operators felt that that diversity would keep unionization at bay.

煤炭经营者认为，这种多样性将阻止工会化。

Narrator: : By the time Frank Keeney met Mother Jones, he could sense larger forces gathering against West Virginia miners.

旁白：：当弗兰克·基尼遇到琼斯母亲时，他可以感觉到更大的力量正在聚集起来反对西弗吉尼亚州的矿工。

Bankers and shareholders in cities like New York and Philadelphia were siphoning most of the profits from the mines, while transforming a mostly rural state.

纽约和费城等城市的银行家和股东吸走了矿山的大部分利润，同时改变了一个以农村为主的州。

The quiet village where Keeney had grown up was rent with the "crush and grind" of the passing coal trains.

基尼长大的那个安静的村庄因驶过的运煤火车的“碾压”而变得拥挤不堪。

Keeney counted himself lucky to be living in an independent town; eight in ten miners in West Virginia lived in a town built and owned by a coal operator.

基尼认为自己很幸运能够生活在一个独立的小镇上。西弗吉尼亚州十分之八的矿工居住在一个由煤炭运营商建造和拥有的城镇中。

The housing workers were forced to rent was constructed to suit the purposes of the owners...

工人被迫出租的住房是为了满足业主的目的而建造的......

within walking distance of their mines, hard by the railroad tracks and built on the cheap.

步行即可到达他们的矿场，靠近铁轨，而且建造成本低廉。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : They were just hovels, maybe one-room shacks.

丹尼斯·贾迪纳（Denise Giardina），作家：：它们只是茅屋，也许是单间小屋。

And it's clear that the operators felt that that was all their miners needed.

很明显，运营商认为这就是他们的矿工所需要的。

Rosemary Feurer, Historian: : A coal town really is almost an instruction ground for exploitation.

历史学家罗斯玛丽·费雷尔 (Rosemary Feurer)：：煤炭城镇实际上几乎是开采的训练场。

Mine workers, they can see it very directly and their families see it very directly.

矿工们，他们可以非常直接地看到它，他们的家人也可以非常直接地看到它。

They take all the risks.

他们承担所有风险。

They bring out that coal and it's producing wealth for people who don't live there.

他们开采煤炭，为不住在那里的人们创造财富。

Narrator: : The coal towns were almost always unincorporated; there were no elected officials, no independent police forces.

旁白：：煤炭城镇几乎都是非建制的；没有民选官员，没有独立的警察部队。

Owners hired private detective agencies to watch over their workforce.

业主聘请私人侦探机构来监视他们的员工。

Company towns were also untethered from the free market competition owners usually championed.

公司城镇也不受所有者通常支持的自由市场竞争的束缚。

Operators often paid workers in company currency, called scrip.

经营者通常用公司货币（称为代币）向工人支付工资。

They forced mining families to shop exclusively at the company store, which they stocked with food, fuel and clothing, even the tools and blasting powder required on the job.

他们强迫采矿家庭只在公司商店购物，里面备有食物、燃料和衣服，甚至还有工作所需的工具和炸药。

They set the prices of all those goods to assure a profit -- a hedge against operating losses in the mines themselves.

他们设定所有这些商品的价格是为了确保利润——对冲矿山本身的经营损失。

Carl Starr, Sr., Coal Miner: : They paid you with their money.

Carl Starr, Sr.，煤矿工人：：他们用钱付给你。

You bought your food off of 'em unless you wanted to take a dollar scrip and sell it for 75 cents government money and lose a fourth of your wages.

你从他们那里买食物，除非你想拿一美元纸币以 75 美分的政府资金出售，并损失四分之一的工资。

They was oppressed all the time.

他们无时无刻不在受压迫。

Ellis Ray Williams, Coal Miner: : If they give the miners a raise then they're going to raise the rent and raise everything, the cost of food in the company store, and raise the clothing and everything so you actually, you're right back where you started from.

埃利斯·雷·威廉姆斯（Ellis Ray Williams），煤矿工人：如果他们给矿工加薪，那么他们就会提高租金并提高一切，公司商店的食品成本，并提高服装和一切，所以你实际上，你又回到了起点。

Jean Battlo, Local Historian: : When a miner went to pick up his check they had what was called a check-off list.

Jean Battlo，当地历史学家：：当矿工去领取支票时，他们有一份所谓的核对清单。

"Your house belongs to company," we'd check that much off, "You, you bought your groceries here this month at the company store," we'd check that off.

“你的房子属于公司，”我们会勾选这一点，“你，你这个月在公司商店买了杂货，”我们会勾选这一点。

By the time they finished the check-off there was very little left.

当他们完成检查时，已经所剩无几了。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : The only options that you have once you're trapped in that system is to keep your head down, and do what you're told or stand up and fight.

历史学家查克·基尼：一旦你被困在这个系统中，你唯一的选择就是低下头，做你被告知的事情，或者站起来战斗。

Narrator: : That choice between accepting the status quo or fighting for something better was forced on Frank Keeney and other miners in May of 1902.

旁白：1902 年 5 月，弗兰克·基尼和其他矿工被迫在接受现状和争取更好的东西之间做出选择。

While Mother Jones was still in the middle of her West Virginia campaign, the UMW raised a strike in eastern Pennsylvania, and called for men in other regions to join the work shutdown.

当琼斯母亲仍在西弗吉尼亚州的竞选活动中时，UMW 在宾夕法尼亚州东部发起了罢工，并呼吁其他地区的男性加入停工行列。

Beverly Gage, Historian: : There was the threat that you were going to lose your job.

贝弗利·盖奇（Beverly Gage），历史学家：：有人威胁说你会失去工作。

And there was the threat that you would be blackballed.

并且有人威胁说你会被列入黑名单。

And it wouldn't just be the job that you had in that very moment but every job in that region at any company that you went to, they would know your name and they would refuse to hire you.

这不仅是你当时的工作，而且是你去的那个地区的任何公司的每一份工作，他们都会知道你的名字，他们会拒绝雇用你。

The stakes were very, very high.

赌注非常非常高。

Narrator: : With Mother Jones leading the charge, thousands of West Virginia miners decided to stand with the strikers in Pennsylvania, and to fight for their own rights.

旁白：：在琼斯妈妈的带领下，数千名西弗吉尼亚州的矿工决定与宾夕法尼亚州的罢工者站在一起，为自己的权利而战。

Eighty-five percent of the miners in the largest coalfield in southern West Virginia walked off the job; new union men shut down four of every five mines in another field.

西弗吉尼亚州南部最大煤田的 85% 矿工罢工；新工会成员关闭了另一个矿区五分之四的矿场。

A few owners were willing to recognize the miners' union and negotiate better wages and working conditions.

一些业主愿意承认矿工工会并通过谈判获得更好的工资和工作条件。

But nearly all followed the lead of the most powerful operator in the area, Justus Collins.

但几乎所有人都听从了该地区最强大的操作员贾斯特斯·柯林斯的领导。

Collins had earned the respect of his fellow owners.

柯林斯赢得了其他业主的尊重。

He had come up from Alabama 15 years earlier and had been expanding his operation ever since.

15 年前，他从阿拉巴马州来到这里，此后一直在扩大自己的业务。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : The southern West Virginia coalfields were mostly opened by entrepreneurs, wildcatters really.

当地历史学家道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)：西弗吉尼亚州南部的煤田大多是由企业家（实际上是野心勃勃的人）开辟的。

They were very ambitious.

他们非常雄心勃勃。

Many of them came from the South and a lot of them came from the coalfields of eastern Pennsylvania.

他们中的许多人来自南方，还有很多来自宾夕法尼亚州东部的煤田。

There were guys who came down there with absolutely nothing, came in with a rented mule, and a couple of harnesses, and some picks, and made fortunes.

有些人什么都没有来到那里，带着一头租来的骡子、几条马具和一些镐，就发了财。

Narrator: : Collins, like all the West Virginia coal operators, saw himself as a man under siege...

旁白：：柯林斯像所有西弗吉尼亚州的煤炭经营者一样，将自己视为一个被围困的人......

always on the brink of financial collapse.

始终处于财务崩溃的边缘。

He believed he was in a death struggle with his counterparts in the more established coalfields to the north, whose mines were much closer to the big city markets on the East Coast and the industrial belt near the Great Lakes.

他相信自己正与北部更成熟的煤田的同行进行殊死搏斗，这些煤田的煤矿距离东海岸的大城市市场和五大湖附近的工业带要近得多。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : The southern operators were always in a difficult position.

当地历史学家道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)：：南方的经营者始终处于困境。

They were almost paranoid of their position because of the disadvantages.

由于不利因素，他们对自己的地位几乎是偏执的。

They had to pay higher rates to get their coal out.

他们必须支付更高的价格才能将煤炭运出。

They had invested all their capital, developing these operations and now they were being squeezed for every penny they could get.

他们投入了所有的资本来发展这些业务，但现在却被榨得一分钱都没有。

Narrator: : Collins complained constantly about the difficulties of turning a profit.

旁白：：柯林斯不断抱怨盈利困难。

And he was always worried about the single biggest line item in his budget: labor costs.

他总是担心预算中最大的一项：劳动力成本。

Collins meant to keep the wage-inflating union out of his mines, whatever it took.

柯林斯打算不惜一切代价，让工资上涨的工会远离他的矿井。

Thomas Andrews, Historian: : The mine operators thought that there was something fundamentally un-capitalistic about unions.

历史学家托马斯·安德鲁斯 (Thomas Andrews)： 矿山经营者认为工会本质上是非资本主义的。

They believed in a sort of vision of rugged individualism.

他们相信一种粗犷的个人主义愿景。

Many of these were men who had lifted themselves up by their own bootstraps, or at least that was what they believed.

其中许多人是靠自己的努力而崛起的，或者至少他们是这么认为的。

These operators wanted to have as much power as they could over their mines, which they viewed as their private property.

这些经营者希望对自己的矿山拥有尽可能多的权力，他们将矿山视为自己的私有财产。

And the union was going to stand in their way.

工会将会阻碍他们。

Narrator: : To protect his mine operations, Justus Collins sent forty hired men into his coal camps.

旁白：：为了保护他的矿山作业，贾斯特斯·柯林斯派遣了四十名雇佣兵进入他的煤炭营地。

Collins's private soldiers were armed with the latest firepower, including Winchester rifles and machine guns.

柯林斯的私人士兵配备了最新的火力，包括温彻斯特步枪和机枪。

The employer of record for these enforcers was a local private detective agency.

这些执法者的记录雇主是当地一家私人侦探机构。

Thomas Andrews, Historian: : The Baldwin-Felts specifically worked in the nation's coalfields, and the Baldwin-Felts specialized in trying to neutralize the UMWA once strikes had broken out.

历史学家托马斯·安德鲁斯 (Thomas Andrews)：鲍德温-费尔特家族专门在国家煤田工作，一旦罢工爆发，鲍德温-费尔特家族就专门试图压制 UMWA。

Beverly Gage, Historian: : While sometimes you had professionals often you're just hiring in a moment of crisis people who are being described as thugs and convicts, anyone who's willing to pick up a gun, go down and try to engage in these already quite fraught labor conflicts.

历史学家贝弗利·盖奇：虽然有时你有专业人士，但通常你只是在危机时刻雇用那些被描述为暴徒和罪犯的人，任何愿意拿起枪，下去并试图参与这些已经相当令人担忧的劳资冲突的人。

Narrator: : The mine guards mounted their new machine guns atop the tipples at the edge of town, and bolted in searchlights.

旁白： 矿井警卫将他们的新机枪安装在城镇边缘的酒瓶顶上，并用探照灯照射。

Rosemary Feurer, Historian: : The Baldwin-Felts agents, they're designed to inculcate fear and panic.

历史学家罗斯玛丽·费雷尔：：鲍德温-费尔特特工，他们的目的是灌输恐惧和恐慌。

They have these powerful lights pointed at the camps.

他们将这些强大的灯光指向营地。

Children describe these lamps as monsters.

孩子们将这些灯形容为怪物。

Narrator: : Many miners were intimidated enough to go quietly back into the mines.

旁白：：许多矿工都被吓坏了，悄悄地回到矿井里。

Those who stayed out paid a heavy price.

留下来的人付出了沉重的代价。

The Baldwin-Felts agents forcibly evicted miners and their families from company-owned houses.

鲍德温-费尔茨的特工强行将矿工及其家人从公司拥有的房屋中驱逐出来。

Thousands of men, women and children ended up in makeshift "tent colonies" set up by the UMW on strips of land not owned by the mine companies.

数以千计的男人、女人和儿童最终来到了合顺在不属于矿业公司所有的土地上搭建的临时“帐篷聚居地”。

County judges upheld Justus Collins's right to throw the miners out of their homes.

县法官支持贾斯特斯·柯林斯将矿工赶出家门的权利。

Ronald Lewis, Historian: : The court ruled you have master-servant rights, which is to say the only reason you're living there is because you're an employee of this company and therefore the operator can come in and evict you any time he wants to, or search the premises, which they often did if they thought there was some union activity going on there.

历史学家罗纳德·刘易斯：法院裁定你拥有主仆权利，也就是说你住在那里的唯一原因是因为你是这家公司的员工，因此经营者可以随时进来驱逐你，或者搜查房屋，如果他们认为那里正在进行工会活动，他们经常这样做。

John Alexander Williams, Historian: : The state was at that time generally sympathetic to the rights of property owners and that included the coal operators.

历史学家约翰·亚历山大·威廉姆斯 (John Alexander Williams)：：当时，国家普遍支持财产所有者（包括煤炭经营者）的权利。

And they were not sympathetic to the rights of mine workers to organize and to protest.

他们也不同情矿工组织和抗议的权利。

Narrator: : When the coal operators demanded help in ending the strike, local, county and state law officers obliged.

旁白：：当煤炭经营者要求帮助结束罢工时，当地、县和州的执法人员都答应了。

They arrested Mother Jones and charged her with provoking an illegal work shutdown.

他们逮捕了琼斯母亲，并指控她煽动非法停工。

At her trial, the prosecutor called Jones "the most dangerous woman in America." The judge found Jones guilty, threatened her with jail time, and warned her to get out of the state.

在审判中，检察官称琼斯为“美国最危险的女性”。法官判定琼斯有罪，威胁她入狱，并警告她离开该州。

By then, the national president of the UMW had decided the union could only afford to support the strike in Pennsylvania, and cut back on much-needed financial assistance for West Virginia.

那时，UMW 全国主席已决定，工会只能负担支持宾夕法尼亚州的罢工，并削减对西弗吉尼亚州急需的财政援助。

Thousands of strikers there were left to fend for themselves.

数千名罢工者只能自生自灭。

Miners in southern West Virginia refused to back down.

西弗吉尼亚州南部的矿工拒绝让步。

Nine months into the strike, a posse, including a U.S. marshal, county sheriff's deputies and Baldwin-Felts agents, raided a miners' village after the citizens there had held a union rally.

罢工九个月后，一个由美国法警、县治安官代表和鲍德温-费尔茨特工组成的队伍突袭了一个矿工村，此前该村的居民举行了工会集会。

Mother Jones rushed to the scene: "On a mattress, wet with blood, lay a miner," she wrote.

琼斯妈妈赶到了现场：“床垫上躺着一名矿工，上面沾满了血。”她写道。

"His brains had been blown out while he slept.

“他睡着的时候，他的大脑就被炸飞了。

In five other shacks men lay dead.

另外五个棚屋里也有男人死了。

In one of them a baby boy and his mother sobbed over the father's corpse."

其中一张照片中，一名男婴和他的母亲在父亲的尸体旁哭泣。”

By the spring of 1903, the strike was broken.

1903年春，罢工被打破。

Justus Collins and his fellow mine owners had decimated the union movement in southern West Virginia.

贾斯特斯·柯林斯和他的矿主同事们摧毁了西弗吉尼亚州南部的工会运动。

Mother Jones left the state with little to show for her efforts, but she did not forget the mountain hollows, or the people in them.

琼斯母亲离开这个州时，她的努力几乎没有什么成果，但她没有忘记山洞，也没有忘记山洞里的人们。

And she suspected she had unfinished business there.

她怀疑自己还有未完成的事情。

One young coal miner was already preparing for the battles to come.

一位年轻的煤矿工人已经为即将到来的战斗做好了准备。

Frank Keeney had gone back to his job in the mines, but he was also reading Shakespeare, and poetry, and Mother Jones's favorite novel -- Les Miserables -- about a working-class revolt in 19th century France.

弗兰克·基尼回到了矿井的工作岗位，但他也在读莎士比亚、诗歌和琼斯妈妈最喜欢的小说《悲惨世界》，讲述了 19 世纪法国工人阶级的反抗。

James Green, Author: : Keeney was a proud mountaineer.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：基尼是一位自豪的登山家。

There's a real sense of being independent.

有一种真正独立的感觉。

He saw his neighbors and people he'd grown up with being evicted from their houses during the winter and it was something that really set him off.

他看到他的邻居和和他一起长大的人在冬天被赶出自己的房子，这真的让他很愤怒。

And as a journalist said who interviewed him later, "He became angry.

正如一位后来采访他的记者所说，“他很生气。

He became indignant.

他变得愤怒了。

He became a Socialist." He wanted not only to have a union but he wanted to change the whole system.

他成为了一名社会主义者。”他不仅想要建立一个工会，而且想要改变整个系统。

Ellis Ray Williams, Coal Miner: : You're going underground and you know that millions and millions of tons of rock, and dirt, and everything over you -- when the weight of that mountain starts pressing down, you could hear the top working, grunting.

埃利斯·雷·威廉姆斯（Ellis Ray Williams），煤矿工人：当你进入地下时，你知道数百万吨的岩石、泥土以及你身上的一切——当那座山的重量开始向下压时，你可以听到顶部工作的咕噜声。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : When you walked in a mine you never knew whether or not you would walk out again, whether you would be crushed by a roof fall, or whether you'd be blown apart by an explosion.

丹尼斯·贾迪纳（Denise Giardina），作家：当你走进矿井时，你永远不知道你是否会再次走出去，你是否会被屋顶坠落压碎，或者你是否会被爆炸炸得四分五裂。

So you were living in a perpetual state of being threatened with violent death.

所以你永远生活在遭受暴力死亡威胁的状态中。

Narrator: : Danger was literally in the air in the mines -- in the form of noxious gasses called damps.

旁白：：危险确实存在于矿井空气中——以称为潮湿的有毒气体的形式存在。

A build-up of "afterdamp" could asphyxiate miners.

“余湿”的积聚可能会使矿工窒息。

Methane-heavy "firedamp," when sparked by something as simple as a miner's lamp, could cause explosions big enough to kill men scattered through miles of interconnected tunnels.

当像矿灯这样简单的东西引发时，富含甲烷的“沼气”可能会引起足够大的爆炸，杀死分散在数英里相互连接的隧道中的人员。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : Coal operators were very cavalier about accidents and what caused them.

Denise Giardina，作家：：煤炭经营者对于事故及其原因非常漫不经心。

The assumption was that, "Mining is just inherently dangerous, and that's just part of it, you're lucky you have a job anyway, and, and so we're just going to go about business as usual."

人们的假设是，“采矿本质上是危险的，这只是其中的一部分，无论如何，你很幸运你有一份工作，所以我们就照常做生意。”

Narrator: : Coal operators were able to block most mine safety legislation by arguing that regulations would be too costly.

旁白：：煤炭运营商能够通过认为法规成本太高来阻止大多数矿山安全立法。

The few safety laws on the books were rarely enforced.

书本上的几条安全法很少得到执行。

West Virginia's coal mines had a higher death rate than any other state in the union in the first decade of the 20th century...

20 世纪头十年，西弗吉尼亚州的煤矿死亡率比联邦任何其他州都要高……

and in 1907 West Virginia suffered the single largest mining disaster in the nation's history.

1907 年，西弗吉尼亚州遭受了美国历史上最大规模的矿难。

James Green, Author: : There was no one ever prosecuted for any of these hundreds and hundreds of deaths.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：没有人因这成百上千的死亡事件而受到起诉。

There was a sense of fatalism I think among the miners in West Virginia, about what government could do to protect them, which helps explain their passion for the union, the sense of, "We have to take care of ourselves.

我认为西弗吉尼亚州的矿工们对政府可以采取什么措施来保护他们有一种宿命论的感觉，这有助于解释他们对工会的热情，以及“我们必须照顾好自己”的感觉。

We have to create an organization that's so powerful that it will protect our lives as well as our standard of living."

我们必须创建一个强大的组织，以保护我们的生命和生活水平。”

Narrator: : In the ten years after the failed strike of 1902, little had changed in the working conditions of southern West Virginia miners.

旁白：1902 年罢工失败后的十年里，西弗吉尼亚州南部矿工的工作条件几乎没有改变。

The United Mine Workers had made few inroads.

联合煤矿工人几乎没有取得什么进展。

More than ninety percent of the miners had no union in the Spring of 1912 ...

1912 年春天，超过 90% 的矿工没有工会……

when long-simmering tensions began to boil over once again.

当长期酝酿的紧张局势再次开始沸腾时。

Frank Keeney was out in front this time.

这次弗兰克·基尼（Frank Keeney）走在了前面。

The 29-year-old had convinced a few thousand miners on Cabin Creek to stand up and make specific demands of their employers: they wanted out from under the financial burdens of the company store and the long ton, an end to the mine guard system, and formal recognition of their union.

这位 29 岁的年轻人说服了卡宾溪的数千名矿工站起来，向雇主提出具体要求：他们希望摆脱公司商店和长吨的经济负担，结束矿井警卫制度，并正式承认他们的工会。

The owners responded by firing Keeney and his comrades, and putting them and their families out of their homes.

作为回应，业主解雇了基尼和他的战友，并将他们和他们的家人赶出了家门。

More than two months later, the families were still living in tents, with little hope for success.

两个多月后，这些家庭仍然住在帐篷里，成功的希望渺茫。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : In the summer of 1912 Keeney's wife Bessie was eight months pregnant.

历史学家查克·基尼 (Chuck Keeney)： 1912 年夏天，基尼的妻子贝西 (Bessie) 怀孕了八个月。

His kids were sick.

他的孩子们病了。

They don't have enough food to feed their children.

他们没有足够的食物来养活自己的孩子。

Three hundred Baldwin-Felts detectives had set up machine gun emplacements all around Cabin Creek.

三百名鲍德温-费尔特侦探在卡宾溪周围设置了机枪阵地。

So this was when they were at their most desperate hour.

所以，此时正是他们最绝望的时刻。

Narrator: : Keeney saw little choice but to make the difficult twenty-mile trip to Charleston to beseech the leaders in the UMW district office to come to the aid of his sagging miners.

旁白：基尼别无选择，只能艰难地进行二十英里的旅程，前往查尔斯顿，恳求 UMW 地区办事处的领导来帮助他的陷入困境的矿工。

The local officers said they had their hands full.

当地官员表示，他们正忙得不可开交。

The union treasury was already depleted by a strike at Paint Creek, just across the ridge from Cabin Creek.

油漆溪 (Paint Creek) 的罢工已经耗尽了工会的资金，该罢工就位于卡宾溪 (Cabin Creek) 的山脊对面。

The Paint Creek strike had turned deadly.

油漆溪罢工已经变得致命。

UMW officials told Keeney he was on his own.

UMW 官员告诉基尼，他只能靠自己了。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : He cusses them out and says that he'll take control of the strike himself and then says that, "If you're afraid to go to Cabin Creek I'll find a woman who will go."

历史学家查克·基尼（Chuck Keeney）：他咒骂了他们，并说他将亲自控制罢工，然后说：“如果你害怕去卡宾溪，我会找一个愿意去的女人。”

Narrator: : Mother Jones heard the knock on her hotel room door in Charleston that muggy July night, and found Frank Keeney standing outside, "with tears in his eyes," she recalled.

旁白： 那个闷热的七月夜晚，琼斯妈妈听到有人敲她在查尔斯顿的酒店房间的门，发现弗兰克·基尼站在外面，“眼里含着泪水，”她回忆道。

"I can't get anyone to go to Cabin Creek," he told her.

“我无法让任何人去卡宾溪，”他告诉她。

"The national officers say they don't want to get killed."

“国家官员说他们不想被杀。”

"I'll come up," Jones told Keeney.

“我会上来的，”琼斯告诉基尼。

"I've been thinking of invading that place for some time."

“我想入侵那个地方已经有一段时间了。”

On August sixth, 1912, Mother Jones arrived in Keeney's hometown, the only town in Cabin Creek not controlled by a coal operator.

1912 年 8 月 6 日，琼斯妈妈抵达基尼的家乡，这是卡宾溪唯一不受煤炭经营者控制的城镇。

Keeney had gathered a big crowd.

基尼聚集了一大群人。

They all wanted to see the woman known as "the miner's angel."

他们都想见见这位被称为“矿工天使”的女人。

Rosemary Feurer, Historian: : She was kind of a rock star of the labor movement by then.

历史学家罗斯玛丽·费雷尔（Rosemary Feurer）：当时她已经是劳工运动的摇滚明星了。

People would reach out to her.

人们会向她伸出援手。

Their arms would reach out, you know, as though they were in a religious revival.

你知道，他们会伸出双臂，就好像他们正处于宗教复兴之中。

They want to believe in themselves and she assures them that she's ready to fight with them, and that they are capable of fighting.

他们想要相信自己，她向他们保证，她已经准备好与他们一起战斗，并且他们有能力战斗。

Narrator: : The morning after Mother Jones' speech, miners up and down Cabin Creek began to walk off the job.

旁白： 琼斯妈妈演讲后的第二天早上，卡宾溪上下的矿工们开始罢工下班。

A week later, more than three thousand marchers pushed through armed militiamen and followed Mother Jones and Frank Keeney to a rally on the steps of the Capitol.

一周后，三千多名游行者冲破武装民兵，跟随琼斯母亲和弗兰克·基尼在国会大厦的台阶上举行集会。

They were there to persuade Governor William Glasscock to abolish the mine guard system.

他们在那里说服州长威廉·格拉斯科克废除矿井警卫系统。

Mother Jones issued an ominous warning: "Unless the Governor rids Paint Creek and Cabin Creek of these god-damned Baldwin-Felts mine guard thugs, there is going to be one hell of a lot of bloodletting in these hills."

琼斯妈妈发出了不祥的警告：“除非总督将这些该死的鲍德温-费尔特矿井守卫暴徒从油漆溪和卡宾溪赶走，否则这些山上将会发生大量流血事件。”

Governor Glasscock believed that the fight between coal companies and their employees was a private matter, and that he lacked authority to step in.

格拉斯科克州长认为，煤炭公司与其员工之间的斗争是私人问题，他无权介入。

Frank Keeney decided it was time to change tactics.

弗兰克·基尼认为是时候改变策略了。

If the state would not protect miners and their families, they would protect themselves.

如果国家不保护矿工及其家人，他们就会保护自己。

James Green, Author: : Keeney had a certain kind of charisma and a certain kind of certainty about what to do, and a sense of either recklessness or courage depending on how you look at it of leading his people to the brink of a cliff and facing the consequences that come from fighting.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：基尼具有某种超凡魅力，对做什么有某种确定性，以及一种鲁莽或勇敢的感觉，这取决于你如何看待带领他的人民走向悬崖边缘并面对战斗带来的后果。

Narrator: : Strikers began buying guns, while sympathetic miners from nearby coal camps smuggled weapons and ammunition into Paint Creek and Cabin Creek.

旁白：罢工者开始购买枪支，而来自附近煤炭营地的同情矿工则将武器和弹药走私到 Paint Creek 和 Cabin Creek。

They stashed rifles, pistols, bullets, gunpowder and dynamite in the woods.

他们在树林里藏匿了步枪、手枪、子弹、火药和炸药。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : Miners organized themselves into groups that would be ready to go on a moment's notice in case of an attack on the tent colony by mine guards.

历史学家查克·基尼 (Chuck Keeney)：矿工们将自己组织成小组，一旦接到通知，矿工们就会随时准备出发，以防矿工守卫对帐篷群发动袭击。

You also had another group called the "dirty eleven." And the "dirty eleven" were responsible for some of the more brutal acts of violence that took place.

你们还有另一个叫做“肮脏十一人”的团体。而“肮脏十一人”则对所发生的一些更为残酷的暴力行为负有责任。

The miners were dynamiting tipples, dynamiting railroad tracks, firing on trains.

矿工们炸药、炸铁轨、向火车开枪。

Anything that they could do to stop production, and anything they could do to kill a mine guard.

他们可以采取一切措施来停止生产，并采取任何措施来杀死一名矿工。

David Corbin, Historian: : The Paint Creek-Cabin Creek strike was an explosion of rage.

David Corbin，历史学家：Paint Creek-Cabin Creek 罢工是一次愤怒的爆发。

For two decades the coal companies used mine guards to keep the miners in submission through use of terror.

二十年来，煤炭公司利用矿井警卫通过恐怖手段让矿工屈服。

Now the miners learned to employ violence themselves to fight back to show the coal companies the terror was a two-edged sword.

现在，矿工们学会了自己使用暴力进行反击，向煤炭公司表明恐怖是一把双刃剑。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : After some of the mine guards were killed miners pasted notes on the coffins saying, "Gone to hell.

历史学家查克·基尼 (Chuck Keeney)：一些矿卫被杀后，矿工们在棺材上贴了字条，上面写着：“下地狱了。

More to go." That streak of vindictiveness demonstrates the harsh feelings that had built up over decades of mistreatment.

还有更多的事情要做。”这种报复心理表明了几十年来遭受虐待所积累的严酷感情。

Narrator: : By early September, it looked like civil war was breaking out within 30 miles of the state capitol.

旁白： ： 到了九月初，距离州议会大厦 30 英里的范围内似乎爆发了内战。

Glasscock, bowing to pressure, finally stepped in.

Glasscock 迫于压力，终于介入了。

He declared martial law in the coal fields of Paint Creek and Cabin Creek, and sent in 1,200 West Virginia National Guardsmen to disarm the combatants on both sides.

他在 Paint Creek 和 Cabin Creek 的煤田宣布戒严，并派出 1,200 名西弗吉尼亚国民警卫队士兵解除双方战斗人员的武装。

The troops confiscated more than 2,000 rifles and revolvers, 225,000 rounds of ammunition, and six machine guns.

部队缴获了2000多支步枪和左轮手枪、22.5万发弹药和6挺机枪。

Once the worst of the fighting had been checked, the governor encouraged the antagonists to sit down and work out a truce.

一旦最严重的战斗得到控制，州长就鼓励对手坐下来达成休战协议。

The UMW agreed to negotiate; the owners refused.

UMW 同意进行谈判；业主拒绝了。

John Hennen, Historian: : The production of coal was always a low margin of profit business.

历史学家 John Hennen：：煤炭生产一直是利润率较低的行业。

And every penny for every ton, from the perspective of the coal operators, they needed to maximize that margin as much as they possibly could.

从煤炭运营商的角度来看，每吨一分钱，他们需要尽可能地最大化利润。

And this of course meant to the operators, "We cannot afford to give an inch."

这对运营商来说当然意味着“我们寸步不让”。

Narrator: : Mine owners embarked on a vigorous campaign to import strikebreakers from New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Cleveland, St. Louis and the Deep South.

旁白： 矿主发起了一场轰轰烈烈的运动，从纽约、费城、芝加哥、克利夫兰、圣路易斯和南方腹地进口破坏罢工者。

"Transportation men" as they were called, poured into the area on armed trains, often under the protection of National Guardsmen.

他们被称为“运输员”，乘坐武装火车涌入该地区，通常在国民警卫队的保护下。

Strikers and their wives were often waiting to confront the transportation men when they disembarked at depots near Paint Creek and Cabin Creek.

当运输人员在 Paint Creek 和 Cabin Creek 附近的仓库下车时，罢工者和他们的妻子经常等待与他们对峙。

"My aunt Nellie stomped a strikebreaker in the face with her high heels, and tore his ears loose and knocked his teeth out and just about killed him," one woman remembered, "she was just a little thing and pregnant but she could fight and cuss good enough to be a man."

“我姑姑内莉用高跟鞋踩了一名罢工破坏者的脸，把他的耳朵扯下来，打掉了他的牙齿，差点杀了他，”一位妇女回忆道，“她只是个小东西，还怀孕了，但她能打架和骂人，足以成为一个男人。”

Paul Rakes, Historian: : The women involved in labor strikes, they have everything at stake.

历史学家 Paul Rakes：参与罢工的女性，她们的一切都处于危险之中。

The survival of their family is at stake.

他们一家人的生存受到威胁。

They're going to be the ones who provide much of the support network to keep the strike going.

他们将提供大量支持网络以维持罢工的进行。

Oftentimes standing up to company guards.

经常与公司警卫对抗。

My grandmother and my mother they would say, "There's nothing more vicious than a, than a woman on a strike line."

我的祖母和母亲会说：“没有什么比罢工线上的女人更恶毒的了。”

Denise Giardina, Writer: : Usually the women would gather outside the mine en masse, and try to keep the scabs from going in.

丹尼斯·贾迪纳（Denise Giardina），作家：通常，妇女们会聚集在矿井外，试图阻止工贼进去。

Armed not with guns, but with household utensils.

武装的不是枪，而是家庭用具。

Ronald Lewis, Historian: : African Americans are fully engaged in the strike.

历史学家罗纳德·刘易斯：：非裔美国人全力参与罢工。

They meet the trains carrying strikebreakers.

他们遇到了载有罢工破坏者的火车。

Dan Chain, alias "Few Clothes Johnson" was a very effective organizer and fearless.

丹·钱恩（Dan Chain），又名“少衣约翰逊”，是一位非常高效的组织者，而且无所畏惧。

He was very good with a gun and his fist.

他很擅长用枪和拳头。

It didn't matter if they were black or white, the strikebreakers.

不管他们是黑人还是白人，罢工破坏者。

They were strikebreakers.

他们是罢工破坏者。

This is not a race matter.

这不是种族问题。

This is a class matter.

这是阶级问题。

I don't mean that this is some kind of Utopian place, an egalitarian paradise or something.

我并不是说这是某种乌托邦、平等主义的天堂之类的地方。

It's not.

它不是。

But it's just that there are more pressing matters right now.

但只是现在还有更紧迫的事情。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : The coal operators, they felt that there was no chance those groups would cooperate.

Denise Giardina，作家：：煤炭运营商，他们认为这些团体没有机会合作。

But, no matter how segregated it is, you can't live in a coal camp without getting to know people.

但是，无论多么隔离，你都无法生活在煤炭营地而不认识别人。

You know, everybody shops at the company store.

你知道，每个人都在公司商店购物。

The men all socialize underground.

这些男人都在地下进行社交活动。

Nobody can see anybody's ethnicity 'cause everybody's covered in coal dust, and so after a period of time you get to know each other.

没有人能看出任何人的种族，因为每个人都浑身都是煤尘，所以一段时间后你们就会互相了解。

You see a huge ethnic diversity coming together in those conflicts.

你会看到巨大的种族多样性在这些冲突中汇聚在一起。

Narrator: : At Christmastime 1912, as the strike headed into its eighth month, Mother Jones made a visit to the camps in southern West Virginia, delivering shoes, clothes and presents for children.

旁白：1912 年圣诞节，罢工进入第八个月，琼斯修女拜访了西弗吉尼亚州南部的难民营，为孩子们送去了鞋子、衣服和礼物。

Frank and Bessie Keeney, and their four children, rang in the New Year in a tent.

弗兰克和贝西·基尼以及他们的四个孩子在帐篷里迎接新年。

John Alexander Williams, Historian: : The situation in the tent colonies would have been dispiriting.

历史学家约翰·亚历山大·威廉姆斯：帐篷殖民地的情况本来会令人沮丧。

But at the same time if you invested that much time in it then your stubbornness probably was as important as your weariness.

但同时，如果你投入了那么多时间，那么你的固执可能和你的疲倦一样重要。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : Frank Keeney had a book of poems and he kept it with him in his tent during the Paint Creek-Cabin Creek strike.

查克·基尼，历史学家：弗兰克·基尼有一本诗集，在油漆溪-卡宾溪罢工期间，他把它放在帐篷里。

And it was something that he turned to in probably some of the very dark moments of the strike.

在罢工的一些非常黑暗的时刻，他可能会转向这一点。

Keeney said to the miners, "One day there will be no more tent colonies, no more gunmen because of what you people are going through right now."

基尼对矿工们说：“有一天，由于你们人民现在所经历的一切，将不再有帐篷聚居地，也不会再有枪手。”

Narrator: : Keeney and his family were still living in a tent four months later, when the long stand-off between the striking miners and the coal operators came to an uneasy resolution.

旁白：四个月后，当罢工矿工和煤炭经营者之间的长期对峙以令人不安的方式解决时，基尼和他的家人仍然住在帐篷里。

On May first, 1913, West Virginia's newly inaugurated governor, Henry Hatfield, went into the coalfields and told the miners that their bloody year-long strike was finished.

1913 年 5 月 1 日，西弗吉尼亚州新上任的州长亨利·哈特菲尔德 (Henry Hatfield) 走进煤田，告诉矿工们，他们长达一年的血腥罢工已经结束。

The mine owners, Hatfield asserted, were willing to make concessions: an impartial agent to verify accurate tonnage, the right to shop at independent stores, and a nine-hour workday.

哈特菲尔德声称，矿主愿意做出让步：聘请公正的代理人来核实准确的吨位、在独立商店购物的权利以及九小时的工作日。

Most miners opposed it as too little, too late.

大多数矿工反对这一举措，认为力度太小、太晚了。

But the new governor pressured union officials into accepting the deal.

但新州长向工会官员施压，要求其接受该协议。

He gave the miners an ultimatum: go back to work, or be deported by the National Guard.

他向矿工们发出了最后通牒：要么回去工作，要么被国民警卫队驱逐出境。

Frank Keeney and a colleague from Cabin Creek, Fred Mooney, refused to be cowed by Governor Hatfield.

弗兰克·基尼和来自卡宾溪的同事弗雷德·穆尼拒绝被哈特菲尔德州长吓倒。

"I am a native West Virginian," Keeney would say, "and we don't propose to get out of the way when a lot of capitalists from New York and London come down here and tell us to get off the earth.

“我是土生土长的西弗吉尼亚人，”基尼会说，“当许多来自纽约和伦敦的资本家来到这里并告诉我们滚出地球时，我们并不打算走开。

We don't propose to be pushed off."

我们不建议被推迟。”

Keeney and Mooney kept up a series of wildcat strikes, with thousands of miners behind them, then mounted an insurgent campaign for the highest-ranking union offices in West Virginia.

基尼和穆尼在数千名矿工的支持下继续进行了一系列野猫罢工，然后针对西弗吉尼亚州最高级别的工会办公室发起了一场叛乱运动。

James Green, Author: : He managed to build a movement behind him that proved to be irresistible.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：他成功地在他身后发起了一场运动，事实证明这是不可抗拒的。

These renegades, these rank-and-file mavericks end up becoming the duly elected officials of a large district in the United Mine Workers union.

这些叛徒、这些普通的特立独行者最终成为联合煤矿工人工会一个大区正式选举产生的官员。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : Frank Keeney was elected President, Fred Mooney Secretary-Treasurer.

历史学家查克·基尼 (Chuck Keeney)：弗兰克·基尼 (Frank Keeney) 当选为总统，弗雷德·穆尼 (Fred Mooney) 当选为秘书兼财务长。

Now they have control over organizing the entire state and they can expand on what they tried to build on Paint Creek and Cabin Creek.

现在，他们可以控制整个州的组织，并且可以扩大他们试图在 Paint Creek 和 Cabin Creek 上建设的东西。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : For many West Virginians we have a strong attachment to place because it's not an easy place to live.

Denise Giardina，作家：对于许多西弗吉尼亚人来说，我们对地方有着强烈的依恋，因为它不是一个容易居住的地方。

At the same time, we relate to one another I think through the struggle of being here.

与此同时，我认为通过在这里的挣扎，我们彼此之间产生了联系。

Growing up in a coal camp you felt a sense of community.

在煤炭营地长大，你会感受到一种社区意识。

Your neighbors looked after one another.

你们的邻居互相照顾。

Everybody knew everybody else's business.

每个人都知道其他人的事。

Nobody looked down on anybody else and you're all in it together.

没有人瞧不起任何人，你们都在一起。

Narrator: : Thousands of West Virginians answered the nation's call to war in 1917.

旁白： 1917 年，成千上万的西弗吉尼亚人响应了国家的战争号召。

The state also supplied an outsize percentage of the natural resource most critical to the war effort.

国家还提供了大量对战争至关重要的自然资源。

David Corbin, Historian: : World War I is really a very powerful defining moment for West Virginia coal miners.

历史学家 David Corbin：对于西弗吉尼亚州的煤矿工人来说，第一次世界大战确实是一个非常重要的决定性时刻。

When the war breaks out, coal is in demand.

战争爆发时，煤炭需求旺盛。

President Woodrow Wilson calls coal miners the keystone of America's second line of defense, and the war effort depends on the coal you dig.

伍德罗·威尔逊总统称煤矿工人是美国第二道防线的基石，战争的努力取决于你开采的煤炭。

Narrator: : Frank Keeney, now president of West Virginia's most powerful and fastest-growing labor union, pushed his men to produce during the war, and to refrain from strikes.

旁白：弗兰克·基尼（Frank Keeney）现任西弗吉尼亚州最强大、发展最快的工会主席，他敦促手下在战争期间进行生产，并避免罢工。

"There must be no laggards, no frivolous quibblings," he declared.

“不能有落后者，不能有无聊的狡辩，”他宣称。

"We must stand shoulder to shoulder in this great battle for liberty and democracy."

“在这场争取自由和民主的伟大斗争中，我们必须并肩作战。”

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : Privately he condemned the war.

历史学家查克·基尼：他私下谴责了这场战争。

Privately he felt that the war was rich, imperial powers sending off working men from various countries to go kill one another.

私下里他觉得战争很丰富，帝国列强派出各国工人去互相残杀。

But publicly he supported the war.

但他在公开场合支持战争。

James Green, Author: : Keeney and Mother Jones decide that the war is really a tremendous opportunity for the labor movement.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：基尼和琼斯母亲认为，战争对于劳工运动来说确实是一个巨大的机会。

They support President Wilson's view of this as a war to make the world safe for democracy.

他们支持威尔逊总统的观点，认为这是一场让世界民主安全的战争。

They see the rhetoric of the war as having an impact in West Virginia and it's going to open the door to unionization.

他们认为战争的言论对西弗吉尼亚州产生了影响，这将为工会打开大门。

Beverly Gage, Historian: : Once the war comes to an end, a lot of labor leaders who really did throw in their lot with the federal government during the war believed that this is going to continue, that the war has legitimized the role of labor in helping to mobilize for the war effort, and that what's going to come out of this is going to be a kind of new order.

历史学家贝弗利·盖奇：一旦战争结束，许多在战争期间真正支持联邦政府的劳工领袖相信这种情况将会继续下去，战争使劳工在帮助动员战争努力方面的作用合法化，并且由此产生的将是一种新的秩序。

Narrator: : District 17 had emerged from the Great War with 30,000 members, a nearly five-fold increase in just a few years.

旁白： ：第一次世界大战后，第 17 区拥有 30,000 名成员，在短短几年内增加了近五倍。

The district had tens of thousands of dollars in the bank, and Frank Keeney and Fred Mooney were eager to finish the job they had started as young miners nearly twenty years earlier.

该地区的银行里有数万美元，弗兰克·基尼和弗雷德·穆尼渴望完成他们二十年前作为年轻矿工开始的工作。

The two meant to leverage their war-time gains to make a push into West Virginia's most stubbornly non-union counties -- Mingo, McDowell, and Logan.

两人打算利用他们在战时取得的成果，进军西弗吉尼亚州最顽固的非工会县——明戈县、麦克道尔县和洛根县。

They appeared to have the backing of the national union.

他们似乎得到了全国工会的支持。

At the end of January 1920, John L.

1920 年 1 月下旬，约翰·L.

Lewis, the imperious new UMW president, made his first trip to southern West Virginia.

专横的合顺大学新任校长刘易斯首次访问西弗吉尼亚州南部。

Lewis stood in downtown Bluefield, just down the street from the headquarters of the Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency, and announced the UMW's intention to organize every mine in southern West Virginia.

刘易斯站在布卢菲尔德市中心，就在鲍德温-费尔茨侦探社总部的街道上，宣布 UMW 打算组织西弗吉尼亚州南部的每个矿山。

James Green, Author: : West Virginia coal operators are gobbling up the market.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：西弗吉尼亚州煤炭运营商正在吞噬市场。

Lewis can see that if the UMW is unsuccessful in West Virginia it will keep eating into the union advantage in the north and then eventually the mine operators in Ohio will say, "We can't afford this contract anymore.

刘易斯可以看到，如果 UMW 在西弗吉尼亚州不成功，它将继续蚕食北部的工会优势，最终俄亥俄州的矿山经营者会说：“我们再也负担不起这份合同了。

We're going to have to lower our wages and lower our prices to compete with the West Virginia coal."

我们将不得不降低工资和价格才能与西弗吉尼亚煤炭竞争。”

Thomas Andrews, Historian: : Southern West Virginia was the single biggest threat to the union.

历史学家托马斯·安德鲁斯：：西弗吉尼亚州南部是联邦面临的最大威胁。

It had to be neutralized.

它必须被中和。

The fear of union organizers and of union leaders, and it was a very legitimate fear, was that southern West Virginia coal would undermine everything that the union had gained at such cost in the struggles that it waged since its creation in 1890.

工会组织者和工会领导人担心，西弗吉尼亚州南部的煤炭会破坏工会自 1890 年成立以来在斗争中付出巨大代价所取得的一切，这是一种非常合理的担心。

James Green, Author: : The number one objective after the war is to organize West Virginia, and Lewis needs Frank Keeney to do that.

詹姆斯·格林，作者：：战后的首要目标是组织西弗吉尼亚州，刘易斯需要弗兰克·基尼来做到这一点。

So even though Keeney is a Socialist, and a renegade, and, and Lewis is a conservative and a Republican they become allies.

因此，尽管基尼是社会主义者、叛徒，而刘易斯是保守派、共和党人，但他们还是成为了盟友。

Narrator: : West Virginia mine owners were in a fighting mood, too.

旁白：：西弗吉尼亚州的矿主也处于战斗情绪中。

They were increasingly uneasy about their post-war prospects.

他们对战后的前景越来越不安。

Demand had plummeted after the armistice, while coal's share of the national energy market was being crowded by fuel oil and natural gas.

停战后需求大幅下降，而煤炭在全国能源市场的份额被燃油和天然气挤占。

The West Virginians clung to the one advantage they had over their counterparts to the north: they could pay non-union workers whatever they pleased, which was usually at least 15 percent less than the going union rate.

西弗吉尼亚人坚持他们相对于北方同行的一个优势：他们可以向非工会工人支付任何他们愿意的工资，这通常比现行工会工资至少低 15%。

The state's coal operators had already created a fund to halt the UMW's encroachment into West Virginia -- much of it earmarked for Baldwin Felts agents.

该州的煤炭运营商已经设立了一项基金，以阻止 UMW 侵占西弗吉尼亚州，其中大部分资金专门用于鲍德温费尔茨的代理商。

West Virginia coal operators did not depend on intimidation alone.

西弗吉尼亚州的煤炭运营商不仅仅依靠恐吓。

Justus Collins had spent several thousand dollars to build churches, schools and recreational facilities in his company town.

贾斯特斯·柯林斯花费了数千美元在他的公司城镇建造教堂、学校和娱乐设施。

"While no great money maker," his mine manager noted, "it will pay interest on the investment and will give our people here something to live for."

他的矿经理指出：“虽然这不是一笔大生意，但它会带来投资利息，并为我们这里的人民提供生活的保障。”

John Hennen, Historian: : Companies in southern West Virginia wanted to go the route of so-called welfare capitalism.

历史学家约翰·亨南 (John Hennen)：西弗吉尼亚州南部的公司希望走所谓福利资本主义的道路。

"We'll provide a little bit better housing than we used to, we'll provide recreational programs, we'll make sure that we have happy workers but it won't be by giving up any of our independence to control the means of production or to control wage rates."

“我们将提供比以前更好的住房，我们将提供娱乐项目，我们将确保我们拥有快乐的工人，但这不会通过放弃我们控制生产资料或控制工资率的任何独立性来实现。”

Joe William Trotter, Jr., Historian: : This whole idea of welfare capitalism and paternalism starts to really...

小乔·威廉·特罗特 (Joe William Trotter, Jr.)，历史学家：：福利资本主义和家长式作风的整个观念开始真正......

take hold in some ways as a mechanism for short-circuiting the more militant demands from the union.

在某些方面作为一种机制来阻止工会提出更激进的要求。

Some of these operators believed that it would help to squash the union.

其中一些经营者认为这将有助于镇压工会。

Narrator: : "In our town we have good churches and schools," one miner said, "but there is another thing of much more importance that the coal operators have intentionally overlooked -- our freedom."

旁白：“在我们镇上，我们有很好的教堂和学校，”一位矿工说，“但还有另一件更重要的事情被煤炭经营者故意忽视了——我们的自由。”

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : The coal operators controlled everything you did in the camp.

当地历史学家道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)：：煤炭经营者控制着你在营地中所做的一切。

The post offices were always in the company store and the postmaster was always a company official, and they went through your mail.

邮局总是在公司商店里，邮局局长总是公司官员，他们会检查你的邮件。

They did not allow what they might consider subversive literature to come into your hands.

他们不允许他们认为具有颠覆性的文学作品落入你的手中。

You couldn't speak to who you wanted to speak to, and you couldn't say the things you wanted to say.

你无法对你想跟的人说话，也无法说出你想说的话。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : The hard part came from knowing that you did not live in a free place, and if you stuck out in any way you would get stamped back down.

丹尼斯·贾迪纳（Denise Giardina），编剧：：最困难的部分是知道你并不是生活在一个自由的地方，如果你以任何方式坚持，你就会被踩回去。

Narrator: : In the spring of 1920, a small delegation from a non-union mine in Mingo County arrived at Frank Keeney's office in Charleston.

旁白： 1920 年春天，明戈县一个非工会矿山的一个小型代表团抵达弗兰克·基尼位于查尔斯顿的办公室。

They had read about the post-war wage gains union coal miners were getting all over the country, and they did not want to be left out.

他们读到了战后全国各地工会煤矿工人工资上涨的消息，他们不想被排除在外。

Keeney's campaign to unionize southern West Virginia had been stalled for three months.

基尼在西弗吉尼亚州南部成立工会的运动已经停滞了三个月。

He jumped at the chance to organize the first local UMW chapter in Mingo.

他抓住了这个机会，在 Mingo 组织了首个 UMW 当地分会。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : Mingo County presented a unique opportunity to launch their effort to unionize all of southern West Virginia.

丽贝卡·贝利 (Rebecca Bailey)，历史学家：：明戈县提供了一个独特的机会来努力将西弗吉尼亚州南部全部地区纳入工会。

The focus wasn't just on Mingo.

焦点不仅仅集中在 Mingo 身上。

District 17 looking at the situation in the spring of 1920 said, "we've got men down there who will join the union." Mingo County provided the beachhead opportunity.

1920 年春天，第 17 区在审视局势时说：“我们那里有人愿意加入工会。”明戈县提供了滩头阵地的机会。

Narrator: : Keeney dispatched a team of organizers to set up headquarters in Matewan, a town on the West Virginia-Kentucky border.

旁白：基尼派遣了一个组织者团队在西弗吉尼亚州和肯塔基州边境的小镇马特万设立总部。

John Hennen, Historian: : Matewan was in many ways an exception to the rule of the company-owned towns.

历史学家约翰·亨南 (John Hennen)：：马特万在很多方面都是公司拥有的城镇规则的例外。

Matewan was independent.

马特万是独立的。

Denise Giardina, Writer: : Matewan wasn't owned by a coal company.

丹尼斯·贾迪纳 (Denise Giardina)，编剧：：马特万并不属于煤炭公司。

It was a center where miners and union leaders could actually be there with some freedom.

这是一个矿工和工会领导人实际上可以享有一定自由的中心。

Narrator: : At the first union rally in Mingo County, held in Matewan's Baptist church, 300 miners came forward to swear allegiance to the union; hundreds more took their oath of obligation the next day.

旁白：：明戈县第一次工会集会在马特万浸信会教堂举行，300 名矿工站出来宣誓效忠工会；第二天，还有数百人宣誓就职。

Mine owners in Mingo began to take notice.

明戈的矿主开始注意到这一点。

They were pulling almost ten million dollars worth of coal from the ground every year, and they were terrified that the UMW would cut into profits.

他们每年从地下开采价值近千万美元的煤炭，他们担心合顺会削减利润。

James Green, Author: : Employers start demanding that anybody in their employ sign a new contract, saying "you will never, as a condition of your employment, join the United Mine Workers of America." The union calls these contracts the Yellow Dog contract, in other words only a yellow dog would sign one.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：雇主开始要求他们雇用的任何人签署新合同，并说“作为雇用条件，你永远不会加入美国煤矿工人联合会”。工会将这些合同称为“黄狗合同”，换句话说，只有黄狗才会签署。

John Hennen, Historian: : If you went to work for the Red Jacket Coal Company you had to sign a contract that said, "I am not a member of the United Mine Workers.

约翰·亨南（John Hennen），历史学家：如果你去红夹克煤炭公司工作，你必须签署一份合同，上面写着：“我不是联合煤矿工人的成员。

I'm not a member of the Industrial Workers of the World.

我不是世界产业工人协会的成员。

I believe that individual contract between employer and employee is the American way and I will never violate this."

我相信雇主和雇员之间的个人合同是美国的方式，我永远不会违反这一点。”

Narrator: : In spite of the Yellow Dog threat, union operatives in Mingo County claimed to have signed up nearly 3,000 of Mingo's 4,000 miners.

旁白：：尽管有黄狗威胁，明戈县的工会工作人员声称已与明戈县 4,000 名矿工中的近 3,000 人签约。

The union had help from local public officials there, too.

该工会也得到了当地政府官员的帮助。

The county sheriff was doing what he could to stall evictions, and to keep the mine guards out of his jurisdiction.

县治安官正在尽其所能阻止驱逐，并将矿井警卫排除在他的管辖范围之外。

And the mayor of Matewan, Cabell Testerman, was a champion of the union cause.

马特万市长卡贝尔·泰斯特曼 (Cabell Testerman) 是工会事业的拥护者。

His hand-picked chief of police, Sid Hatfield, was a miner's man, too.

他亲手挑选的警察局长席德·哈特菲尔德（Sid Hatfield）也是一名矿工。

Hatfield had worked briefly in the mines, and was handy with a gun -- he had killed at least one man.

哈特菲尔德曾在矿井工作过一段时间，并且能熟练使用枪——他至少杀死了一个人。

John Hennen, Historian: : Sid Hatfield was somewhat of a rarity in that coal-dominated region because he was pro-union.

约翰·亨南（John Hennen），历史学家：：席德·哈特菲尔德（Sid Hatfield）在那个以煤炭为主的地区有点罕见，因为他支持工会。

He probably felt that being on the side of this force, this labor movement in southern West Virginia would, would work to his advantage in the long run.

他可能觉得，站在这股力量的一边，西弗吉尼亚州南部的这场劳工运动从长远来看会对他有利。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : Sid Hatfield definitely was no angel.

道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)，当地历史学家：：席德·哈特菲尔德 (Sid Hatfield) 绝对不是天使。

He was a rough and tough character.

他是一个粗暴而强硬的人。

He was not really a Hatfield by blood.

他并不是真正的哈特菲尔德血统。

But Sid liked that reputation of being a Hatfield because this was the area where the Hatfields of the Hatfield-McCoy feud had originated and so he played up to it.

但希德喜欢哈特菲尔德家族的名声，因为这里是哈特菲尔德家族和麦考伊家族不和的发源地，所以他也很乐意这么做。

John Hennen, Historian: : He seemed to convey this sense of barely contained, possibly violent energy.

约翰·亨南（John Hennen），历史学家：：他似乎传达了这种几乎不受控制的、可能是暴力的能量的感觉。

Narrator: : On a warm, drizzly morning in May, 1920, a dozen Baldwin-Felts detectives boarded a train near their headquarters in Bluefield, bound for Matewan.

旁白：1920 年 5 月一个温暖、细雨蒙蒙的早晨，十几名鲍德温-费尔特侦探在布卢菲尔德总部附近登上了一列开往马特万的火车。

The mine guards carried their trademark 30-30 Winchesters and pocketsful of eviction warrants.

矿井警卫携带着他们标志性的 30-30 温彻斯特手枪和一袋袋驱逐令。

The long-time head of the detective agency, Tom Felts, was tired of the Mingo County sheriff's delaying tactics.

长期担任侦探机构负责人的汤姆·费尔茨 (Tom Felts) 对明戈县治安官的拖延战术感到厌倦。

Felts had been in control of the West Virginia coalfields for nearly 20 years, and was unaccustomed to being challenged.

费尔茨控制西弗吉尼亚煤田近20年，不习惯受到挑战。

He had sent the contingent -- led by his brothers Albert and Lee -- to see that the evictions were carried out.

他派出了由他的兄弟阿尔伯特和李率领的特遣队去监督驱逐的实施。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : Of all days, they chose May 19th, Union Relief Day.

历史学家丽贝卡·贝利 (Rebecca Bailey)：：在所有日子中，他们选择了 5 月 19 日，即联邦救济日。

The union was in Matewan distributing the relief pay and the relief food supplies to the union miners.

工会在马特万向工会矿工分发救济金和救济食品。

That added about 2,000 people to the population of Matewan on that day.

当天，马特万的人口增加了约 2,000 人。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : The Baldwin-Felts detectives showed up to carry out evictions at Stone Mountain Coal up on Warm Hollow.

道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)，当地历史学家：：鲍德温-费尔茨侦探现身，对温暖山谷 (Warm Hollow) 的石山煤矿 (Stone Mountain Coal) 进行驱逐。

The Baldwin-Felts were met by Cabell Testerman and Sid Hatfield, who questioned their authority to carry out the evictions.

卡贝尔·泰斯特曼和席德·哈特菲尔德会见了鲍德温-费尔特夫妇，他们质疑他们实施驱逐的权力。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : Albert Felts pulled the eviction writ warrants out of his pocket and he said, "prove to me that these aren't legal and we'll cease and desist immediately.

丽贝卡·贝利，历史学家：阿尔伯特·费尔茨从口袋里掏出驱逐令，他说：“向我证明这些不合法，我们将立即停止。

But until you can and do, we're going about our business."

但在你能做到并且做到之前，我们将继续我们的业务。”

John Hennen, Historian: : Everybody knew the Baldwin-Felts agents were out on the outskirts of Matewan evicting people from their homes.

历史学家约翰·亨南 (John Hennen)：每个人都知道鲍德温-费尔特家族的特工正在马特万郊区将人们驱逐出家园。

Carl Starr, Sr., Coal Miner: : They throwed this guy's, all his furniture, food, clothes, and everything, throwed it out in the road.

老卡尔·斯塔尔（Carl Starr），煤矿工人：：他们把他的所有家具、食物、衣服和所有东西都扔到了路上。

The miners, they just, just got fed up.

矿工们，他们只是，厌倦了。

They just took so much they couldn't, just couldn't take no more, you know.

他们承受的太多了，他们无法承受，无法再承受，你知道。

Kick a dog around so long, pretty soon it's going to bite you.

把狗踢这么久，它很快就会咬你。

Narrator: : The Baldwin Felts agents returned to Matewan to catch the train back to Bluefield.

旁白：鲍德温·费尔茨特工返回马特万，搭乘火车返回布卢菲尔德。

Sid Hatfield was waiting.

席德·哈特菲尔德正在等待。

He and Mayor Testerman had sworn out arrest warrants against the mine guards for carrying firearms within city limits.

他和泰斯特曼市长宣誓撤销对在城市范围内携带枪支的矿警的逮捕令。

When Hatfield and Testerman began to argue with the Felts brothers, miners and townsmen edged toward the scene.

当哈特菲尔德和泰斯特曼开始与费尔茨兄弟争执时，矿工和城镇居民纷纷靠近现场。

The other Baldwin-Felts men were down the street at the railroad depot, waiting for their train home.

鲍德温-费尔特夫妇的其他人正在街上的火车站等待回家的火车。

Carl Starr, Sr., Coal Miner: : They already had their rifles put in their bags and all of a sudden somebody shot.

老卡尔·斯塔尔（Carl Starr），煤矿工人：：他们已经把步枪放进包里了，突然有人开枪了。

John Hennen, Historian: : There was firing apparently from the ground level and from the second story of some of these buildings.

历史学家约翰·亨南 (John Hennen)： 显然是从地面和其中一些建筑物的二楼发生了枪击事件。

That gives some credibility to the speculation that this was a, a planned attack.

这让人们相信这是一次有计划的袭击的猜测。

Narrator: : When the initial shootout ended, Albert and Lee Felts were dead and Mayor Testerman was dying.

旁白：：当最初的枪战结束时，阿尔伯特和李·费尔茨死了，泰斯特曼市长也快要死了。

Two miners also died of gunshot wounds that day, and four local citizens were wounded.

当天还有两名矿工因枪伤死亡，四名当地居民受伤。

Miners killed five other Baldwin-Felts agents, including a few who tried to run.

矿工们杀死了另外五名鲍德温-费尔特特工，其中包括一些试图逃跑的人。

The bodies of the dead mine guards were left in the streets until after nightfall.

死去的矿井警卫的尸体一直留在街上，直到夜幕降临。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : To the miners, Sid Hatfield was a mountain Gabriel, an avenging archangel who struck back at their oppressors, giving them exactly what they deserved.

历史学家丽贝卡·贝利 (Rebecca Bailey)：对于矿工来说，席德·哈特菲尔德 (Sid Hatfield) 是一座高山加百利，是一位复仇的大天使，他反击了压迫者，给予了他们应有的报应。

Narrator: : The shootout at Matewan electrified the union movement in southern West Virginia.

旁白：：马特万的枪战震惊了西弗吉尼亚州南部的工会运动。

UMW President John L.

UMW 总裁约翰·L.

Lewis scrambled organizers from the national office to the area.

刘易斯将组织者从国家办公室赶到该地区。

Frank Keeney shipped in extra men from the District 17 headquarters in Charleston.

弗兰克·基尼 (Frank Keeney) 从查尔斯顿第 17 区总部运来了额外的人员。

Among the most enthusiastic newcomers was C.E.

C.E.是最热情的新人之一。

Lively, who invited the local miners to use his new restaurant in downtown Matewan as their clubhouse.

莱弗利邀请当地矿工使用他在马特万市中心的新餐厅作为他们的俱乐部会所。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : C.

Doug Estepp，当地历史学家：：C.

E.

E.

Lively had long been active in union affairs.

莱弗利长期以来一直积极参与工会事务。

He had grown up near Cabin Creek and knew Fred Mooney from his days as a boy there.

他在卡宾溪附近长大，小时候就认识弗雷德·穆尼。

So he was well-known amongst the miners and helped to organize several locals there.

因此，他在矿工中很有名，并帮助组织了当地的几名矿工。

Narrator: : Mother Jones raced back to West Virginia to rally the miners in Mingo County.

旁白：琼斯妈妈跑回西弗吉尼亚州，集结明戈县的矿工。

A bright new day was coming, she told a crowd of more than 1,500.

她告诉超过 1,500 名群众，美好的新一天即将到来。

In Matewan, Mother Jones posed for publicity photos with Sid Hatfield and other union supporters.

在马特万，琼斯妈妈与席德·哈特菲尔德和其他工会支持者合影留念。

James Green, Author: : Keeney believes that he can organize Mingo County and even move into McDowell County, which is an even tougher target.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：基尼相信他可以组织明戈县，甚至进入麦克道尔县，这是一个更加艰巨的目标。

And he says to Lewis, "We've got 'em on the run."

他对刘易斯说：“我们已经让他们在逃了。”

Narrator: : Keeney sent each of the 71 coal operators in Mingo County a message saying his union was ready to sit down and negotiate an amicable settlement of all matters of difference between the miners and their respective employers.

旁白：基尼向明戈县 71 家煤炭经营者分别发送了一条信息，表示他的工会已准备好坐下来，通过谈判友好解决矿工与其各自雇主之间的所有分歧问题。

The owners answered individually, but in almost identical language.

业主们分别回答，但语言几乎相同。

"We emphatically decline to join in any meeting to harmonize trouble which you have brought on in this county."

“我们坚决拒绝参加任何协调你给本县带来的麻烦的会议。”

On July 1, 1920, Frank Keeney called for a general strike in Mingo County.

1920 年 7 月 1 日，弗兰克·基尼 (Frank Keeney) 号召明戈县举行总罢工。

Thousands of miners walked off the job, and let it be known that they would not tolerate strikebreakers.

数千名矿工罢工，让人们知道他们不会容忍破坏罢工的人。

"In their present temper these men are not to be fooled with," Frank Keeney told reporters.

弗兰克·基尼对记者说：“以他们目前的脾气，这些人是不能被愚弄的。”

When the miners and their families celebrated Independence Day three days into the strike, the mood was buoyant.

罢工三天后，矿工及其家人庆祝独立日，气氛十分活跃。

There was music, picnics, baseball...

有音乐、野餐、棒球……

and speeches from union officials.

以及工会官员的讲话。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : These were heady days for the union in Southern West Virginia.

当地历史学家道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)：：对于西弗吉尼亚州南部的工会来说，这是令人兴奋的日子。

Ninety-five percent of the coal miners in Mingo County were on strike and had joined the union.

明戈县百分之九十五的煤矿工人参加了罢工并加入了工会。

The miners were confident that things were going to change finally.

矿工们相信事情最终会发生变化。

Narrator: : Mingo County mine owners followed the old playbook that had always worked in West Virginia.

旁白：：明戈县矿主遵循在西弗吉尼亚州一直有效的旧剧本。

They fired the striking miners, threw them out of their company houses, and imported strikebreakers.

他们解雇了罢工的矿工，将他们赶出公司，并引进了破坏罢工的人。

But they were also working a new angle: a stirring plea in the court of public opinion.

但他们也正在研究一个新的角度：在舆论法庭上提出激动人心的请求。

Coal operators played to middle-class Americans frightened by the murderous revolt in Russia, where the working class had seized private property by sheer brute force...

煤炭经营者利用俄罗斯的残酷叛乱吓坏了美国中产阶级，那里的工人阶级通过纯粹的暴力夺取了私有财产……

and the Bolsheviks had nationalized every major industry.

布尔什维克将所有主要工业国有化。

Beverly Gage, Historian: : Many of the mine owners, during this period were making a case that what American freedom was really about was the right to private property, the employer's right to control the property that he owned, and that the kinds of tactics and the kinds of institutions that workers were trying to develop during this period were un-American.

历史学家贝弗利·盖奇：在这一时期，许多矿主都在论证美国自由的真正含义是私有财产权、雇主控制其拥有的财产的权利，以及工人们在这一时期试图发展的策略和制度都是非美国式的。

John Hennen, Historian: : They had adopted this plan and they very calculatedly and brilliantly in a lot of ways called it The American Plan.

历史学家约翰·亨南 (John Hennen)：：他们采用了这个计划，并且在很多方面经过深思熟虑和出色地称之为“美国计划”。

It emphasized elements of loyalty and patriotism being equated with the capitalist model.

它强调忠诚和爱国主义的要素与资本主义模式等同。

They believed that this miners' uprising was a sign of disloyalty and revolution of the worst sort.

他们认为，这次矿工起义是不忠诚和最糟糕的革命的表现。

Beverly Gage, Historian: : People were genuinely concerned that the United States was on the verge of some kind of revolutionary unrest, that they were actually beginning to see this happening and that things might only get worse.

历史学家贝弗利·盖奇：：人们真诚地担心美国正处于某种革命动乱的边缘，他们实际上开始看到这种情况正在发生，而且事情可能只会变得更糟。

Narrator: : The biggest courtroom in Mingo County was full beyond capacity on the morning of January 26, 1921.

旁白： 1921 年 1 月 26 日上午，明戈县最大的法庭已满员。

The overflow crowded the streets outside.

外面的街道上人满为患。

Federal troops stood at the ready in case the tense scene erupted in gunfire.

联邦军队严阵以待，以防紧张局势爆发枪声。

Twenty three men were about to go on trial for the murder of the Baldwin-Felts agents in Matewan, but the focus was on one particular defendant: Sid Hatfield.

二十三名男子即将因在马特万谋杀鲍德温-费尔特特工而受审，但焦点集中在一名特定的被告身上：席德·哈特菲尔德。

Tom Felts had spent months building the case against Hatfield and disparaging his character.

汤姆·费尔茨花了几个月的时间对哈特菲尔德提起诉讼并贬低他的品格。

His whisper campaign marked Hatfield a liar, a coward, a cold-blooded killer, a bastard...

他的耳语活动标志着哈特菲尔德是一个骗子、一个懦夫、一个冷血杀手、一个混蛋……

and Felts never missed a chance to point out that Chief Hatfield had married Mayor Testerman's widow within two weeks of the shootout.

费尔茨抓住一切机会指出，哈特菲尔德酋长在枪战发生后两周内就与泰斯特曼市长的遗孀结婚了。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : The Baldwin-Felts made a lot of this.

道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)，当地历史学家：鲍德温-费尔特家族对此做了很多贡献。

They claimed that he was the one who shot the mayor in order to get to the mayor's wife.

他们声称他是为了接近市长妻子而射杀市长的人。

Narrator: : Sid Hatfield was unflappable; this wasn't his first run-in with the law.

旁白：：希德·哈特菲尔德镇定自若；这并不是他第一次触犯法律。

He teased newspaper reporters for labeling him the "Terror of the Tug," and kept them generally amused.

他嘲笑报纸记者给他贴上“拖船恐怖分子”的标签，并让他们普遍感到好笑。

"I reckon you thought I had horns," he told them.

“我猜你们以为我有角，”他告诉他们。

Among the first witnesses at the trial was C.E.

C.E.是庭审的第一批证人之一。

Lively, the union man who had given the miners safe haven in his Matewan restaurant.

莱弗利是一位工会成员，他在自己的马特万餐厅为矿工们提供了安全的避难所。

On the stand that day, Lively proudly revealed himself to be a long-time undercover detective for the Baldwin-Felts Agency.

那天，莱弗利在证人席上自豪地透露自己是鲍德温-费尔茨机构的长期卧底侦探。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : They said the roof almost came off at the courthouse.

丽贝卡·贝利（Rebecca Bailey），历史学家：：他们说法院的屋顶几乎脱落了。

Sid Hatfield and several of the other defendants supposedly jumped up out of their seats and began cussing and threatening his life, and then sat down shaking because what Lively proceeded to say was what these men in Matewan had said in what they thought was confidence.

据说席德·哈特菲尔德和其他几名被告从座位上跳起来，开始咒骂并威胁他的生命，然后浑身颤抖地坐下来，因为莱弗利接下来说的是马特万的这些人在他们认为是自信的情况下所说的话。

And he did his best to use it to try to help them hang.

他尽最大努力用它来帮助他们上吊。

Narrator: : Lively testified that Hatfield had bragged to him of killing Albert Felts, and of putting a bullet in Mayor Testerman's belly so he could steal his wife.

旁白：莱弗利作证说，哈特菲尔德曾向他吹嘘自己杀死了艾伯特·费尔茨，并向泰斯特曼市长的腹部开了一枪，这样他就可以偷走他的妻子。

The trial stretched for nearly two months; evidence included a scale model of the murder scene.

审判持续了近两个月；证据包括谋杀现场的比例模型。

The Baldwin-Felts Agency paid to bolster the prosecution team.

鲍德温-费尔茨机构出资支持检方团队。

The United Mine Workers of America paid the attorneys for the defense.

美国煤矿工人联合会支付了辩护律师的费用。

The jury returned a finding of "Not Guilty" for all the defendants, on all counts.

陪审团对所有被告的所有罪名作出“无罪”裁决。

Much of the audience in the courtroom stood and cheered; other onlookers sat in stunned silence, which quickly turned to outright fury.

法庭上的大部分观众起立欢呼。其他旁观者保持着震惊的沉默，很快就变成了彻底的愤怒。

Carl Starr, Sr., Coal Miner: : Some of the people they called them murderers.

老卡尔·斯塔尔（Carl Starr），煤矿工人：：有些人被他们称为杀人犯。

It's just according to which way you believed.

这只是根据你相信的方式。

If you didn't believe in the union it was murders.

如果你不相信工会那就是谋杀。

If you believed in the union it wasn't murder.

如果你相信工会，那就不是谋杀。

Narrator: : Tom Felts vowed to get justice for his dead brothers, but the Mingo County mine operators kept focus on the bigger battle.

旁白：汤姆·费尔茨发誓要为死去的兄弟伸张正义，但明戈县的矿主却把注意力集中在更大的战斗上。

The state's new governor, Ephraim Morgan, had doubled the size of his police force, and he was using it to protect West Virginia's most profitable industry.

该州新任州长埃弗雷姆·摩根(Ephraim Morgan)将警察队伍规模扩大了一倍，他用它来保护西弗吉尼亚州最赚钱的行业。

The coal mines in Mingo County were running at near capacity in May of 1921, when striking miners embarked on what appeared to be a desperate, last-chance offensive: union men opened fire on strikebreakers at a mine a few miles down river from Matewan and dynamited the company's power plant.

1921 年 5 月，明戈县的煤矿已经接近满负荷运转，罢工的矿工们开始了一场看似孤注一掷、最后机会的攻势：工会人员在距离马特万河下游几英里的一个矿井向破坏罢工的人开火，并炸毁了该公司的发电厂。

A few days later, the strikers attacked the town itself.

几天后，罢工者袭击了该镇。

David Corbin, Historian: : The miners launched a full-scale assault.

历史学家大卫·科尔宾：：矿工们发起了全面进攻。

They cut down the telephone and telegraph wires, and started firing into the town indiscriminately, mostly at the mines, at the company store, at the homes to intimidate the hell out of the strikebreakers.

他们切断了电话和电报线，并开始不分青红皂白地向镇上开枪，主要是在矿井、公司商店、住宅中，以恐吓破坏罢工的人。

Narrator: : Governor Morgan dispatched several State Police units to put a stop to the violence.

旁白：：摩根州长派遣了几支州警察部队来制止暴力事件。

The fight between state troopers and mine guards on one side, and striking miners on the other, spread to a half-dozen mines.

一边是州警察和矿井警卫，另一边是罢工矿工，冲突蔓延到了六个矿井。

Strikers dynamited tipples and destroyed mine equipment.

罢工者炸毁了酒类并毁坏了地雷设备。

"In the name of God and humanity," one coal operator wrote to the Secretary of War in Washington, "please hurry federal aid to Matewan.

“以上帝和人类的名义，”一位煤炭经营者写信给华盛顿的战争部长，“请尽快向马特万提供联邦援助。

Our citizens are being shot down like rats."

我们的公民像老鼠一样被击落。”

On May 18th, a crowd of 250 men filled the courthouse where Sid Hatfield had been acquitted a few months earlier.

5 月 18 日，250 名男子挤满了法院，几个月前，席德·哈特菲尔德 (Sid Hatfield) 被无罪释放。

These were men who liked to think of themselves as "the better people" of Mingo: lawyers, physicians, merchants, clergymen, officers of the American Legion and the YMCA.

这些人喜欢认为自己是明戈的“更好的人”：律师、医生、商人、牧师、美国军团和基督教青年会的军官。

They had come to take up arms in the county's new "vigilance committee."

他们是来该县新成立的“警戒委员会”拿起武器的。

John Alexander Williams, Historian: : These are people that didn't necessarily identify with the miners that worked up in the hollows and mined the coal on which the county's prosperity depended.

历史学家约翰·亚历山大·威廉姆斯 (John Alexander Williams)：这些人并不一定认同那些在山谷里工作、开采煤炭的矿工，而该县的繁荣依赖于这些煤炭。

They felt threatened by the union and that they needed to guard against outside agitators.

他们感到受到工会的威胁，需要防范外部煽动者。

Narrator: : The day after the meeting, Governor Morgan declared martial law in Mingo County.

旁白：：会议第二天，摩根州长宣布明戈县戒严。

It was to be enforced by the state police and the hastily formed and untrained vigilance committee, all under the command of the adjutant general of the West Virginia National Guard.

该行动将由州警察和仓促组建且未经训练的警戒委员会执行，所有这些委员会都在西弗吉尼亚州国民警卫队副将的指挥下。

Thomas Andrews, Historian: : What you see is really a failed state in a lot of ways.

历史学家托马斯·安德鲁斯：：你所看到的在很多方面确实是一个失败的国家。

Both local politics and state politics were very much controlled by the coal operators.

地方政治和州政治都很大程度上受到煤炭经营者的控制。

And so, often times you had state power coming into play on the side of the operators.

因此，国家权力常常在运营商一方发挥作用。

Narrator: : "The big advantage of this martial law," a young trooper remarked, "is that if there's an agitator around you can just stick him in jail and keep him there."

旁白：“戒严令的一大好处，”一名年轻士兵说道，“如果周围有煽动者，你可以把他关进监狱，把他关在那里。”

Men were arrested on charges that included "bunching," -- talking in groups of three or more.

男子被捕的罪名包括“聚在一起”，即三人或三人以上聚在一起交谈。

State police jailed one union miner for "conspiracy," after he "passed through the tent colony and several men followed him into the woods."

一名工会矿工“穿过帐篷区，几名男子尾随他进入树林”，州警方以“共谋”罪名将他监禁。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : The men who were sitting in the jails were there because they'd been denied the rights that the rest of America took and take for granted.

丽贝卡·贝利（Rebecca Bailey），历史学家：：那些被关进监狱的人之所以被关在那里，是因为他们被剥夺了美国其他地区所享有并视为理所当然的权利。

One man was arrested because a deputy walked up and saw a copy of the United Mine Workers Journal folded up in his back pocket.

一名男子被捕，因为一名警员走过来，看到他后口袋里折叠着一份《联合矿工杂志》。

Ronald Lewis, Historian: : They can haul you off to jail, for what?

罗纳德·刘易斯（Ronald Lewis），历史学家：：他们可以把你抓进监狱，为了什么？

It doesn't matter, just because they decided to put you in jail.

没关系，只是因为他们决定把你关进监狱。

There is a supposed to be a rule of law, but whose rule of law is this?

应该有法治，但这是谁的法治？

This not an objective rule of law.

这不是客观的法治。

This is one suited only to maintain the power of the coal operator.

这仅适用于维持煤炭运营商的电力。

Joe William Trotter, Jr., Historian: : It reminded black workers of slavery.

历史学家乔·威廉·特罗特 (Joe William Trotter, Jr.)：它让黑人工人想起了奴隶制。

They understood things about justice and about collectivity as opposed to individualism.

他们理解正义和集体而不是个人主义。

But it was grounded, in a different set of sensibilities.

但它是建立在不同的情感基础上的。

There are a lot testimonials where black miners would say, "I was a slave just like we feel now."

有很多黑人矿工的证词会说：“我曾经是一个奴隶，就像我们现在的感觉一样。”

James Green, Author: : The rest of the residents of Mingo County say, "we're okay with this.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：明戈县的其他居民说：“我们对此表示同意。

This is a trouble that these miners put themselves into" and so they have sacrificed their rights as American citizens.

这是这些矿工给自己带来的麻烦”，因此他们牺牲了作为美国公民的权利。

Narrator: : On June 14, 1921, following reports that strikers had shot at a mine superintendent, 70 state troopers raided a tent colony near Matewan.

旁白：1921 年 6 月 14 日，有报道称罢工者向矿长开枪，70 名州警突袭了马特万附近的一个帐篷营地。

They searched and ransacked every household, and confiscated all the weapons and ammunition they could find.

他们搜查了家家户户，没收了所有能找到的武器弹药。

They tipped over cookstoves, poured kerosene in milk and cut open the canvas tents.

他们打翻了炉灶，将煤油倒入牛奶中，并切开帆布帐篷。

They killed one unarmed miner, then marched 45 others into town at the point of a gun and locked them up without formal charges.

他们杀害了一名手无寸铁的矿工，然后用枪将另外 45 名矿工押入镇内，并在没有正式指控的情况下将他们关押起来。

More than a hundred union men had been jailed under martial law by then.

当时已有一百多名工会成员因戒严而被监禁。

James Green, Author: : I think Frank Keeney feels a deep sense of personal responsibility for these people in Mingo County who are living in what are almost like concentration camps.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：我认为弗兰克·基尼对明戈县的这些生活在几乎像集中营的人怀有深深的个人责任感。

They had sacrificed enormously and put themselves in very, very serious straits and he had let them down.

他们做出了巨大的牺牲，让自己陷入了非常非常严重的困境，而他让他们失望了。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : On August 1, 1921 Sid Hatfield, his wife Jessie, his best friend Ed Chambers, and his wife Sally caught a train from Matewan to Welch in McDowell County.

当地历史学家道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)：1921 年 8 月 1 日，席德·哈特菲尔德 (Sid Hatfield) 与妻子杰西 (Jessie)、最好的朋友埃德·钱伯斯 (Ed Chambers) 以及妻子莎莉 (Sally) 搭乘火车从马特万 (Matewan) 前往麦克道尔县 (McDowell County) 的韦尔奇 (Welch)。

A couple of stops before they got to Welch, C.

过了几站，他们就到达了韦尔奇 (C. Welch)。

E.

E.

Lively got on the train at the town of Iaeger and sat down across from Sid.

莱弗利在艾格镇上了火车，在席德对面坐下。

When they arrived in Welch, Sid, and Ed, and Jessie, and Sally go to have breakfast and who walks into the restaurant but C.

当他们到达韦尔奇时，席德、艾德、杰西和莎莉去吃早餐，谁走进餐厅，除了 C.

E.

E.

Lively.

热闹。

He's basically shadowing them.

他基本上是在跟踪他们。

Narrator: : The acquittal in Mingo County had not ended Sid Hatfield's troubles.

旁白：：明戈县的无罪释放并没有结束席德·哈特菲尔德的麻烦。

He was still under indictment for six other counts of murder stemming from the Matewan shootout.

他仍因马特万枪战中的其他六项谋杀罪名而受到起诉。

Hatfield had been summoned to Welch, the county seat in neighboring McDowell County, to face a new criminal charge: blowing up a nearby mine tipple.

哈特菲尔德被传唤到邻近麦克道尔县的县城韦尔奇，面临一项新的刑事指控：炸毁附近的地雷倾倒物。

As he and his entourage made the walk to the courthouse, something seemed strange.

当他和他的随行人员步行前往法院时，有些事情似乎很奇怪。

Carl Starr, Sr., Coal Miner: : I remember Sally talking, that they asked 'em to leave their guns at the room where they were staying, which they did.

老卡尔·斯塔尔（Carl Starr），煤矿工人：：我记得莎莉说过，他们要求他们把枪留在他们住的房间里，他们照做了。

And they were walking up the steps and the deputy sheriff that escorted them over there, you know, he stopped at the bottom of the steps and stepped over to the side.

他们正在走上台阶，护送他们过去的副警长，你知道，他在台阶底部停了下来，走到了一边。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : Sid, Ed, their wives were met at the top of the steps by C.

丽贝卡·贝利 (Rebecca Bailey)，历史学家：：席德 (Sid)、艾德 (Ed)，他们的妻子在台阶顶部由 C. 迎接。

E.

E.

Lively and two associates.

活泼和两个同事。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : Lively reaches across in front of Sally Chambers and shoots her husband Ed in the neck.

道格·埃斯特普 (Doug Estepp)，当地历史学家：：莱弗利把手伸到莎莉·钱伯斯 (Sally Chambers) 面前，朝她丈夫埃德 (Ed) 的脖子开枪。

And at that point all the other Baldwin deputies start shooting.

就在那时，所有其他鲍德温代表都开始射击。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : My grandfather witnessed the end of the Sid Hatfield-Ed Chambers assassination.

丽贝卡·贝利 (Rebecca Bailey)，历史学家：：我的祖父目睹了席德·哈特菲尔德-埃德·钱伯斯 (Sid Hatfield-Ed Chambers) 暗杀事件的结束。

And he said that they shot him down like a dog.

他说他们像狗一样射杀了他。

That's how he told the story of Sid's death.

这就是他讲述席德之死的故事的方式。

He was unarmed and they shot him down like a dog.

他手无寸铁，他们像狗一样射杀了他。

Narrator: : The murder of Sid Hatfield brought increased attention to the West Virginia mountaineers...

旁白：席德·哈特菲尔德的谋杀案引起了人们对西弗吉尼亚州登山者的更多关注……

little of it good.

很少有好的。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : The New York Times stated that Sid Hatfield had died as he lived, like most of his people lived, primitive mountaineers essentially live by the sword and die by the sword, and that there would not be peace in the coalfields until these people had all died off.

丽贝卡·贝利（Rebecca Bailey），历史学家：《纽约时报》称，席德·哈特菲尔德（Sid Hatfield）在他生前就已经死了，就像他的大多数人民一样，原始登山者基本上靠刀剑生存，也死于刀剑，除非这些人全部死去，否则煤田不会有和平。

There was no sympathy or empathy for what the miners were enduring.

对于矿工们所遭受的苦难，没有人表示同情或同情。

James Green, Author: : You have people regarding these folks in Appalachia as subjects of condescension, and dismissal, and even condemnation.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：有人将阿巴拉契亚的这些人视为屈尊、解雇、甚至谴责的对象。

"These people may look like Americans, they may have been born in America, but they're not civilized yet."

“这些人可能看起来像美国人，他们可能出生在美国，但他们还没有文明。”

Narrator: : The funeral procession trailing the bodies of Sid Hatfield and his friend Ed Chambers counted more than 2,000 mourners.

旁白：：送葬队伍尾随 Sid Hatfield 和他的朋友 Ed Chambers 的尸体，共有 2,000 多名哀悼者。

The mood at the gravesite was somber but defiant.

墓地里的气氛阴沉但充满挑衅。

"Is it any wonder," said the eulogist, "that the very heavens weep over the prostrate forms of these martyrs of constitutional government?"

悼念者说道：“上天为这些宪政烈士的倒下而哭泣，这有什么奇怪的吗？”

Denise Giardina, Writer: : Whether Sid Hatfield was innocent or not is beside the point.

丹尼斯·贾迪纳（Denise Giardina），编剧：席德·哈特菲尔德是否无辜已经不是重点了。

What happened to him symbolized the way that anybody who supported the union -- their life was worthless as far as the coal companies were concerned.

他身上发生的事情象征着任何支持工会的人——对于煤炭公司来说，他们的生命一文不值。

It was clear that the only thing that was going to change anything was something more extreme.

很明显，唯一能改变一切的是更极端的事情。

Something had to happen.

必须发生一些事情。

Narrator: : Four days after Hatfield's funeral, Frank Keeney, Fred Mooney and Mother Jones called for a rally at the state capitol in Charleston.

旁白：：哈特菲尔德葬礼四天后，弗兰克·基尼、弗雷德·穆尼和琼斯母亲呼吁在查尔斯顿州议会大厦举行集会。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : You have around 5,000 coal miners that congregate on the capitol.

历史学家 Chuck Keeney：大约有 5,000 名煤矿工人聚集在国会大厦。

There's the presence of state police everywhere.

到处都有州警察的存在。

Things are incredibly tense.

事情非常紧张。

The governor refuses to even come out of his office.

州长甚至拒绝走出办公室。

Keeney tells the crowd, "you have no recourse except to fight.

基尼告诉人群：“除了战斗，你们别无选择。

The only way you can get your rights is with a high-powered rifle."

你获得权利的唯一方法就是拥有一把高威力的步枪。”

James Green, Author: : I think he was being pushed into action by his own angry followers but by his own conscience, and by his own sense of responsibility, and his own deep anger at what had happened to his people.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：我认为，他采取行动的原因是他自己愤怒的追随者，但也是他自己的良心、责任感以及他对发生在他的人民身上的事情深感愤怒。

Narrator: : "Every drop of blood and every dollar of the union will be spent in the attempt to lift martial law in Mingo County," Keeney declared at rallies around the state.

旁白：“工会的每一滴血和每一块钱都将用于试图解除明戈县的戒严令，”基尼在该州各地的集会上宣称。

"If we meet any resistance, the Matewan affair will look like a sun bonnet parade."

“如果我们遇到任何阻力，马特万事件就会看起来像一场太阳帽游行。”

UMW men and sympathizers answering Keeney's call began to congregate at a small town near Charleston.

响应基尼号召的 UMW 人员和同情者开始聚集在查尔斯顿附近的一个小镇。

"Miners with rifles by the thousands poured in, some riding on the tops of passenger trains," wrote one of the first reporters on the scene.

“数千名携带步枪的矿工涌入，其中一些人坐在旅客列车的顶部，”第一批到达现场的记者之一写道。

Word began to spread through the gathering army: the plan was to march into Mingo County and free the men imprisoned under martial law.

消息开始在聚集的军队中传播开来：计划进军明戈县并释放在戒严令下被监禁的人。

The miners army would have to go through Logan County first and its sheriff, Don Chafin.

矿工大军必须首先经过洛根县及其治安官唐·查芬。

Chafin had been accepting money from mine owners for years.

查芬多年来一直接受矿主的钱。

The quid pro quo was understood: he was to keep the union out of his county.

交换条件是可以理解的：他要阻止工会进入他的县。

Rebecca Bailey, Historian: : Don Chafin was called "the czar of Logan County" and one of the ways that Don Chafin exerted such control over Logan County was you didn't go in or out of Logan County without Don Chafin knowing about it.

丽贝卡·贝利，历史学家：唐·查芬被称为“洛根县沙皇”，唐·查芬对洛根县实施控制的方式之一是，在唐·查芬不知情的情况下，你不能进出洛根县。

Don Chafin's deputies rode every train in and out of Logan.

唐·查芬的副手乘坐每趟进出洛根的火车。

There were traveling salesmen who were beaten nearly to death by a Chafin deputy on the mere suspicion that they were actually union organizers.

有些旅行推销员仅仅因为怀疑他们实际上是工会组织者，就被查芬副手殴打致死。

Narrator: : "No armed mob will cross Logan County," Chafin vowed.

旁白：“任何武装暴徒都不会穿越洛根县，”查芬发誓。

He arranged for a detachment of state police to reinforce his army of deputies, and armed more than 3,000 volunteers.

他安排了一支州警察分队来增援他的代表军队，并武装了 3000 多名志愿者。

Miners understood what awaited them in Logan County, but they refused to be intimidated, which greatly worried UMW president John L.

矿工们知道洛根县等待着他们的是什么，但他们拒绝被吓倒，这让 UMW 总裁 John L.

Lewis.

刘易斯.

Lewis was convinced the coal miners in West Virginia were about to do irreparable damage to his union's reputation; he wanted Keeney to shut down the armed march.

刘易斯确信西弗吉尼亚州的煤矿工人将对他的工会声誉造成不可挽回的损害；他希望基尼停止武装游行。

Even Mother Jones was having second thoughts.

就连琼斯妈妈也开始重新考虑。

Rosemary Feurer, Historian: : I think she was concerned both for the fact that they might really lose, and lose a lot of lives.

历史学家罗斯玛丽·费雷尔（Rosemary Feurer）：我认为她担心的是他们可能真的会失败，并且会失去很多人的生命。

She sees this as something that will bring down the union, and at one point just basically says, "this is not going to work." She tries to get through to the governor, she's appealing to him, he's not coming through.

她认为这会拖垮工会，有一次她基本上说，“这行不通。”她试图联系州长，向他发出呼吁，但他没有接通。

Narrator: : Mother Jones decided to take matters into her own hands.

旁白：：琼斯妈妈决定亲自处理此事。

She arrived at the miners' camp on August 24th, and a crowd gathered to hear her speak.

8 月 24 日，她抵达矿工营地，一群人聚集在一起听她讲话。

Jones pulled a piece of paper from her pocket -- a telegram, she claimed, from President Warren G.

琼斯从口袋里掏出一张纸——她声称这是一封来自沃伦·G·肯尼迪总统的电报。

Harding.

哈丁。

The president had promised her he would use his power "to forever eliminate the mine guard system from West Virginia," she explained, "but only if the miners abandoned their march."

总统向她承诺，他将利用自己的权力“永远消除西弗吉尼亚州的矿井警卫系统，”她解释道，“但前提是矿工们放弃游行。”

Keeney grabbed for the telegram.

基尼抓起电报。

Mother Jones snapped it away.

琼斯妈妈把它夺走了。

He suggested it was probably a fake.

他暗示这可能是假的。

She told him to go to hell.

她告诉他去地狱吧。

Rosemary Feurer, Historian: : The telegram is all about a subterfuge.

历史学家 Rosemary Feurer：：这封电报完全是一个诡计。

She's trying to use whatever she can to stop this march.

她正试图尽其所能阻止这次游行。

She sees no good that's going to come from it.

她认为这样做不会有什么好处。

Narrator: : Keeney and Mooney checked with the White House.

旁白：：基尼和穆尼向白宫核实过。

The president, they were told, had sent no communication to Mother Jones.

他们被告知，总统没有向琼斯母亲发送任何信息。

An angry Keeney issued a public statement calling the telegram "bogus." Mother Jones left West Virginia that night.

愤怒的基尼发表了一份公开声明，称该电报是“伪造的”。那天晚上，琼斯妈妈离开了西弗吉尼亚州。

James Green, Author: : In some ways her spirit had animated this whole thing from the very beginning.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：从某种程度上来说，她的精神从一开始就为整个事情注入了活力。

I mean she was the miners' angel, she was the one who was going to show them the light.

我的意思是她是矿工的天使，她是那个要向他们展示光明的人。

And now she had been pushed aside.

而现在她却被推到了一边。

Her boys had become men with high-powered rifles and they were about to reject her counsel and reject her.

她的孩子们已经成为拥有高威力步枪的男人，他们即将拒绝她的建议并拒绝她。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : Mother Jones wrote later that when Keeney turned on her.

查克·基尼，历史学家：：琼斯母亲后来写道，当基尼背叛她时。

It kind of ripped her heart out.

这有点撕裂了她的心。

Narrator: : An advance unit of 600 miners broke camp later that same day, shouldered arms, and started marching south toward Logan County.

旁白：：当天晚些时候，一支由 600 名矿工组成的先遣部队离开营地，拿起武器，开始向南向洛根县行进。

Union men and their sympathizers from other parts of the state began to converge on Logan County.

来自该州其他地区的工会成员和他们的同情者开始聚集在洛根县。

Soon there were 8,000 men on the march.

很快就有八千人参加行军。

"The time has come," one miner said, "for me to lay down my Bible and pick up my rifle."

一名矿工说：“是时候放下圣经，拿起步枪了。”

James Green, Author: : The miners who picked up those guns believed that West Virginia was not being governed by the normal mechanisms of law and order in a democracy.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：拿起这些枪的矿工们认为，西弗吉尼亚州没有受到民主国家正常的法律和秩序机制的管辖。

They felt like their government had been taken away from them and they were going to get it back.

他们觉得他们的政府被夺走了，他们要把它拿回来。

Beverly Gage, Historian: : At a moment when Jim Crow is tightening, at a moment when the United States is passing immigration restriction, at a moment when attempts to organize are increasingly being marginalized, and at a moment when radical ideas that had been really popular before the war are increasingly being pushed out of the American mainstream, this idea that a mass group of armed men -- black and white, immigrant and native born -- expressing ideas that often didn't have a lot of voice left by 1921, this was a really radical moment.

历史学家贝弗利·盖奇：在吉姆·克劳法收紧的时刻，在美国正在通过移民限制的时刻，在组织的尝试日益被边缘化的时刻，在战前非常流行的激进思想日益被排除在美国主流之外的时刻，这一想法是由一群武装人员——黑人和白人、移民和本土出生的——表达在 1921 年之前通常没有太多声音的想法，这是一个非常激进的想法时刻。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : It was a highly organized disciplined affair.

历史学家查克·基尼：这是一次组织严密、纪律严明的事件。

They conducted themselves in a very military-like fashion.

他们的举止非常像军人。

They didn't come into a town and just loot everything and break down all of the windows.

他们并没有进入城镇，只是抢劫一切并打破所有窗户。

They cut lines of communication.

他们切断了通讯线路。

They did a lot of the things that they needed to do militarily but they didn't terrorize the local people.

他们做了很多军事上需要做的事情，但他们没有恐吓当地人。

And I think a lot of the local people understood who the miners hated and they understood where the miners were headed.

我认为很多当地人都了解矿工们讨厌谁，他们也了解矿工们的去向。

Narrator: : Sheriff Chafin's strategy was to cut off the miners before they got to the town of Logan.

旁白：查芬警长的策略是在矿工到达洛根镇之前切断他们的联系。

He massed his army of deputies, mine guards and volunteers at gaps along the ridge, particularly at Blair Mountain.

他在山脊沿线的缺口处集结了由代表、矿井警卫和志愿者组成的军队，特别是在布莱尔山。

Here, a dirt road led to Logan.

在这里，一条土路通向洛根。

Chafin's men dug trenches on the high ground above, and trained machine guns on the road.

查芬的部下在上面的高地上挖了战壕，并在路上架起了机枪。

On the morning of August 26th, as the miners neared Logan, Frank Keeney and Fred Mooney were summoned to an emergency meeting with General Harry Bandholtz of the U.S. War Department.

8 月 26 日早上，当矿工们接近洛根时，弗兰克·基尼和弗莱德·穆尼被召集与美国陆军部哈里·班霍尔茨将军举行紧急会议。

Bandholtz had traveled to Charleston to deliver a message from his boss, President Harding: the armed march had to be stopped.

班霍尔茨前往查尔斯顿传达了他的老板哈丁总统的信息：武装游行必须停止。

James Green, Author: : His only card to play is to convince Keeney and Mooney that they have to do this for the sake of their union and the sake of their people.

詹姆斯·格林，作者：：他唯一能打的牌就是说服基尼和穆尼，为了工会和人民，他们必须这样做。

He said if you don't turn these men back we'll snuff this out in a moment.

他说如果你不把这些人赶回去，我们马上就会把这件事消灭掉。

Narrator: : Later that same day, crowds gathered to gawk at three large military planes that had just landed at an airfield in Charleston.

旁白：当天晚些时候，人群聚集在一起，呆呆地看着刚刚降落在查尔斯顿机场的三架大型军用飞机。

They also gawked at the lead pilot -- World War I hero Billy Mitchell, who had commanded all American air combat units in France.

他们还呆呆地看着首席飞行员——第一次世界大战英雄比利·米切尔，他曾指挥过驻法国的所有美国空战部队。

John Alexander Williams, Historian: : General Mitchell was a relentless advocate of air power.

历史学家约翰·亚历山大·威廉姆斯：米切尔将军是空中力量的坚定倡导者。

He was eager to demonstrate that air power could be deployed in a civil disturbance.

他渴望证明可以在内乱中部署空中力量。

And this was a civil disturbance that had preoccupied the President and the Secretary of War, and he wanted to show that air power made a difference.

这是一场让总统和陆军部长全神贯注的内乱，他想表明空中力量发挥了作用。

Narrator: : Reporters asked Mitchell how his pilots would handle miners hidden in gullies and thick underbrush.

旁白：记者询问米切尔，他的飞行员将如何处理隐藏在沟壑和茂密灌木丛中的矿工。

"We'd drop tear gas all over the place," he replied.

“我们会到处投放催泪瓦斯，”他回答道。

"If they refused to disperse, then we'd open up with artillery."

“如果他们拒绝驱散，那么我们就会用大炮开火。”

Keeney and Mooney were chastened by the arrival of the U.S. military brass and bombers.

基尼和穆尼因美国军方高层和轰炸机的到来而受到了惩罚。

The two union officials sped toward the center of rebellion.

两名工会官员迅速奔向叛乱中心。

Keeney warned the army of miners that they were facing impossible odds.

基尼警告矿工大军，他们面临着不可能的困难。

He told them to stand down for now and wait for a better day, that special trains would be dispatched to take them safely back home.

他让他们暂时停下来，等待好时机，派专列将他们安全送回家。

Keeney and Mooney went back to Charleston.

基尼和穆尼回到查尔斯顿。

They left behind a District 17 organizer named Bill Blizzard to oversee the dispersal of the miners' army.

他们留下了一位名叫比尔·暴雪的第 17 区组织者来监督矿工大军的驱散。

The fragile truce lasted less than 24 hours, until Sheriff Chafin decided to send the state police along with his deputies to arrest nearly 40 miners who had harassed and threatened his men two weeks earlier.

脆弱的休战持续了不到 24 小时，直到查芬治安官决定派州警察和他的副手逮捕近 40 名两周前骚扰和威胁他手下的矿工。

They made the arrests, and killed two union men in the process.

他们逮捕了两名工会成员，并在此过程中杀害了他们。

James Green, Author: : In retrospect people wonder why Chafin would've chosen such a terrible moment, such a fraught moment to order this kind of raid.

詹姆斯·格林，作者：回想起来，人们想知道为什么查芬会选择这样一个可怕的时刻，这样一个令人担忧的时刻来下令进行这种突袭。

Some historians have raised the question that Don Chafin, who was certainly no fool, might have done what seemed like a foolish thing to in fact provoke confrontation.

一些历史学家提出这样的问题：唐·查芬当然不傻，他可能做了看似愚蠢的事情，实际上却引发了对抗。

Narrator: : "When news of Chafin's raid hit the miners' camp," one miner said, "it was like pouring gasoline on the warm ashes of a campfire."

旁白：“当查芬袭击的消息传到矿工营地时，”一名矿工说，“就像把汽油倒在篝火温暖的灰烬上一样。”

Miners seized trains sent to take them home and pointed them toward Logan County.

矿工们抓住了送他们回家的火车，并将他们引向洛根县。

Others headed to Logan by car, or on foot.

其他人则驾车或步行前往洛根。

Led by Blizzard, they raided private homes to hunt weapons, stole food from company stores, even managed to commandeer a Gatling gun.

在暴雪的带领下，他们袭击了私人住宅以搜捕武器，从公司商店偷窃食物，甚至设法征用了一把加特林机枪。

The men entered the woods of Logan County ready for war.

这些人进入洛根县的树林，做好战斗准备。

On the morning of August 31st, a platoon of miners met a group of guards from Chafin's army.

8月31日早上，一排矿工遇到了查芬军队的一群警卫。

Each side asked for a secret password, then realized they were enemies and began shooting.

双方都要求一个秘密密码，然后意识到他们是敌人并开始射击。

Three guards and one miner were killed.

三名警卫和一名矿工被杀。

What would be called the "Battle of Blair Mountain" had begun.

所谓的“布莱尔山之战”开始了。

As many as ten thousand miners faced Sheriff Chafin's entrenched three-thousand-man army.

多达万名矿工面对着查芬警长的三千大军。

The miners probed for breaks in Chafin's lines, while machine-gun fire echoed through the trees around them.

矿工们在查芬的防线中寻找断裂处，机关枪的射击声在他们周围的树林中回响。

It seemed like "the whole place was coming down on you," one miner remembered.

一位矿工回忆道，似乎“整个地方都在向你袭来”。

Doug Estepp, Local Historian: : The fighting was very intense.

当地历史学家 Doug Estepp：：战斗非常激烈。

In places it was not quite hand-to-hand but it was very, very close quarters.

虽然有些地方不是肉搏战，但距离非常非常近。

In a couple of places where it was more thinly defended the miners were actually able to breach the defenses.

在一些防御较薄弱的地方，矿工们实际上能够突破防御。

David Corbin, Historian: : This is the largest insurrection in American history since the Civil War.

历史学家大卫·科尔宾：这是自内战以来美国历史上最大规模的叛乱。

It was full-scale war on a 25-mile front.

这是一场 25 英里战线上的全面战争。

Narrator: : On the third day of battle two bi-planes swooped in low over a miners' encampment.

旁白：：战斗的第三天，两架双翼飞机低空俯冲在矿工营地上空。

As the planes banked and climbed away, the sound of concussions shook the mountain.

当飞机倾斜并爬升时，震荡的声音震动了整座山。

"My God," somebody in the camp shouted, "They're bombing us!"

“天啊，”营地里有人喊道，“他们在轰炸我们！”

Billy Mitchell, it was later confirmed, had not ordered these attacks.

后来证实，比利·米切尔没有下令进行这些袭击。

But Mitchell's reckless talk a few days earlier had undoubtedly inspired Sheriff Chafin, who had rented bi-planes and armed them with six-inch metal pipes filled with black powder, nuts and bolts.

但米切尔几天前的鲁莽言论无疑激励了查芬警长，他租了双翼飞机，并用装满黑火药、螺母和螺栓的六英寸金属管武装起来。

None of the bombs hit their targets, and one of the attack planes careered into a nearby house.

没有一枚炸弹击中目标，其中一架攻击机冲向附近的一栋房屋。

General Bandholtz had seen enough; he feared the fight might soon grow beyond his ability to contain it.

班霍尔茨将军已经看够了；他担心战斗很快就会超出他的控制能力。

The next day he sent a force of 2,100 federal troops into the combat zone.

第二天，他派遣了 2,100 名联邦士兵进入战区。

Blizzard and other union officials, fearing a slaughter, raced ahead to give their followers a simple message: "The war is over." More than 5,000 miners laid down their guns over the next few days.

暴雪和其他工会官员担心遭到屠杀，赶紧冲向他们的追随者一个简单的信息：“战争已经结束了。”接下来的几天里，超过 5000 名矿工放下了枪。

Narrator: : The known casualties in the three-day battle were remarkably small; as few as 20 men died on Blair Mountain.

旁白：：三天的战斗中已知的伤亡非常小；布莱尔山仅有 20 人死亡。

David Corbin, Historian: : The miners had fought the mine guards.

历史学家戴维·科尔宾 (David Corbin)：：矿工们与矿井警卫发生了战斗。

They fought the state police.

他们与州警察发生冲突。

They fought the state militia.

他们与州民兵作战。

But they were not going to fight the United States Army.

但他们不会与美国陆军作战。

Narrator: : Many of the union men expected the U.S. Army to deliver both peace and justice to the occupied West Virginia coalfields.

旁白：许多工会成员希望美国陆军能够为被占领的西弗吉尼亚州煤田带来和平与正义。

James Green, Author: : They were perhaps naively trustful of the federal government and what it would do for them, partly because so many of them had volunteered to fight for that government in the Great War and somehow they thought that those principles would prevail in West Virginia, too.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：他们也许天真地信任联邦政府以及联邦政府将为他们做的事情，部分原因是他们中的许多人自愿在第一次世界大战中为联邦政府而战，不知何故，他们认为这些原则也会在西弗吉尼亚州盛行。

Narrator: : The U.S. army troops did restore peace and order, but justice was not part of the mission.

旁白：：美国军队确实恢复了和平与秩序，但正义并不是使命的一部分。

Once the miners were disarmed, the federal government backed out of West Virginia and left it to state officials to handle the matter.

矿工解除武装后，联邦政府退出西弗吉尼亚州，并将此事留给州官员处理。

Arrests of union men by local officials in Logan County and other parts of the state began a few days later.

几天后，洛根县和该州其他地区的地方官员开始逮捕工会成员。

Special grand juries handed down more than a thousand indictments, including 325 for murder and more than 20 for treason against the state of West Virginia.

特别大陪审团提出了 1000 多项起诉书，其中包括 325 项谋杀罪和 20 多项针对西弗吉尼亚州的叛国罪。

District 17 officers Keeney, Mooney and Blizzard faced the most serious charges.

第 17 区警官基尼、穆尼和暴雪面临最严重的指控。

There were none against Don Chafin or his men.

没有人反对唐·查芬或他的部下。

Ronald Lewis, Historian: : They find out the federal government is also on the side of the capitalists.

历史学家罗纳德·刘易斯：：他们发现联邦政府也站在资本家一边。

Where does that leave working people generally?

那么，劳动人民一般会走向何方呢？

Where does that leave coal miners specifically?

这对煤矿工人来说具体意味着什么？

They said we are not even sure we're American citizens in the eyes of the government.

他们说我们甚至不确定我们是否是政府眼中的美国公民。

Narrator: : The big strike in the southern West Virginia coalfields petered out over the next year.

旁白：：西弗吉尼亚州南部煤田的大罢工在第二年逐渐平息。

Coal operators throughout the state tore up union contracts and began hiring non-union workers.

全州的煤炭运营商撕毁了工会合同并开始雇用非工会工人。

UMW membership in West Virginia dwindled from 50,000 in 1920 to less than a thousand in 1930, the year Mother Jones died.

西弗吉尼亚州的 UMW 会员人数从 1920 年的 5 万人减少到 1930 年（琼斯母亲去世的那一年）的不足 1000 人。

In the mid-1930s, as the Great Depression threatened to undermine American capitalism, Congress passed legislation guaranteeing the workers' right to unionize.

20 世纪 30 年代中期，当大萧条威胁到美国资本主义时，国会通过了立法，保障工人成立工会的权利。

It also outlawed blacklisting, private police forces like Baldwin-Felts, and industrial spies.

它还取缔了黑名单、鲍德温·费尔茨等私人警察部队以及工业间谍。

Men who had lived through the brutal and deadly mine wars in West Virginia flocked to the United Mine Workers of America by the tens of thousands.

数以万计经历过西弗吉尼亚州残酷和致命的矿井战争的人们涌入美国矿工联合会。

Their one-time leader, Frank Keeney, was not among them.

他们的前领导人弗兰克·基尼并不在其中。

The mine wars had shattered his marriage, distanced him from much of his family, and left his professional life in shambles.

地雷战争破坏了他的婚姻，使他与家人疏远，并使他的职业生涯陷入混乱。

Keeney had wriggled free of the treason charge, but UMW president John L.

基尼摆脱了叛国罪指控，但合顺大学校长约翰·L·基尼 (John L.

Lewis had forced him to resign from the union.

刘易斯强迫他退出工会。

James Green, Author: : Keeney has long ago been discredited as an apostle of violence.

詹姆斯·格林（James Green），作者：：基尼很久以前就被认为是暴力的倡导者。

But what he created was a kind of culture of resistance.

但他创造的是一种抵抗文化。

People with a fierce pride, he called them, "a people made of steel." I think that what they did with Frank Keeney during the mine wars contributed to their strength.

他称他们为“钢铁般的人民”，他们有着强烈的自豪感。我认为他们在地雷战争期间与弗兰克·基尼所做的事情增强了他们的力量。

And so when the union finally appeared again, it is what they had been waiting for since the days of Keeney and Mother Jones.

因此，当工会终于再次出现时，这正是他们从基尼和琼斯妈妈时代以来就一直在等待的时刻。

Chuck Keeney, Historian: : Frank Keeney fought for what he believed was right.

历史学家查克·基尼 (Chuck Keeney)：弗兰克·基尼 (Frank Keeney) 为他认为正确的事情而奋斗。

That there is a dignity in resistance.

反抗是有尊严的。

Even if they try to grind you and yours into the dust, your defiance rises above that.

即使他们试图将你和你的家人碾成灰，你的反抗也超越了这一点。

Thomas Andrews, Historian: : The West Virginia mine wars were about small people going up against very big forces where they didn't really have reason to expect that they would gain very much, and where the ultimate outcome was not a victory.

托马斯·安德鲁斯（Thomas Andrews），历史学家：西弗吉尼亚州的地雷战争是关于小人物与非常大的力量的对抗，他们没有真正的理由期望自己会获得很大的利益，而且最终的结果也不是胜利。

But collectively through those struggles they did manage to pave the way for better workplace relations for more Americans and for a better nation.

但通过这些斗争，他们确实成功地为更多美国人和一个更好的国家改善工作场所关系铺平了道路。

What was it like to live in a company town and work in the mines?

住在公司城、在矿山工作是什么感觉？

Explore photos that help tell the story.

探索有助于讲述故事的照片。

West Virginia coal operators built small, company-owned towns for their miners to live in.

西弗吉尼亚州煤炭运营商建造了公司所有的小型城镇供矿工居住。

In the early 1900s, a struggle over working conditions of coal miners led to the largest armed insurrection since the Civil War and turned parts of West Virginia into a war zone.

1900 年代初期，煤矿工人的工作条件问题引发了自内战以来最大规模的武装叛乱，并将西弗吉尼亚州部分地区变成了战区。

Watch the opening scene of The Mine Wars .

观看《地雷战争》的开场场景。

As the pace of industrialization quickened, and profits accumulated in the hands of a few, some workers began to organize and advocate for unionization.

随着工业化步伐的加快，利润积累到少数人手中，一些工人开始组织起来，主张成立工会。

The workers wanted more safety regulations, better wages, fewer hours, and freedom of speech and assembly.

工人们希望有更多的安全规定、更高的工资、更少的工作时间以及言论和集会自由。

Women in the early 1900s were barred from working underground in the coal mines, but their work above ground was integral to the coal camp system.

1900 年代初期，妇女被禁止在煤矿地下工作，但她们的地面工作是煤矿营地系统不可或缺的一部分。

In the coal mines and coal towns of West Virginia, African Americans worked and lived alongside European immigrants and native Appalachians.

在西弗吉尼亚州的煤矿和煤炭城镇，非裔美国人与欧洲移民和阿巴拉契亚当地人一起工作和生活。

The daughter of an Italian immigrant who found work in the coal mines, Jean Battlo discusses her parents' stuggle to raise a family under tough conditions.

让·巴特洛 (Jean Battlo) 是一位在煤矿找到工作的意大利移民的女儿，她讲述了她的父母在艰难的条件下养家糊口的艰辛。

A coal miner and long-time West Virginia resident reflects on his time working in the mines, and his family's life in a company town.

一位长期居住在西弗吉尼亚州的煤矿工人回顾了他在矿井工作的时光以及家人在公司城的生活。

Scholars reflect on decision-making and influence in an industrial context during the early 1900s.

学者们反思 1900 年代初期工业背景下的决策和影响力。

Scholars discuss violence, militancy, and political struggle at the time of Mother Jones and the miners' unionization movement.

学者们讨论了琼斯母亲和矿工工会运动时期的暴力、好战和政治斗争。