Reconstruction: The Second Civil War

April 11th, 1865, two days after the end of the Civil War.

1865 年 4 月 11 日，内战结束两天后。

In the White House, President Abraham Lincoln agonized over his first speech since the defeat of the South.

在白宫，亚伯拉罕·林肯总统为南方战败后的首次演讲感到痛苦。

The jubilant crowd outside expected a celebration of the Union victory.

外面兴高采烈的人群期待着庆祝联盟的胜利。

Instead, the president warned that "Reconstruction," as he called it, would be "fraught with great difficulty."

相反，总统警告说，他所说的“重建”将“充满巨大困难”。

Three days later, the statesman who led the Union through the Civil War was assassinated.

三天后，领导联邦度过内战的政治家被暗杀。

Suddenly, the extraordinary challenge of reconstructing the nation was in the hands of ordinary men and women.

突然间，重建国家的非凡挑战落在了普通男女的手中。

A Yankee officer would venture to the most violent corner of Louisiana to try to impose order.

一名北方佬军官会冒险前往路易斯安那州最暴力的角落，试图维持秩序。

A plantation mistress whose slaves were now free would struggle to reclaim her place in the world.

一位种植园女主人的奴隶现在获得了自由，她将努力夺回她在世界上的地位。

A fiery black minister would mount a pitched battle with white landowners.

一位脾气暴躁的黑人部长将与白人地主展开激烈的战斗。

And a new President would force a dramatic showdown with Congress.

新总统将迫使他与国会进行一场戏剧性的摊牌。

After four bloody years of Civil War, Americans, North and South would continue to fight over the meaning of freedom, the meaning of citizenship, and the survival of the nation itself.

经过四年血腥的内战后，美国南北双方将继续为自由的意义、公民的意义以及国家本身的生存而斗争。

Kate Stone was 21-years-old when the Civil War came to her doorstep.

内战临近时，凯特·斯通 (Kate Stone) 21 岁。

In the winter of 1862, Union troops overran Milliken's Bend, only a few miles from Brokenburn, the family's plantation in Louisiana.

1862 年冬天，联邦军队占领了米利肯湾 (Milliken's Bend)，这里距离该家族在路易斯安那州的种植园布罗肯本 (Brokenburn) 仅几英里。

Stone watched as bluecoats scoured the countryside for food and supplies and ransacked plantations.

斯通看着蓝衣士兵在乡村搜寻食物和补给品，并洗劫了种植园。

Before the Civil War, the South would have been among the five richest societies in the world.

内战之前，南方曾是世界上五个最富裕的社会之一。

To the eyes of the South, this is almost this biblical attack.

在南方人看来，这几乎就是圣经中的攻击。

It's like a plague being brought down on the white South.

这就像一场瘟疫降临在南方白人身上。

Their sense of self has been shattered just as their property has.

他们的自我意识就像他们的财产一样被粉碎了。

Those are the memories that white southerners hold close to them as examples that their enemy were not really honorable men.

这些是南方白人的记忆，作为他们的敌人并不是真正值得尊敬的人的例子。

With her father dead and her brothers away fighting for the Confederacy, managing Brokenburn fell to Kate Stone and her mother.

由于她的父亲去世了，她的兄弟们都离开了为联邦而战的地方，管理布罗肯伯恩的任务落在了凯特·斯通和她的母亲身上。

The plantation was 1260 acres, with 150 slaves.

种植园占地1260英亩，有150名奴隶。

Many of her wealthy neighbors abandoned their homes.

她的许多富有的邻居都放弃了家园。

The Stones clung to their plantation, and determined to wait it out.

滚石乐队坚守着他们的种植园，并决定等待时机。

As frightening to Kate as the federal troops were the black men and women now claiming their freedom.

对凯特来说，与联邦军队一样可怕的是现在要求自由的黑人男女。

Kate expresses a lot of fear throughout the war, and it's most often fear of armed slaves.

凯特在整个战争期间表达了很多恐惧，其中最常见的是对武装奴隶的恐惧。

"What are they going to do to me, given what we have done to them?"

“考虑到我们对他们所做的一切，他们会对我做什么？”

Mother and daughter watched as their world was upended, until they could watch no more.

母女俩眼睁睁地看着她们的世界被颠覆，直到她们再也看不下去了。

This kind of lack of order, lack of control, was the most frightening thing to the Stones, and they thought they had to get away.

这种缺乏秩序、缺乏控制的情况，是滚石乐队最害怕的，他们认为自己必须逃走。

From Louisiana, the Stones fled three hundred miles by horseback and boat to Tyler, Texas.

滚石乐队从路易斯安那州骑马乘船逃离了三百英里，到达德克萨斯州泰勒。

There, they joined other wealthy planters, who had also escaped to wait out the war.

在那里，他们加入了其他富有的种植园主的行列，这些种植园主也逃了出来，等待战争结束。

Less than two yeas later, General William Tecumseh Sherman scorched a path of destruction across Georgia that ended with the capture of Savannah.

不到两年后，威廉·特库姆塞·谢尔曼将军在乔治亚州开辟了一条毁灭之路，最终占领了萨凡纳。

In December 1864, Sherman offered the port city to President Lincoln as a Christmas gift.

1864 年 12 月，谢尔曼将这座港口城市作为圣诞礼物送给林肯总统。

Union victory was near.

联盟的胜利已经临近。

The general took for his headquarters the mansion of one of the city's wealthiest cotton merchants.

这位将军将这座城市最富有的棉花商人之一的宅邸作为他的总部。

He celebrated with his officers, feasting on native oysters and turtle soup.

他与军官们一起庆祝，享用本地牡蛎和甲鱼汤。

On the outskirts of the city, thousands of emancipated slaves were gathered.

在城市的郊区，聚集着数千名被解放的奴隶。

They had followed Sherman's army to Savannah, doubling the city's population.

他们跟随谢尔曼的军队来到萨凡纳，使该市的人口增加了一倍。

In the Book of Revelations it is written that the first shall be last and the last shall be first.

《启示录》中写道，最先的应为最后，最后的应为最先。

And this is interpreted as that moment where God, in his omnipotence, has now come to deliver his people from bondage.

这被解释为上帝以其全能将他的子民从束缚中解救出来的时刻。

"It came so sudden on 'em, they wasn't prepared for it," recalled one liberated slave.

“这对他们来说来得太突然，他们没有做好准备，”一位获得解放的奴隶回忆道。

"Just think of whole droves of people, that had hardly ever left the plantation, turned loose all at once with nothing in the world but the clothes on their back." Lincoln 's Emancipation Proclamation had freed slaves across the South.

“想想看，成群结队的人几乎从未离开过种植园，一下子就变得自由自在，除了背上的衣服之外什么都没有。”林肯的《解放奴隶宣言》解放了整个南方的奴隶。

But Washington still had no clear plan for what to do once African Americans were free.

但对于非洲裔美国人获得自由后该怎么做，华盛顿仍然没有明确的计划。

On January 11th, President Lincoln sent his Secretary of War, Edwin M.

1 月 11 日，林肯总统派战争部长埃德温·M·肯尼迪 (Edwin M.

Stanton to Savannah.

斯坦顿飞往萨凡纳。

Stanton instructed General Sherman to set up a meeting with some of the city's black ministers.

斯坦顿指示谢尔曼将军与该市的一些黑人部长举行会议。

He wanted to hear how the freedmen imagined their future in the South.

他想听听自由民如何想象他们在南方的未来。

That evening, twenty black men entered the grand parlor as guests of Stanton and Sherman.

那天晚上，二十个黑人作为斯坦顿和谢尔曼的客人进入了大客厅。

Sixteen were former slaves.

十六人曾经是奴隶。

They chose Reverend Garrison Frazier who'd purchased his freedom nine years earlier, to be their spokesmen.

他们选择九年前购买自由的加里森·弗雷泽牧师作为他们的发言人。

For the first time, Federal officials conferred with freed slaves about the future of African Americans in the South.

联邦官员首次与获得自由的奴隶讨论南方非裔美国人的未来。

The exchange that occurs between Sherman, Stanton, and the Union generals, and Reverend Frazier, is one of the extraordinary moments of the Civil War and the ending of the Civil War, because they asked Frazier not just, "What should we do with all these refugees?" They asked him questions about what the war meant.

谢尔曼、斯坦顿和联邦将军以及弗雷泽牧师之间的交流是内战和内战结束的非凡时刻之一，因为他们不仅问弗雷泽，“我们应该如何处理所有这些难民？”他们问他有关战争意味着什么的问题。

They asked him questions about what the Emancipation Proclamation had meant.

他们问他《解放黑奴宣言》的含义。

They asked him what the presence of black troops in the Union army meant.

他们问他联邦军队中黑人军队的存在意味着什么。

And, in many ways, you'll find no better definition of the meaning of the Civil War in the kinds of answers that Garrison Frazier gives that day in Savannah.

而且，从很多方面来说，在加里森·弗雷泽那天在萨凡纳给出的答案中，你都找不到更好的对内战意义的定义。

To be a slave, as one of these ministers pointed out to General Sherman, was to be someone who had no control over his life's decisions.

正如其中一位部长向谢尔曼将军指出的那样，成为一名奴隶就意味着成为一个无法控制自己人生决定的人。

And now these people feel the need to express their abilities, their choices.

现在这些人觉得有必要表达他们的能力和选择。

This was a man, who'd never left, probably, coastal Georgia in his life, but he understood the Declaration of Independence, he understood the Emancipation Proclamation.

这个人可能一生中从未离开过佐治亚州沿海地区，但他理解《独立宣言》，他理解《解放奴隶宣言》。

And beyond that, he said, in effect: You should give us our rights, and you should protect our rights, and then you should leave us alone and let us be citizens."

除此之外，他实际上说：你应该给我们我们的权利，你应该保护我们的权利，然后你应该放过我们，让我们成为公民。”

Four days later, anxious to get thousands of freed slaves off his hands, and Washington off his back, General Sherman issued Special Field Order 15.

四天后，谢尔曼将军急于让数千名被解放的奴隶摆脱他的控制，也摆脱华盛顿的束缚，他发布了第 15 号特别战地命令。

It was only a temporary order, but it became one of the most controversial of the Civil War.

这只是一项临时命令，但却成为内战中最具争议的命令之一。

Plantations in the rice country had been abandoned by white planters during the war.

战争期间，水稻种植园被白人种植园主遗弃。

Four hundred thousand of these acres would be given over to African American for settlement.

其中四十万英亩土地将交给非裔美国人定居。

The huge land tract included the Sea Islands and parts of the Georgia and South Carolina coast.

广阔的陆地包括海岛以及佐治亚州和南卡罗来纳州海岸的部分地区。

Forty acres of land will be given out to each family.

四十英亩的土地将分给每个家庭。

Plus, Sherman says, the Army's got tons of mules, which we don't really need.

另外，谢尔曼说，陆军有大量骡子，但我们并不真正需要。

They're broken down from our long march.

他们在我们的长征中被分解了。

If any one wants a mule they can have one of these mules.

如果有人想要一头骡子，他们可以拥有其中一头骡子。

This is the origin of that famous phrase, "forty acres and a mule."

这就是“四十英亩一头骡子”这句名言的由来。

Here was a real revolution, a revolution in the land, on the land, a chance to-to be their own freeholders.

这是一场真正的革命，一场土地上的革命，一场土地上的革命，一个成为他们自己的自由所有者的机会。

For four million African Americans in the South, news of "forty acres and a mule" spread as fast as the contagion of freedom itself.

对于南方四百万非裔美国人来说，“四十英亩一头骡子”的消息传播得和自由本身一样快。

Many saw this as proof that emancipation would finally give black men and women a true stake in the land they had toiled on for centuries.

许多人认为这证明解放最终将使黑人男女在他们辛苦劳作了几个世纪的土地上获得真正的利益。

Through the winter and spring of 1865, Kate Stone and her mother remained in Texas, clinging to every desperate rumor of Rebel victory.

1865 年冬春两季，凯特·斯通 (Kate Stone) 和她的母亲一直留在德克萨斯州，坚守着每一个关于叛军胜利的绝望谣言。

In April, they learned the true state of things.

四月，他们了解了事情的真相。

In Appomattox Courthouse, Virginia, Lee had surrendered his army.

在弗吉尼亚州的阿波马托克斯法院，李已经投降了他的军队。

The Confederate rebellion had been crushed.

邦联叛乱已被镇压。

I think those words had particular relevance in a white Southern society that was fixated on honor.

我认为这些话在注重荣誉的南方白人社会中具有特别的意义。

Honor and glory, independence, were at the core of the white South's understanding of itself, and particularly the understanding that male Southerners had of what it meant to be men, what it meant to have manhood.

荣誉、光荣、独立是南方白人对自身的理解的核心，尤其是南方男性对男人的意义、男子气概的理解的核心。

Because who is conquered, subjugated?

因为谁被征服、被征服了？

That's a slave.

那是一个奴隶。

The white South can only imagine that they must have invoked God's wrath in some way.

南方白人只能想象他们一定以某种方式激起了上帝的愤怒。

Maybe God is punishing us.

也许老天爷正在惩罚我们。

But surely he does not mean for black people to be their equal.

但他的意思肯定不是让黑人平等。

Maybe slavery was meant to end.

也许奴隶制本来就应该结束。

But surely God didn't mean for black people to stand alongside whites.

但上帝显然并不想让黑人与白人站在一边。

There's a story of a slave who ran away from his master, joined the Union army and came back into the South and seized his own master's plantation with his regiment.

有这样一个故事：一个奴隶逃离了主人，加入了联邦军队，回到南方，并率领自己的军团占领了主人的种植园。

And he sees his former master and he says "Bottom rail on top this time, Massah.

他看到了他以前的主人，他说：“这次是底部栏杆在顶部，马萨。

Bottom rail's on top now."

底部导轨现在位于顶部。”

In his first speech after the Union victory, Lincoln alluded to the enormous challenges reconstruction would bring.

林肯在联邦胜利后的第一次演讲中提到了重建将带来的巨大挑战。

He even suggested that some black men in the South might get the vote.

他甚至建议南方的一些黑人可能会获得投票权。

His words infuriated many, including a Confederate sympathizer who assassinated the president three days later.

他的言论激怒了许多人，其中包括三天后暗杀总统的一名南方邦联同情者。

With Lincoln gone, the question of how to put the country back together again took on even greater urgency.

林肯去世后，如何使国家重新团结起来的问题变得更加紧迫。

Northerners were exhausted by four years of war.

四年的战争让北方人疲惫不堪。

Most had hoped Lincoln would reconcile North and South and get the states get back to normal relations as soon as possible.

大多数人希望林肯能够调和南北双方，让各州尽快恢复正常关系。

But there was no consensus on how to achieve this.

但对于如何实现这一目标尚未达成共识。

Just as uncertain was the future of millions of black men and women freed into a society where many whites, North and South, questioned the idea of any rights for former slaves.

同样不确定的是，数以百万计的黑人男女在获得自由后进入了一个社会，在这个社会中，许多白人，无论是北方还是南方，都对前奴隶的任何权利提出了质疑。

Here you have the great questions of Reconstruction immediately are what people faced: who will rule in the South, who will rule in federal government, and will the dimensions of black freedom be?

在这里，人们立即面临重建的重大问题：谁将统治南方，谁将统治联邦政府，以及黑人自由的维度是什么？

All eyes looked to Washington.

所有的目光都看向华盛顿。

Former Confederates held their breath, and steeled themselves for the worst.

前同盟者屏住呼吸，做好最坏打算。

The South doesn't know what to expect.

南方不知道会发生什么。

Will there be punishment for leaders?

领导会受到惩罚吗？

Will there be land confiscated?

土地会被没收吗？

Will there be an occupying army?

会有占领军吗？

And a lot of people imagined that these traitors, these people who had tried to destroy the United States, should be executed, should be imprisoned.

很多人认为这些叛徒，这些试图摧毁美国的人应该被处决，应该被监禁。

No one was sure what to expect from the new president.

没有人知道对新总统有何期待。

Andrew Johnson was from Tennessee, but he had fiercely opposed the Confederate secession and was the only southern senator who refused to give up his seat in Congress.

安德鲁·约翰逊来自田纳西州，但他强烈反对南部邦联的分裂，并且是唯一拒绝放弃国会席位的南方参议员。

Andrew Johnson embodies a lot of the hopes that Abraham Lincoln has that the Union can be put back together easily.

安德鲁·约翰逊体现了亚伯拉罕·林肯的很多希望，即联邦可以轻松地重新组合起来。

But Andrew Johnson had been an outspoken enemy of the big planters, who he blamed for causing secession.

但安德鲁·约翰逊一直是大种植园主的直言不讳的敌人，他指责大种植园主造成了分裂。

In Tennessee politics, he saw himself as a spokesman for the poor whites.

在田纳西州政治中，他将自己视为贫穷白人的代言人。

He owned a slave or two, but he was not a member of the plantation aristocracy.

他拥有一两个奴隶，但他不是种植园贵族的成员。

In fact, he resented them very much.

事实上，他非常怨恨他们。

In his first speech after taking office, Johnson warned that traitors had to be punished.

约翰逊在上任后的首次讲话中警告说，叛徒必须受到惩罚。

But Johnson shared the white South's desire to keep blacks subordinate.

但约翰逊和南方白人一样希望黑人处于从属地位。

Frederick Douglass, the renowned black leader, got his own impression of Johnson when the two met for the first time at Lincoln's second inaugural.

当著名黑人领袖弗雷德里克·道格拉斯在林肯第二次就职典礼上与约翰逊第一次见面时，他对约翰逊有了自己的印象。

The very first expression that came over Johnson's face was one of scorn and derision.

约翰逊脸上的第一个表情是轻蔑和嘲笑。

And Douglass concluded that that expression was the true index of his heart.

道格拉斯得出结论，这种表情才是他内心的真实指标。

Douglass turned to a companion and said, "Whatever else this man may be, he is no friend of our race."

道格拉斯转向一名同伴说道：“无论这个人是什么，他都不是我们种族的朋友。”

Even as Lee surrendered to Grant, scores of newly emancipated men and women were arriving at St. Catherine's in the Sea Islands of Georgia.

就在李向格兰特投降时，数十名新解放的男女抵达乔治亚州海岛的圣凯瑟琳。

Under Sherman's Field Order 15, these abandoned lands would be theirs.

根据谢尔曼第 15 号战地命令，这些废弃的土地将属于他们。

Leading them was 53-year-old Tunis G.

领头的是 53 岁的 Tunis G.

Campbell, from New Jersey.

坎贝尔，来自新泽西州。

For years, Campbell had worked tirelessly as an abolitionist, a preacher, an educator, and political organizer.

多年来，坎贝尔作为废奴主义者、传教士、教育家和政治组织者不知疲倦地工作。

With the help of Secretary of War Stanton, Campbell got himself appointed superintendent for the Union occupied islands in Georgia.

在战争部长斯坦顿的帮助下，坎贝尔被任命为联邦占领的佐治亚群岛的负责人。

There were a lot of people in 1865 who were trying to tell blacks what freedom is, and tell them what they ought to be doing.

1865年有很多人试图告诉黑人什么是自由，告诉他们应该做什么。

Campbell reflects the impulse, "We should really determine ourselves what we're doing." Independence from white control -- that's critical to their definition of what freedom is.

坎贝尔反映了这种冲动，“我们应该真正决定自己在做什么。”独立于白人的控制——这对于他们对自由的定义至关重要。

It just happens that on St. Catherine's Island you can create such a thing.

碰巧在圣凯瑟琳岛上你可以创造这样的东西。

The whites have all fled.

白人全都逃走了。

Sherman has given out land.

谢尔曼已经放弃了土地。

So the opportunity to create an independent black community exists.

因此，创建独立黑人社区的机会是存在的。

"We left with rations and a few families and at Hilton Head got more," Campbell wrote, "and Savannah loaded us as deep as we could swim." These deserted lands had been at the heart of the South's rice-growing empire.

坎贝尔写道：“我们带着口粮和一些家庭离开，在希尔顿头岛得到了更多，萨凡纳给我们装了尽可能深的水。”这些荒芜的土地曾经是南方水稻种植帝国的中心。

By June, the settlers had crops in the ground.

到六月，定居者的地里有了庄稼。

"I have corn, watermelons, citron, onions, radishes and squash," wrote Campbell.

“我有玉米、西瓜、柚子、洋葱、萝卜和南瓜，”坎贝尔写道。

"But the rebels have destroyed the sweet potatoes.

“但是叛军毁掉了红薯。

Do not fail to send them.

不要错过发送它们。

Send eight No. 11 plows, six cultivators -- get the improved ones."

派八台十一号犁，六台中耕机——换上改进的。”

Tunis Campbell sees the South as a kind of new political frontier.

突尼斯·坎贝尔将南方视为一种新的政治前沿。

He sees himself as a kind of political pioneer, to go to that place where this new regime of black political liberty and civil liberty might flourish.

他将自己视为政治先驱，前往黑人政治自由和公民自由的新政权可能蓬勃发展的地方。

Campbell arrived at St. Catherine's with his own blueprint for a government.

坎贝尔带着他自己的政府蓝图来到了圣凯瑟琳。

There would be a Congress with eight men in the Senate and twenty in the house of Representatives.

国会将有八名参议院议员和二十名众议院议员。

A Supreme Court, and Campbell himself as President.

最高法院，坎贝尔本人担任院长。

He even established a 275-man militia.

他甚至建立了一支275人的民兵。

"Order," said Campbell, "is Heaven's first law."

坎贝尔说：“秩序是天堂的第一法则。”

So you've got this tiny little island, twelve miles long, three miles wide, and a government set up to-to resemble the United States government with a Supreme Court at the top.

所以你有这个小岛，长十二英里，宽三英里，政府的设立类似于美国政府，顶部有最高法院。

It's wonderful, beautiful, experiment in-in democracy; and-and people took to it very well.

这是美妙、美丽的民主实验；人们非常喜欢它。

They liked the idea of having the power to select their leaders and remove them.

他们喜欢有权选择和罢免领导人的想法。

But at St. Catherine's, no one was going to remove Tunis Campbell.

但在圣凯瑟琳医院，没有人会除掉突尼斯·坎贝尔。

That same fall, nine black soldiers and their white captain climbed aboard a sternwheeler in New Orleans, and headed up river.

同年秋天，九名黑人士兵和他们的白人船长在新奥尔良登上一艘尾轮船，向河而上。

The captain, Marshall Twitchell, was a career soldier from Vermont who had led black troops during the war.

上尉马歇尔·特威切尔 (Marshall Twitchell) 是一名来自佛蒙特州的职业军人，曾在战争期间领导过黑人军队。

He had fought at Antietam, Fredericksburg, the Wilderness, and just about every other major battle in the East.

他参加过安提坦战役、弗雷德里克斯堡战役、荒野战役以及东部几乎所有其他重大战役。

Twitchell is one of those Union veterans who enlist in the first year of the war and stays the duration.

特威切尔是在战争第一年入伍并一直服役的联邦退伍军人之一。

He's wounded several times.

他曾多次受伤。

He gets a Minie ball right in his face.

他的脸上被一个米尼球击中。

It cuts a grove around his face and exits behind his ear.

它在他的脸上划出了一道小沟，从他的耳后穿过。

He'll have the scar for the rest of his life.

这伤疤将伴随他一生。

The war was over, and Twitchell was restless.

战争结束了，特威切尔焦躁不安。

In New Orleans, he got himself a commission in the Freedmen's Bureau.

在新奥尔良，他在自由民事务局获得了一份委任状。

In the chaotic post-war South, the job of the Freedmen's Bureau agent was to smooth the transition from slavery to freedom.

在战后混乱的南方，自由民局特工的工作是平稳地从奴隶制过渡到自由。

The Bureau built schools for the former slaves and fed and clothed war refugees, black and white.

该局为前奴隶建造了学校，并为战争难民（黑人和白人）提供食物和衣服。

Twitchell was posted to Bienville Parish, in northern Louisiana, a place he knew nothing about.

特威切尔被派往路易斯安那州北部的比恩维尔教区，他对这个地方一无所知。

Here he is on a sternwheeler, heading up the Red River.

图中，他正坐在一艘尾轮船上，向红河逆流而上。

This region had never been conquered.

这个地区从未被征服过。

So he's entering the last part of the Confederacy to surrender.

所以他正在进入联邦的最后一部分投降。

It is dangerous, exotic.

这是危险的、充满异国情调的。

It's isolated.

它是孤立的。

And he doesn't know it but he is entering what is probably the most violent place in America.

他并不知道，他正在进入可能是美国最暴力的地方。

It's no coincidence that Harriet Beecher Stowe chose to put the final, brutal ending of Uncle Tom's Cabin, where Uncle Tom is beaten to death by Simon Legree, it's no coincidence that she puts it on the upper Red River.

哈丽特·比彻·斯托选择把《汤姆叔叔的小屋》最后残酷的结局——汤姆叔叔被西蒙·勒格里殴打致死——这并非巧合，她把它放在红河上游也绝非巧合。

It's a violent region.

这是一个暴力地区。

"I was without telegraphy, railway or water connections," remembered Twitchell.

“我没有电报、铁路或水路连接，”特威切尔回忆道。

"If I'd known beforehand what my position was to be, I should have remained with my regiment." At the courthouse in Sparta, the county seat, Captain Twitchell set up office as the sole Freedmen's Bureau agent for the parish.

“如果我事先知道我的职位是什么，我就会留在我的团里。”在县城斯巴达的法院，特威切尔上尉设立了办公室，作为该教区唯一的自由民局代理人。

He soon discovered his new neighbors were as hardened to battle as he was.

他很快发现他的新邻居和他一样坚强。

The people of the area are wary.

该地区的人们都很警惕。

They don't quite know what to expect, but they quickly discover that this Freedman's Bureau agent is somebody that they're going to have to deal with.

他们不太知道会发生什么，但他们很快发现这个弗里德曼局特工是他们必须要对付的人。

Agents like Twitchell had military authority to settle labor disputes and conflicts between former slaves and masters.

像特威切尔这样的特工拥有军事权力来解决劳资纠纷以及前奴隶和主人之间的冲突。

Planters certainly resented this intrusion into so sensitive an area.

种植园主当然对这种对如此敏感地区的入侵感到不满。

They wanted direct control over black labor.

他们想要直接控制黑人劳工。

They didn't want some Yankee Freedman's Bureau agent there questioning their behavior, actually sitting them down and having them testify in an open hearing.

他们不希望洋基·弗里德曼局的特工质疑他们的行为，实际上让他们坐下来并让他们在公开听证会上作证。

And for the freedmen, here was somebody that they could go to if they were mistreated.

对于自由民来说，如果他们受到虐待，他们可以向这里求助。

He can't fundamentally change the economic lives of these people.

他无法从根本上改变这些人的经济生活。

All he can do is try to be a mediator; to give them some degree of justice.

他所能做的就是尽力充当调解人；给予他们一定程度的正义。

Twitchell would soon learn that for a Yankee officer all alone in northwest Louisiana, even a degree of federal justice might be too much.

特威切尔很快就会了解到，对于一名独自生活在路易斯安那州西北部的北方佬军官来说，即使是一定程度的联邦司法也可能太过分了。

For the first forty-eight days of Andrew Johnson's presidency Southerners waited anxiously to hear what he would demand before allowing them back into the Union.

在安德鲁·约翰逊担任总统的头四十八天里，南方人焦急地等待着他的要求，然后才允许他们重返联邦。

On May 29, 1865, Johnson announced his plan for what would be called "Presidential Reconstruction."

1865 年 5 月 29 日，约翰逊宣布了他的“总统重建”计划。

There was good evidence in 1865 that a lot of white Southerners, the leadership even of the Confederacy, would have accepted relatively harsh policies at that moment.

1865 年有充分的证据表明，许多南方白人，甚至是邦联的领导层，都会接受当时相对严厉的政策。

But very soon it became clear that Andrew Johnson wanted a rapid, lenient restoration of the Union with as little alteration of the Constitution and the creation of black civil and political rights as possible.

但很快人们就清楚地意识到，安德鲁·约翰逊希望迅速、宽容地恢复联邦，同时尽可能少地修改宪法并创造黑人公民权利和政治权利。

Johnson would issue blanket pardons for most former Confederates.

约翰逊将对大多数前南方邦联成员实行全面赦免。

The Rebel states would be encouraged to form new governments quickly.

将鼓励叛乱州迅速组建新政府。

Washington would not interfere.

华盛顿不会干涉。

The president's leniency surprised many in the North.

总统的宽大处理让许多北方人感到惊讶。

Southerners responded with relief.

南方人松了口气。

Johnson actually sets only the most minimal requirements.

约翰逊实际上只提出了最低限度的要求。

All they have to do is admit, "We lost the Civil War.

他们所要做的就是承认：“我们输掉了内战。

The Civil War is over.

内战结束了。

Slavery and secession are dead." Other than that, there are no requirements.

奴隶制和分裂国家已经消亡。”除此之外，没有其他要求。

Johnson was harder on the planter aristocracy.

约翰逊对种植园主贵族的态度更加严厉。

He insisted that wealthy planters and Confederate leaders write him personally and beg for clemency.

他坚持要求富有的种植园主和邦联领导人亲自写信给他并请求宽大处理。

This basically eliminates the planter class from leadership of Southern politics.

这基本上消除了种植园主阶级对南方政治的领导地位。

If you're not pardoned, you can't vote, you can't hold office, and you can't get your property back if it's been seized by the federal government.

如果你没有被赦免，你就不能投票，你不能担任公职，如果你的财产被联邦政府扣押，你也不能拿回来。

Andrew Johnson had no sympathy for wealthy planters.

安德鲁·约翰逊对富有的种植园主没有同情心。

He had risen from poverty and identified with poor white southerners, who, before the war, had far outnumbered the slave owners.

他出身于贫困，并认同贫穷的南方白人，在战前，南方白人的数量远远超过奴隶主。

Now, he was anxious to protect poor whites from what they saw as a new threat.

现在，他急于保护贫穷的白人免受他们认为的新威胁。

Poor whites have to face the fact that now that black people are free means that they have to compete with this new element for livelihood, for social position, and political power ultimately.

贫穷的白人必须面对这样一个事实：现在黑人获得了自由，意味着他们最终必须与这个新元素争夺生计、社会地位和政治权力。

Johnson's aim is to bring the white South and the white North back together.

约翰逊的目标是让南方白人和北方白人重新团结起来。

African Americans just do not play a role in Johnson's vision of the postwar South, other than to go back to work and be landless and rightless plantation laborers.

非裔美国人在约翰逊对战后南方的愿景中没有发挥任何作用，除了回去工作，成为没有土地和无权的种植园工人。

Johnson's contempt for the freedmen infuriated many in Washington, and none more than Thaddeus Stevens.

约翰逊对自由民的蔑视激怒了华盛顿的许多人，其中尤以撒迪厄斯·史蒂文斯为甚。

The congressman from Pennsylvania had been a fierce abolitionist long before the war.

这位来自宾夕法尼亚州的国会议员早在战前就一直是一名激烈的废奴主义者。

Within the Republican Party he led a small, vocal faction known as the Radicals.

在共和党内，他领导着一个叫作激进派的小规模、敢于发声的派别。

These were principled men.

这些都是有原则的人。

Before the war they had been the strongest Republicans opposing the expansion of slavery.

战前，他们是反对扩大奴隶制最强烈的共和党人。

During the Civil War they had been the first ones to call for arming of black troops, for issuing an Emancipation Proclamation.

内战期间，他们是第一个呼吁武装黑人军队、发布《解放奴隶宣言》的人。

Long before there was any conceivable political benefit to be gained from supporting the rights of black people, they were doing it.

早在支持黑人权利获得任何可想象的政治利益之前，他们就已经这样做了。

The Radical Republicans had a vision of what Reconstruction should be.

激进共和党人对于重建应该是什么样子有一个愿景。

They believed it should be longer in duration.

他们认为持续时间应该更长。

They believed the Southern states had left the union and destroyed their status as states.

他们认为南方各州已经脱离联邦并破坏了它们作为州的地位。

They had to be reinvented.

他们必须重新发明。

To Thaddeus Stevens, Reconstruction meant not only safeguarding and preserving the essential results of the Civil War, but in his vision it meant remaking the South.

对于撒迪厄斯·史蒂文斯来说，重建不仅意味着捍卫和保存内战的基本成果，而且在他看来，这意味着重塑南方。

It meant the increase of democracy in terms of representation.

这意味着代表权方面民主的增加。

It meant the spread of the right of suffrage.

这意味着选举权的传播。

The Radicals' hard-line marginalized them within their own party.

激进派的强硬路线使他们在党内边缘化。

Most Republicans feared the Radicals' position on black rights would drive away white voters in the North.

大多数共和党人担心激进派在黑人权利问题上的立场会赶走北方的白人选民。

It is the radical wing which is the most sympathetic to black people.

最同情黑人的是激进派。

The Party in general was committed to a limited program of civil rights, protection of property, education, etc. But the party is not in any way committed to any sort of radical restructuring of Southern society.

该党总体上致力于公民权利、保护财产、教育等有限的计划。但该党并不以任何方式致力于对南方社会进行任何形式的彻底重组。

Johnson's reconstruction plan could not be challenged until Congress convened in December.

约翰逊的重建计划在 12 月国会召开之前不得受到质疑。

That summer, Radical leaders could only watch as scores of planters descended on Washington pleading to be pardoned.

那年夏天，激进派领导人只能眼睁睁地看着数十名种植园主来到华盛顿请求赦免。

Whose petition would be denied or granted was uncertain.

谁的申请会被拒绝或批准尚不确定。

Still, former Confederates were hopeful.

尽管如此，前南方联盟成员仍然充满希望。

"White men alone," President Johnson told one senator, "must manage the South."

约翰逊总统对一位参议员说：“白人必须独自管理南方。”

On St. Catherine's Island, Tunis Campbell's township was flourishing.

在圣凯瑟琳岛上，突尼斯坎贝尔的小镇正在蓬勃发展。

Three hundred and sixty-nine settlers occupied fifty-four slave dwellings, left from the old days.

三百六十九名定居者占据了旧时代留下的五十四处奴隶住宅。

They grew fruits and vegetables of all kinds.

他们种植各种水果和蔬菜。

But what they wanted were schools.

但他们想要的是学校。

"There is one sin that slavery committed against me that I will never forgive," remembered one man.

“奴隶制对我犯下了一项罪孽，我永远不会原谅，”一名男子回忆道。

"It robbed me of my education."

“它剥夺了我的教育。”

Before the Civil War, maybe no more than ten, fifteen percent of the black population of the South was literate.

内战之前，南方黑人识字的人数可能不超过百分之十到十五。

To learn how to read was a revolutionary act.

学习如何阅读是一项革命性的行为。

They understood that it was necessary if they were to take their place as freed people within the Union, that they have the rudiments of education to survive.

他们明白，如果他们想在联邦内成为自由人，就必须接受基本的教育才能生存。

After the war, freedmen who had secretly educated themselves quickly opened schools in warehouses, on barges, even in old slave markets.

战后，秘密自学的自由民很快在仓库、驳船上、甚至在旧奴隶市场开设了学校。

And the Freedmen's Bureau and Northern missionaries built thousands more throughout the South.

自由民局和北方传教士在南方又建造了数千处。

At St. Catherine's, Campbell used his own savings to bring teachers down from the North.

在圣凯瑟琳学院，坎贝尔用自己的积蓄从北方请来了老师。

Then he called on his wife, Harriet, in New York.

然后他拜访了在纽约的妻子哈丽特。

He writes a letter to Harriet, says, "Bring the sons down.

他给哈里特写了一封信，写道：“把儿子们带下来。

We're going to establish the schools.

我们将建立学校。

We're on an island of our own.

我们在自己的一座岛上。

There are no white people here and we're going to lift up children.

这里没有白人，我们要抚养孩子。

Bring all the primers you have, and please join us." This is the first time he's seen his wife and sons in about two years.

带上你所有的底漆，请加入我们。”这是他两年来第一次见到妻子和儿子。

Harriet and Tunis taught side by side with Northern teachers.

哈里特和突尼斯与北方教师并肩教学。

Campbell reported that eighty children and adults on St Catherine's and sixty on nearby Sapelo Island were enrolled in schools.

坎贝尔报告说，圣凯瑟琳岛有 80 名儿童和成人，附近萨佩洛岛有 60 名儿童和成人就读。

More than a thousand students attended Campbell's makeshift academies.

一千多名学生就读于坎贝尔的临时学院。

The adults are being taught at night.

大人晚上都在上课。

They need to deal with white people more as equals.

他们需要更加平等地对待白人。

And to do that, they have to be literate.

为此，他们必须识字。

White planters watching from the mainland resented the schools and the entire settlement, not just because the land had been seized from one of their own, but because of Campbell's ambition and independence.

从大陆观看的白人种植园主对学校和整个定居点感到不满，不仅因为土地被从他们自己的人手中夺走，还因为坎贝尔的野心和独立性。

People like Campbell were viewed as black people "out of their place." He can think for himself in ways that whites find hard to believe that a black person can think.

像坎贝尔这样的人被视为“不合时宜”的黑人。他能够以白人难以相信黑人能够思考的方式进行自己的思考。

This means, then, that history has somehow spun out of control.

那么，这意味着历史在某种程度上已经失控了。

By June 1865, Jacob Waldburg, the white planter who had owned St. Catherine's, was back in Georgia.

1865 年 6 月，拥有圣凯瑟琳教堂的白人种植园主雅各布·沃尔德堡 (Jacob Waldburg) 回到佐治亚州。

He demanded that Campbell get off his land.

他要求坎贝尔离开他的土地。

The planters are holding up deeds to the islands that are two hundred years old, or one hundred fifty years old.

种植园主们所持有的岛屿契约已有两百年或一百五十年的历史。

They said, "No, wait a minute.

他们说：“不，等一下。

This is a nation of laws, and see, my great-granddaddy had this deed.

这是一个法治国家，你看，我的曾祖父就有这件事。

And yours comes from a possessory title given to you in time of war for abandoned lands?

你的所有权来自战争时期授予你的废弃土地所有权？

How does that affect my promise of property rights under the Constitution of the United States?"

这对我根据美国宪法做出的财产权承诺有何影响？”

Waldburg got his answer: St. Catherine's Congress passed a law forbidding any white person from setting foot on the island.

沃尔德堡得到了答案：圣凯瑟琳国会通过了一项法律，禁止任何白人踏上该岛。

Campbell's militia stood ready to enforce it.

坎贝尔的民兵随时准备执行这一命令。

When Kate Stone and her mother returned to their Louisiana home after the war, they were nearly bankrupt.

当凯特·斯通和她的母亲战后回到路易斯安那州的家时，他们几乎破产了。

There was no credit to be had.

没有任何信用可言。

Of the one hundred fifty slaves they had owned, only a few remained at Brokenburn.

他们拥有一百五十名奴隶，只有少数人留在布罗肯伯恩。

The Stones had safeguarded the family silver before their escape.

斯通一家在逃跑前保护了家族的银子。

Now it was a reminder of the wealth and position the family had lost.

现在，它提醒人们这个家族失去的财富和地位。

What the women mourned most were the men who had sacrificed themselves for the Southern cause.

妇女们最哀悼的是那些为南方事业而牺牲的男人。

Many white southerners find themselves facing as Kate Stone does, a defeat that has taken the lives of her brothers and her uncle and so many of the people she's known.

许多南方白人发现自己面临着像凯特·斯通一样的失败，这场失败夺去了她的兄弟、叔叔以及她认识的许多人的生命。

When, um, Kate's oldest brother, who is not killed in the war comes back, he hardly speaks, she says, for many months.

她说，当凯特的大哥（他没有在战争中丧生）回来时，他已经好几个月几乎不说话了。

This was a civilization in which three out of four men of military age served.

在这个文明中，有四分之三的适龄军人服役。

Many of them were in the war for years on end.

他们中的许多人连续多年参加战争。

How would we not expect that that experience and defeat and slaughter and tragedy would have left them in some sense wounded.

我们怎么会没想到那些经历、失败、屠杀和悲剧会让他们在某种意义上受伤。

All these hundreds of thousands of Confederate soldiers are going back home, uncertain of what they're going to find, and uncertain of what they're going to do.

所有这些数十万南方联盟士兵都在回家，不确定他们会发现什么，也不确定他们要做什么。

As they look around and see the freed black people refusing to do just what white men tell them to do, and trying to create freedom for their families, everything looks to them as an insult and as a threat.

当他们环顾四周，看到获得自由的黑人拒绝做白人告诉他们要做的事情，并试图为他们的家人创造自由时，一切都在他们看来是一种侮辱和威胁。

White southerners say, "We gotta make it clear who's boss.

南方白人说：“我们必须明确谁是老大。

We gotta make clear that we're in control of all this."

我们必须明确表示我们掌控着这一切。”

In Washington, President Johnson shared white southerner's concerns over growing black independence in the South.

在华盛顿，约翰逊总统与南方白人一样对南方黑人日益独立感到担忧。

Johnson is seeing a black population who have abandoned the plantations.

约翰逊看到黑人已经放弃了种植园。

People who are demanding that they be treated in a decent fashion.

要求以体面的方式对待他们的人。

And Johnson believes they should return to their former places of work and above all should accept their subordination to white power and authority.

约翰逊认为他们应该回到以前的工作地点，最重要的是应该接受对白人权力和权威的服从。

Andrew Johnson believes if there's going to be a reconciliation between North and South, that it's going to be a reconciliation of white northerners and white southerners.

安德鲁·约翰逊认为，如果南北之间能够实现和解，那么北方白人与南方白人之间也将实现和解。

And if black people have to be set aside, fine.

如果黑人必须被搁置一边，那也好。

The President abandoned his strict policy toward the planters.

总统放弃了对种植园主的严格政策。

By fall of 1865, he was pardoning so many that special clerks had to be hired to keep up with the paperwork.

到 1865 年秋天，他赦免了太多人，以至于不得不聘请专门的文员来处理文书工作。

Johnson thinks that only the planters can really keep these African Americans under control, so very quickly he begins to bring the wealthy planters back into his Reconstruction policy, in order to really impose subordination on the former slaves.

约翰逊认为只有种植园主才能真正控制这些非裔美国人，因此他很快开始将富有的种植园主带回他的重建政策中，以便真正对以前的奴隶强加从属地位。

The planters only want to be pardoned so that they could get their land back.

种植园主只想得到赦免，以便拿回自己的土地。

And so Andrew Johnson complies with their wishes, pardoning fifteen to twenty thousand planters, hundreds of them being pardoned every day.

因此安德鲁·约翰逊遵守了他们的意愿，赦免了十五到两万名种植园主，每天都有数百人被赦免。

When these planters then are pardoned, they return to their islands and to their acreages all over the South, and they want the people who are then living there, removed.

当这些种植园主被赦免后，他们就会返回他们的岛屿和南方各地的土地，他们希望当时居住在那里的人们被迁走。

The President ordered that Confederate lands seized by Union troops during the war be returned to the planters, including land confiscated under General Sherman's Field Order 15.

总统下令将战争期间联邦军队夺取的南部邦联土地归还给种植园主，其中包括根据谢尔曼将军第 15 号战地命令没收的土地。

In Georgia, the assistant commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau refused to give planters back their land.

在佐治亚州，自由民局的助理专员拒绝归还种植园主的土地。

Johnson fired him and replaced him with someone who would.

约翰逊解雇了他，并用愿意的人取代了他。

In Washington, the head of the Bureau, General O.O.

在华盛顿，该局局长 O.O.

Howard, sympathized with the freedmen and resisted the president's decree for as long as he could.

霍华德同情自由民，并尽可能地抵制总统的法令。

Finally in October, Howard set out for the black settlement at Edisto Island, off the coast of South Carolina.

最后在十月，霍华德出发前往南卡罗来纳州海岸附近埃迪斯托岛的黑人定居点。

His orders from President Johnson were to "effect an agreement mutually satisfactory to the freedmen and the land owners." Behind the bureaucratic language Johnson's directive was clear.

约翰逊总统向他发出的命令是“达成一项让自由民和土地所有者双方都满意的协议”。在官僚语言的背后，约翰逊的指示是明确的。

General Howard has to tell these former slaves that the land that they thought had been given to them by the Federal Government now is going to be given back to the former owners.

霍华德将军必须告诉这些前奴隶，他们认为联邦政府给予他们的土地现在将归还给以前的主人。

And if they want to remain there, they're going to have to sign labor contracts to work as laborers on these plantations.

如果他们想留在那里，就必须签署劳动合同，在这些种植园里当劳工。

These people believe they have a right to this land.

这些人相信他们对这片土地拥有权利。

To them this is a violation, a deep betrayal of the promises that the government made to them.

对他们来说，这是一种违反，是对政府向他们做出的承诺的深刻背叛。

They are not willing to just take this lying down.

他们不愿意袖手旁观。

Many had been following events in Washington and insisted they would wait and see what Congress had to say.

许多人一直在关注华盛顿发生的事件，并坚称他们会等待，看看国会会说什么。

Others petitioned Howard in writing.

其他人以书面形式向霍华德请愿。

Wrote one man: "You ask us to forgive the landowners of our island...the man who tied me to a tree and gave me thirty-nine lashes, who stripped and flogged my mother and my sister and will not let me stay in his empty hut, except I will do his planting and be satisfied with his price -- that man I cannot well forgive." In January 1866, a large contingent of black soldiers arrived at St. Catherine's with orders to restore the land to Jacob Waldburg.

一个人写道：“你请求我们原谅我们岛上的地主……这个人把我绑在树上，给了我三十九下鞭打，他剥光并鞭打了我的母亲和妹妹，不让我留在他空荡荡的小屋里，除非我会为他种植农作物，并对他的价格感到满意——我不能原谅这个人。” 1866 年 1 月，一大群黑人士兵抵达圣凯瑟琳，奉命将土地归还雅各布·沃尔德堡。

Campbell's militia had kept whites off the island but this was something different.

坎贝尔的民兵将白人拒之门外，但这次情况有所不同。

Tunis Campell believed that people have to take things into their own hands, sometimes.

突尼斯·坎贝尔认为，有时人们必须把事情掌握在自己手中。

But African American freedmen are not go into fire on African American soldiers.

但非裔美国自由民不会向非裔美国士兵开枪。

No.

不。

The experiment in independence at St. Catherine's was over.

圣凯瑟琳教堂的独立实验结束了。

A determined Tunis Campbell headed for the Georgia mainland.

意志坚定的突尼斯·坎贝尔前往乔治亚大陆。

In Louisiana, black farmers had leased over ten thousand acres from the Freedmen's Bureau, believing they would soon own them outright.

在路易斯安那州，黑人农民从自由民局租用了一万多英亩土地，他们相信他们很快就会完全拥有这些土地。

Marshall Twitchell and other Freedmen's Bureau agents delivered a different message: No matter what they'd heard, no forty acres and a mule was coming from this government.

马歇尔·特威切尔和其他自由民局特工传达了不同的信息：无论他们听到什么，这个政府都不会派出四十英亩土地和一头骡子。

This is what Presidential Reconstruction is coming to mean.

这就是总统重建的意义。

It's telling the freedmen that the government is not going to pamper you.

它告诉自由民政府不会纵容你们。

The government is not going to give you any land.

政府不会给你任何土地。

You have a hard row ahead of you.

你面前还有一排艰难的路。

Get used to it.

习惯它。

"Freedom from slavery," Twitchell informed black laborers, "is not freedom from work." His words reflected worries shared by whites North and South: that freed African Americans would not work, and would refuse to go back to the cotton fields.

“摆脱奴隶制的自由，”特威切尔告诉黑人劳工，“并不是摆脱工作的自由。”他的话反映了南北白人共同的担忧：获得自由的非裔美国人不会工作，而且会拒绝回到棉田。

What would then happen to the cotton crop of the South?

那么南方的棉花作物会发生什么情况呢？

Northern industry needs that cotton.

北方工业需要棉花。

It's still the largest export of the United States.

它仍然是美国最大的出口产品。

To earn foreign money you need to export cotton.

要赚取外汇，您需要出口棉花。

Northerners were not willing to let blacks stop growing cotton.

北方人不愿意让黑人停止种植棉花。

Freedmen, I think, probably would have chosen to duck out of the cotton economy all together.

我认为，自由民可能会选择完全避开棉花经济。

You can't eat cotton.

棉花是不能吃的。

For freedmen, becoming an independent landowner is-is a dream.

对于自由民来说，成为独立的土地所有者是一个梦想。

That's their version of the American Dream.

这就是他们版本的美国梦。

But that kind of independence for freedmen, southern planters don't want, the Freedmen's Bureau doesn't want it.

但对于自由民来说，这种独立是南方种植园主不想要的，自由民局也不想要。

Many Northerners in Congress don't want it.

国会中的许多北方人不希望这样。

Across Louisiana, white planters now sat down to draw up labor contracts with the men they used to own.

在路易斯安那州各地，白人种植园主现在坐下来与他们曾经拥有的工人签订劳动合同。

No matter what color your skin is, no matter what your status before the war had been, it's a new order for everybody.

无论你的肤色是什么，无论你在战前的地位如何，这对每个人来说都是一个新秩序。

No matter what happens politically, you've got to figure out how you're going to feed yourself and your family.

无论政治上发生什么，你都必须弄清楚如何养活自己和家人。

That's the back beat.

这就是背打。

That's the rhythm on which everything else depends.

这就是其他一切所依赖的节奏。

The freed people understand that they're going have to work, but they do not want someone riding around on a horse with a whip curled on his shoulder, as the overseer had done during slavery.

获得自由的人们明白他们必须工作，但他们不希望有人骑着马走来走去，肩上夹着一根鞭子，就像奴隶制时期监工所做的那样。

And they also do not want to work for low wages.

他们也不想以低工资工作。

For many white Southerners, negotiating with slaves seemed unimaginable.

对于许多南方白人来说，与奴隶谈判似乎是不可想象的。

Because in the very notion of negotiation is an assumption of some kind of equality.

因为谈判的概念本身就存在某种平等的假设。

And for many white Southerners, they don't have anything to pay them with, because they themselves are on the verge of desperation.

对于许多南方白人来说，他们没有任何东西可以支付，因为他们自己也处于绝望的边缘。

"There is now nothing between me and the nigger but the dollar, the almighty dollar," said one South Carolina planter, " and I shall make out of him the most I can at the least expense."

南卡罗来纳州的一位种植园主说：“现在我和黑鬼之间除了美元，万能的美元之外什么都没有了，我将以最少的代价从他身上赚到最多的钱。”

They want submissive, obedient employees.

他们想要顺从、听话的员工。

I think in their heart of hearts they want a system that is as close to slavery as possible.

我认为他们内心深处想要一个尽可能接近奴隶制的制度。

Black laborers who insisted on better wages and working conditions were regularly met with threats and violence.

坚持要求更好的工资和工作条件的黑人劳工经常遭到威胁和暴力。

Vigilantes lynched whole families, and used the bullwhip on men and women as they had in slavery days.

治安维持者对整个家庭实施私刑，并对男人和女人使用牛鞭，就像奴隶制时代一样。

In 1865, more than two thousand black men women and children were reported murdered in Louisiana alone.

1865 年，据报道仅在路易斯安那州就有两千多名黑人男女和儿童被谋杀。

The violence in the South was a way to reestablish white supremacy.

南方的暴力是重建白人至上的一种方式。

These gangs of whites pick out the guy who's trying to save his money, who's trying to get ahead.

这些白人团伙会挑选那些想省钱、想出人头地的人。

The man who is an inspiration to other black people in the community -- he's the one that gets murdered.

这个给社区中其他黑人带来启发的人——他却被谋杀了。

It amounts to systematic culling of alpha males from the black community.

这相当于有系统地从黑人社区中剔除雄性领袖。

The southern legal system became an instrument of intimidation.

南方的法律体系成为恐吓的工具。

Louisiana, Texas, South Carolina, Mississippi, and Florida passed laws that virtually prohibited freedmen from any work except as field hands.

路易斯安那州、得克萨斯州、南卡罗来纳州、密西西比州和佛罗里达州通过了法律，实际上禁止自由民从事除田间工作以外的任何工作。

The laws were called "Black Codes." The aim was slavery without the chain.

这些法律被称为“黑人法典”。其目的是实现没有锁链的奴隶制。

The Black Codes were laws passed to control and restrict and constrain the lives of the freed people, essentially rendering them bondsmen again under law.

《黑人法典》是通过的法律，旨在控制、限制和限制获得自由的人民的生活，本质上使他们再次成为法律下的奴隶。

Some states made it illegal for freedmen to handle weapons and restricted them from buying or renting land.

一些州规定自由民持有武器为非法，并限制他们购买或租赁土地。

Black children could be seized from poor families and forced to work in the fields.

黑人儿童可能会从贫困家庭被抓走，并被迫在田里劳动。

If a black man had no job, he could be jailed and auctioned to a planter for his labor.

如果黑人没有工作，他可能会被监禁并被拍卖给种植园主以换取他的劳动。

They make a travesty of the freedom that African Americans have acquired.

他们嘲讽了非裔美国人所获得的自由。

They are so far from any notion of fairness or freedom that even northerners, who are not egalitarians, say these laws are unacceptable.

它们与公平或自由的概念相去甚远，以至于即使不是平等主义者的北方人也表示这些法律是不可接受的。

And so northern Republicans are faced with a dilemma.

因此北方共和党人面临着两难的境地。

They don't want to have a big fight with the president, but to accept the idea that Johnson's policy is a success, and accept the Black Codes, they feel means giving up the victory in the Civil War.

他们不想与总统大吵一架，但接受约翰逊的政策是成功的想法，接受《黑人法典》，他们觉得就意味着放弃内战的胜利。

To Louisiana's black veterans, one freedman offered this advice: "I would say to every colored soldier -- bring your gun home."

一位自由民向路易斯安那州的黑人退伍军人提出了这样的建议：“我会对每一位有色人种士兵说——把枪带回家。”

By early 1866, Marshall Twitchell was feeling pressure from the locals who resented his authority.

1866 年初，马歇尔·特威切尔 (Marshall Twitchell) 感受到了来自不满他权威的当地人的压力。

Soon another distraction made his life even more complicated.

很快，另一件事让他的生活变得更加复杂。

Adele Coleman was just 20-years-old.

阿黛尔·科尔曼当时只有 20 岁。

She was spirited, intelligent, and much admired by local bachelors.

她精力充沛，聪明才智，深受当地单身汉的钦佩。

Adele and Marshall became daily companions.

阿黛尔和马歇尔成了日常伴侣。

But their romance was troubled from the start.

但他们的恋情从一开始就遇到了麻烦。

Scandalized by their daughter's suitor, Adele's parents forbade her to see the Yankee officer.

阿黛尔的父母受到女儿追求者的诽谤，禁止她见这位北方佬军官。

When she tried to continue the affair in secret, Adele's brother Gus, a Confederate veteran, set out to hunt Twitchell down.

当她试图秘密地继续这件事时，阿黛尔的兄弟格斯，一名南部邦联退伍军人，开始追捕特威切尔。

One evening, a stranger came calling on Twitchell, unannounced.

一天晚上，一位陌生人未经事先通知就来拜访特威切尔。

Marshall goes walking outside.

马歇尔走到外面。

He's ready to blow this person away.

他已经准备好将这个人轰走。

And then when the person speaks, he hears Adele's voice.

然后当这个人说话时，他听到阿黛尔的声音。

It is Adele in disguise.

这是乔装打扮的阿黛尔。

She has come to warn him that her brother Gus is out gunning for him.

她来警告他，她的哥哥格斯正在外面开枪追杀他。

He, of course, is not going to let her ride home alone.

他当然不会让她一个人骑车回家。

The trip takes two and a half to three hours.

行程需要两个半到三个小时。

It takes Marshall and Adele, this particular night, all night.

在这个特别的夜晚，马歇尔和阿黛尔花了整整一夜的时间。

Adele comes marching in with the morning sun and the Coleman household just goes berserk, ballistic.

阿黛尔在清晨的阳光下大步走进来，科尔曼一家人变得疯狂、暴躁。

Twitchell has gotten himself into the position whether he fully realizes it or not, he's either going to marry her or they're going to kill him.

无论特威切尔是否意识到，他已经陷入了这样的境地：他要么娶她，要么他们杀了他。

Not everyone in northern Louisiana believed marriage was the honorable solution.

并非路易斯安那州北部的每个人都认为婚姻是体面的解决方案。

A southern girl, following the Civil War, there were no men, there were no men to marry.

一个南方女孩，内战结束后，没有男人，没有男人可以结婚。

But, for goodness sake, they couldn't marry a Yankee.

但是，天哪，他们不能嫁给一个北方佬。

And Adele Coleman did.

阿黛尔·科尔曼做到了。

But, a lot members of her own family didn't like the fact that she had married a northerner, and especially one in the position of power that he was in.

但是，她自己的很多家庭成员不喜欢她嫁给一个北方人，尤其是一个像他这样有权有势的人。

Six months after their wedding, Marshall and Adele settled on a 420-acre plantation overlooking Lake Bistineau.

结婚六个月后，马歇尔和阿黛尔在俯瞰比斯蒂诺湖的 420 英亩种植园定居。

It was as much an alliance as it was a marriage.

这既是一次联盟，也是一次婚姻。

It opens up possibilities for the Colemans; it opens up possibilities for him.

它为科尔曼一家打开了可能性；这为他打开了可能性。

Here is, in a sense, the opportunity to become wealthy much quicker than he had ever anticipated.

从某种意义上说，这是一个比他预想的更快致富的机会。

The Colemans teach Marshall Twitchell about growing cotton and he teaches them about Yankee business enterprise.

科尔曼夫妇教马歇尔·特威切尔如何种植棉花，而他则教他们有关扬基商业企业的知识。

Everybody in the South was broke.

南方的每个人都破产了。

And I think that he came to enrich himself.

我认为他是来充实自己的。

And if that helped somebody then fine, and if it hurt somebody, that's the spoils of war.

如果这对某人有帮助那就很好，如果伤害了某人，那就是战利品。

In December 1865, the Thirty-Ninth Congress, the first since the end of the Civil War, convened in Washington.

1865年12月，内战结束后的第一次国会第三十九次在华盛顿召开。

More than sixty former Confederates prepared to take their seats, including four generals, four colonels and six confederate cabinet officers, even Alexander H.

六十多名前南方邦联成员准备就座，其中包括四名将军、四名上校和六名南方邦联内阁官员，甚至包括亚历山大·H·肯尼迪 (Alexander H.

Stephens, the former vice president of the Confederacy, expecting as one observer put it, "to govern the country he had been trying to destroy."

正如一位观察家所说，联邦前副总统斯蒂芬斯期望“治理他一直试图摧毁的国家”。

If the South was going to "rise again" so to speak, control it's own political life, control the freed people, indeed if the ex-Confederates themselves were going to be allowed back into leadership at the national level, then to so many white northerners it seemed like the war would have been fought in vain.

可以这么说，如果南方要“再次崛起”，控制自己的政治生活，控制获得自由的人民，实际上，如果前南方邦联自己要被允许重新担任国家层面的领导职务，那么对于许多北方白人来说，这场战争似乎是一场徒劳。

On the opening day, the Clerk of the House refused to announce the names of the Southern delegates in his roll call.

开幕当天，众议院书记员拒绝在点名时宣布南方代表的姓名。

The former Confederates were denied their elected seats and sent packing.

前南方联盟成员被剥夺了选举席位并被送走。

The fight for control of Reconstruction had begun.

争夺重建控制权的斗争已经开始。

In many ways, Congress was a poisoned atmosphere in the debates over the Reconstruction policy.

从很多方面来说，国会在关于重建政策的辩论中气氛都很恶劣。

There were raw war memories being played out.

上演的是原始的战争记忆。

There were visceral hatreds being played out on the floor of Congress between Republicans and Democrats.

国会中的共和党人和民主党人之间存在着发自内心的仇恨。

These debates are between men who have experienced this war, who have fought this war.

这些辩论是在经历过这场战争、参加过这场战争的人之间进行的。

They are fighting, literally, about the meaning of that conflict they have just fought.

从字面上看，他们正在为刚刚发生的冲突的意义而争论。

Northern Democrats sided with Johnson, and railed against Republicans across the aisle.

北方民主党人站在约翰逊一边，并指责两党的共和党人。

Washington must get out of the way, they insisted, and let southerners run their own affairs.

他们坚持认为，华盛顿必须让开，让南方人管理自己的事务。

The Democrats had always identified themselves as the party of the white man.

民主党一直认为自己是白人的政党。

They very explicitly said, "We are here to protect the rights of white men North and South, and how do we do that?

他们非常明确地说：“我们来这里是为了保护南北白人的权利，我们该如何做到这一点？

We hold the Union together." For that reason the Democrats saw themselves as trying to put the North and South together as quickly as possible during the Civil War and as soon as it's over, trying to knit North and South together at the expense of black men.

我们将联盟团结在一起。”出于这个原因，民主党人认为自己试图在内战期间以及内战结束后尽快将北方和南方团结在一起，试图以牺牲黑人为代价将北方和南方团结在一起。

At one point in the debates Thaddeus Stevens stood up, and answering his Democratic colleagues says, "Do not, I pray, admit those who have slaughtered half a million of our countrymen, until their clothes are dried and until they are re-clad.

在辩论中，撒迪厄斯·史蒂文斯一度站起来，回答他的民主党同事说：“我祈祷，不要承认那些屠杀了我们五十万同胞的人，直到他们的衣服晒干并重新穿上衣服。

I do not wish to it side by side with men whose garments smell of the blood of my kindred." It was Stevens's way of saying, "We're going to keep the South out of the Union, as long as we can, and we're not going to allow anybody back in here who was responsible for making the war."

我不想和那些衣服上沾有我亲属血腥味的人并肩作战。”史蒂文斯的说法是：“我们将尽我们所能，将南方排除在联邦之外，并且我们不会允许任何对发动战争负有责任的人回到这里。”

A Congressional committee on Reconstruction concluded that southern governments were unable to keep law and order, or stem violence against African Americans.

国会重建委员会得出的结论是，南方政府无法维持法律和秩序，也无法制止针对非裔美国人的暴力行为。

Allowing southern states unchecked power so soon after the war, the committee said, was "madness and lunacy." Moderate Republicans had hoped to persuade Johnson to provide minimal protections for blacks in the south.

该委员会表示，战后不久就允许南部各州不受限制地行使权力，这是“疯狂和疯狂”。温和派共和党人曾希望说服约翰逊为南方黑人提供最低限度的保护。

Now even they were growing impatient with the president's policies.

现在连他们也对总统的政策越来越不耐烦了。

In March 1866, both houses of Congress passed a landmark Civil Rights Bill that protected the rights of American citizens without regard to race.

1866 年 3 月，国会参众两院通过了一项具有里程碑意义的民权法案，不分种族地保护美国公民的权利。

Republicans warned Johnson not to veto the bill if he hoped for any continued cooperation with Congress.

共和党人警告约翰逊，如果他希望继续与国会合作，就不要否决该法案。

Two weeks later, Johnson vetoed the Civil Rights Bill.

两周后，约翰逊否决了民权法案。

Johnson is opposed to the granting of those kinds of protections to black people.

约翰逊反对向黑人提供此类保护。

This had not been done for the white immigrants who had come to America why then are you doing it for these black people?

这还没有为来到美国的白人移民做，那你为什么要为这些黑人做呢？

Moderate republicans were outraged.

温和派共和党人感到愤怒。

Johnson was stubborn, self-righteous, rigid in thinking.

约翰逊固执、自以为是、思想僵化。

He was really the worst person possible to become President accidentally, at a time when flexibility, vision and creative leadership were really what was required.

在一个真正需要灵活性、远见和创造性领导力的时代，他确实是意外成为总统的最糟糕的人。

Moderate Republicans were forced into the Radical camp because they had to oppose Andrew Johnson.

温和派共和党人被迫加入激进派阵营，因为他们不得不反对安德鲁·约翰逊。

Johnson's plan of Reconstruction was so lenient, in utter contempt of black liberty that it was simply unacceptable.

约翰逊的重建计划是如此宽松，完全蔑视黑人自由，简直令人无法接受。

A united Republican party overrode Johnson's veto.

团结的共和党推翻了约翰逊的否决。

America had its first Civil Rights Act.

美国有第一部民权法案。

But many in Congress argued that the act was not enough -- that safeguarding civil rights required changes to the Constitution itself.

但国会中的许多人认为该法案还不够——维护公民权利需要修改宪法本身。

Republican leaders proposed a new amendment.

共和党领导人提出了一项新的修正案。

The Fourteenth Amendment becomes the crux of the political battle in 1866, and basically what they put into the Constitution is a new definition of American nationality and citizenship, making African Americans, for the first time, full citizens of the United States.

第十四修正案成为1866年政治斗争的关键，基本上他们写入宪法的是对美国国籍和公民身份的新定义，使非裔美国人第一次成为美国的正式公民。

This is the origin of the concept of civil rights in American society, rights which obtain to you as a citizen, which cannot be rescinded because of your race.

这就是美国社会民权概念的由来，即你作为公民所获得的权利，不能因为你的种族而被废除。

This is a titanic debate about just what the authority of the Federal Government is going to be.

这是一场关于联邦政府权力的激烈辩论。

There were plenty of Americans who argued the federal government had no right to declare black people citizens.

许多美国人认为联邦政府无权宣布黑人公民。

The Democrats are constantly putting forward racist arguments: You are eradicating a line between black and white which has existed forever.

民主党不断提出种族主义论点：你们正在消除永远存在的黑人与白人之间的界限。

To Republicans, what's at stake here, really, is the definition of freedom.

对于共和党人来说，真正关键的是自由的定义。

If a person can be discriminated against in every walk of life because of their race, has slavery really been abolished?

如果一个人可以因为种族而在各行各业受到歧视，那么奴隶制真的被废除了吗？

Congress overwhelmingly passed the Fourteenth Amendment, but it had to be ratified by three fourths of the states.

国会以压倒性多数通过了第十四修正案，但必须得到四分之三州的批准。

The President denounced the amendment, and accused the Republicans of treason.

总统谴责该修正案，并指责共和党人叛国。

Johnson is opposed to an expansion of Federal power.

约翰逊反对扩大联邦权力。

For him, constitutional authority resides at the state level, not at the national level.

对他来说，宪法权威属于州一级，而不是国家一级。

And Johnson believes that the Republicans are engaged in an enormous usurpation of state authority.

约翰逊认为共和党正在大规模篡夺国家权力。

Since the end of the war, black political conventions had been taking place across the South.

自战争结束以来，黑人政治大会一直在南方各地举行。

The central issue was black suffrage.

核心问题是黑人选举权。

"We simply ask that we be recognized as men," declared the South Carolina Convention of Colored People, "that the same laws which govern over white men shall govern black men." "We stood by the government when it wanted help," a delegate from Mississippi wrote President Johnson, "Now will it stand by us?" In New Orleans, hundreds of black men declared they were ready to fight for the right to vote.

南卡罗来纳州有色人种公约宣称：“我们只是要求我们被承认为男性，适用于白人的法律也适用于黑人。” “当政府需要帮助时，我们站在政府一边，”密西西比州的一名代表写信给约翰逊总统，“现在政府会支持我们吗？”在新奥尔良，数百名黑人宣布他们准备为投票权而战。

Militant whites in the city vowed to stamp out black agitators and Radical Republicans.

该市激进的白人发誓要消灭黑人煽动者和激进共和党人。

President Johnson dismissed the growing signs of trouble.

约翰逊总统对日益增长的麻烦迹象不予理睬。

At midday on July 30th 1866, New Orleans exploded.

1866 年 7 月 30 日中午，新奥尔良发生爆炸。

At the state convention, a mob attacked white Radical Republican delegates and their black supporters.

在州大会上，一群暴民袭击了白人激进共和党代表及其黑人支持者。

The Republicans were chased out of the convention hall and shot down.

共和党人被赶出会议厅并被击落。

Black men were murdered in the streets.

黑人在街头被谋杀。

By the time federal troops restored order, thirty-four blacks and three white Radicals had been killed.

当联邦军队恢复秩序时，三十四名黑人和三名白人激进分子已被杀害。

And the Radicals say, "We told you.

激进分子说：“我们告诉过你了。

We told you that unless you stamp out this serpent of white power in the South, unless you kill it, it's going to rise up again."

我们告诉过你，除非你消灭南方的这条白色力量之蛇，除非你杀死它，它就会再次崛起。”

The growing violence in the South turned the mid-term elections of 1866 into a referendum on Presidential Reconstruction.

南方日益严重的暴力事件使 1866 年的中期选举变成了关于总统重建的全民公投。

With Union war hero Ulysses S.

与联邦战争英雄尤利西斯·S.

Grant at his side, Johnson barnstormed the Northeast and the Midwest.

约翰逊在格兰特身边，对东北和中西部进行了巡回演讲。

Dubbed "The Swing Around the Circle," the speaking tour was an unprecedented effort to sell his policies to northern voters.

这次演讲被称为“绕圈摇摆”，是一次前所未有的努力，旨在向北方选民推销他的政策。

It was a disaster.

这是一场灾难。

At the podium, the president traded insults with hostile crowds.

在讲台上，总统与敌对的人群互相谩骂。

And blamed the slaughter in New Orleans on Congress.

并将新奥尔良的屠杀归咎于国会。

He called the leadership of the Republican party traitors.

他称共和党领导层为叛徒。

He even referred to himself as a Jesus figure, being crucified on the cross of Radical Reconstruction, which to many northerners was just a kind of pathetic political rhetoric.

他甚至将自己称为耶稣人物，被钉在激进重建的十字架上，这对许多北方人来说只是一种可悲的政治说辞。

Many northerners felt that black people should receive minimal constitutional protections.

许多北方人认为黑人应该得到最低限度的宪法保护。

And it is the South's intransigence, and the policy that President Johnson pursues by encouraging the South to reconstitute itself, that drives many northerners away from his position.

正是南方的顽固态度以及约翰逊总统鼓励南方自我重组所奉行的政策，使得许多北方人背离了他的立场。

The Atlantic Monthly called the president "egotistic to the point of mental disease....

《大西洋月刊》称总统“自负到了精神疾病的地步......

Insincere as well as stubborn, cunning as well as unreasonable, vain as well as ill-tempered." That fall, Republicans won three-fourths of the seats in both houses of Congress, enough to override any Johnson veto.

不真诚又固执，狡猾又蛮横，虚荣又脾气暴躁。”那年秋天，共和党赢得了国会两院四分之三的席位，足以推翻约翰逊的否决。

In only eighteen months, the Radicals had gone from a fringe minority to the center of Republican leadership.

仅仅十八个月的时间，激进党就从边缘少数派变成了共和党领导层的核心。

Now it was their turn to define the course of Reconstruction.

现在轮到他们来确定重建的进程了。

Thaddeus Stevens was 75-years-old, so frail that he had to be carried into the Senate by admirers.

撒迪厄斯·史蒂文斯 (Thaddeus Stevens) 已经 75 岁了，身体十分虚弱，只能由仰慕者抬着进入参议院。

In a voice his colleagues could barely hear, the tireless Stevens made a final plea for federal intervention in the southern states.

不知疲倦的史蒂文斯以同事们几乎听不见的声音最后请求联邦干预南部各州。

In March 1867, both houses of Congress again rejected a veto by President Johnson, and passed the Radicals' Reconstruction plan.

1867年3月，国会参众两院再次否决了约翰逊总统的否决，通过了激进派的重建计划。

The former Confederate states were divided into five military districts, each commanded by a General with power to enforce law and administer justice.

前南部邦联各州分为五个军区，每个军区由一名将军指挥，有权执法和司法。

New southern governments would be created.

新的南方政府将会成立。

They would have to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment.

他们必须批准第十四修正案。

And -- black men would have the right to vote.

而且——黑人将有投票权。

This really was a remarkable leap in the dark for world history.

对于世界历史来说，这确实是一次非凡的黑暗飞跃。

It was the first large scale experiment in interracial democracy that had existed anywhere.

这是世界上第一个大规模的跨种族民主实验。

When Tunis Campbell learned of the Radicals' bold plan, he immediately decided to run for office.

当突尼斯·坎贝尔得知激进党的大胆计划后，立即决定竞选公职。

Marshall Twitchell also went into politics, as a delegate to Louisiana's Constitutional Convention.

马歇尔·特威切尔还作为路易斯安那州制宪会议的代表进入政界。

It was like nothing he'd ever seen.

这就像他从未见过的一样。

More than half the delegates were black.

超过一半的代表是黑人。

Within a year, Andrew Johnson would be impeached by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors.

一年之内，安德鲁·约翰逊将因重罪和轻罪而被参议院弹劾。

His presidency would survive, by a single vote.

他的总统职位仅以一票之差得以延续。

When Radical Reconstruction passed there were still thirty-eight thousand federal troops stationed in the South.

当激进重建结束时，仍有三万八千名联邦军队驻扎在南方。

In Kate Stone's Louisiana, more than half the regiments were black.

在凯特·斯通领导的路易斯安那州，一半以上的军团是黑人。

Women like Kate Stone look at this and see embodied in black soldiers their greatest fear.

像凯特·斯通这样的女性看到这一点，发现黑人士兵体现了她们最大的恐惧。

These black men, many of whom had been slaves only eighteen months earlier, they wear that uniform as if it's their right, as if they're Americans, too.

这些黑人，其中许多人在十八个月前还是奴隶，他们穿着制服，就好像这是他们的权利，就好像他们也是美国人一样。

For white southerners, this is not just politics, it's about your very core being.

对于南方白人来说，这不仅仅是政治，更是关于你的核心存在。

Congress is going to do certain things, but there's almost a kind of guerilla warfare of the domestic, of the local, of people just refusing to let society change.

国会将要做某些事情，但几乎存在一种国内、地方的游击战，人们只是拒绝让社会改变。

From the point of view of the white South, the Civil War was a tragic mistake.

从南方白人的角度来看，内战是一个悲剧性的错误。

They had only defended what they understood to be their constitutional rights; it was not that they had disrupted the Union, engaged in an act of treason.

他们只是捍卫了他们所理解的宪法权利；并不是说他们扰乱了联邦，从事了叛国行为。

They felt the North was a vicious aggressor, committed to a perversion, which was black equality.

他们认为北方是一个恶毒的侵略者，致力于歪曲黑人平等。

This sense of grievance and sense of injustice only grew.

这种委屈和不公正的感觉有增无减。

That this was something not to be accepted.

这是不可接受的事情。

In North Carolina, the last legislature elected solely by the white vote adjourned.

在北卡罗来纳州，最后一个完全由白人投票选出的立法机构休会。

The legislators marked the occasion with a whisky punch party.

立法者们举办了威士忌潘趣酒派对来庆祝这一时刻。

Before long the state capitol was in a drunken uproar.

没过多久，州议会大厦就陷入了醉酒般的喧闹之中。

With the ballot in black hands, many whites expected to give up their seats to former slaves.

由于选票掌握在黑人手中，许多白人希望将席位让给前奴隶。

"We have lost all hope of escaping the vengeance of the Northern people, wrote one senator, "and all are preparing for the worst."

一位参议员写道：“我们已经失去了逃脱北方人民报复的所有希望，所有人都在为最坏的情况做准备。”

What Reconstruction does by suddenly enfranchising blacks, it communicates the message that all of a sudden these people who have been part of the background scenery, who've been stage props, they're going to come onto center stage and be actors.

《重建》通过突然赋予黑人选举权来传达这样的信息：突然之间，这些曾经是背景风景的一部分、曾经是舞台道具的人，将走上舞台中央，成为演员。

And that is deeply disturbing to white Southerners and to many people in the North.

这让南方白人和许多北方人深感不安。

Across the South, black newspapers exhorted every black man to seize the moment.

在整个南方，黑人报纸劝告每个黑人要抓住时机。

"He owes it to the martyrs who have fallen to procure his rights," declared a Georgia newspaper.

佐治亚州一家报纸宣称：“他欠那些为争取自己的权利而牺牲的烈士。”

"He owes it to his God, who has wrought his freedom.

“他把这归功于他的上帝，是上帝赋予了他自由。

Let the Republicans of the North know the strength and character of the colored vote in the South.

让北方的共和党人了解南方有色人种选票的力量和特征。

Vote.

投票。

Vote in spite of every threat." To freedmen, the ballot was sacred proof they were bondsmen no longer, but citizens at last.

尽管面临各种威胁，还是要投票。”对于自由民来说，选票是神圣的证明，他们不再是奴隶，而是最终的公民。

April 11th, 1865.

1865 年 4 月 11 日。

Two days after the end of the Civil War.

内战结束两天后。

In the White House, President Abraham Lincoln agonized over his first speech since the defeat of the South.

在白宫，亚伯拉罕·林肯总统为南方战败后的首次演讲感到痛苦。

The jubilant crowd outside expected a celebration of the Union victory.

外面兴高采烈的人群期待着庆祝联盟的胜利。

Instead, Lincoln delivered a sobering message.

相反，林肯传达了一个发人深省的信息。

The task that lay ahead, he warned, would be "fraught with great difficulty." He called it Reconstruction.

他警告说，摆在面前的任务将“充满巨大的困难”。他称之为重建。

Six hundred thousand had died.

六十万人死亡。

Bitter enemies, North and South, had to be reconciled.

北方和南方的宿敌必须和解。

And four million former slaves had to be brought into the life of a nation that had excluded them for centuries.

四百万前奴隶必须被带入一个几个世纪以来一直排斥他们的国家的生活。

In the turmoil that followed, Americans North and South would write their own scripts for the future.

在随后的动荡中，南北美洲都为未来书写了自己的剧本。

In a wild corner of Louisiana, a Northerner and his family rose to political power, with violent consequences.

在路易斯安那州的一个荒野角落，一名北方人和他的家人掌握了政治权力，并带来了暴力后果。

In Georgia, a fearless former minister staked out an independent colony for blacks, and found himself locked in a struggle with a determined young woman who came back to reclaim her family's plantation.

在佐治亚州，一位无所畏惧的前部长为黑人建立了一个独立的殖民地，却发现自己陷入了与一位坚定的年轻女子的斗争中，后者回来夺回了家人的种植园。

In Congress, a former slave challenged whites' deepest beliefs about race and class.

在国会，一名前奴隶挑战了白人关于种族和阶级的最深层信念。

Some saw Reconstruction as a chance to build a new nation out of the ashes of war and slavery.

一些人将重建视为在战争和奴隶制的废墟中建立一个新国家的机会。

Others vowed to resist.

其他人则发誓要抵抗。

They would wage a new war to protect their way of life and a racial order they believed ordained by God.

他们将发动一场新的战争来保护他们的生活方式和他们认为是上帝制定的种族秩序。

In March 1867, two years after the end of the Civil War, the United States Congress decided to bring racial equality to the South.

1867 年 3 月，即内战结束两年后，美国国会决定在南方实现种族平等。

For the last all-white legislature in North Carolina, it was the beginning of the end.

对于北卡罗来纳州最后一个全白人立法机构来说，这是终结的开始。

They threw a wild party in the state capitol.

他们在州议会大厦举办了一场疯狂的派对。

We had "the very best liquor, [and] ice, lemons and sugar," wrote one state senator.

一位州参议员写道，我们有“最好的酒、冰、柠檬和糖”。

"The whole capital was in an uproar." Under Congress' new Radical Reconstruction plan, military rule would be imposed on the South.

“整个京城一片哗然。”根据国会新的激进重建计划，将对南方实行军事统治。

White state lawmakers would be swept from their seats.

白人州议员将被扫地出门。

And the unthinkable: black men, many of them former slaves, would have the right to vote and run for office.

难以想象的是：黑人（其中许多人曾经是奴隶）将拥有投票权和竞选公职的权利。

"We have lost all hope of escaping the vengeance of the Northern people," a senator wrote "and are preparing for the worst." That fall, southern blacks embraced Congress' plan.

一位参议员写道：“我们已经失去了逃脱北方人民报复的所有希望，并正在为最坏的情况做准备。”那年秋天，南方黑人接受了国会的计划。

In Louisiana, about a hundred black men approached the town of Natchitoches, ready to defend their new rights with sticks and guns.

在路易斯安那州，大约一百名黑人接近纳基托什镇，准备用棍棒和枪支捍卫他们的新权利。

They had come to cast their ballots.

他们是来投票的。

Scores of Union soldiers, many of them black, stood guard at the polls.

数十名联邦士兵（其中许多是黑人）在投票站站岗。

It was a scene repeated throughout the South.

这一幕在整个南方上演。

This really was a remarkable leap in the dark for world history.

对于世界历史来说，这确实是一次非凡的黑暗飞跃。

It's the first large-scale experiment in interracial democracy that had existed anywhere.

这是世界上第一个大规模的跨种族民主实验。

In Georgia, Tunis Campbell was among the first blacks to run for political office.

在佐治亚州，突尼斯·坎贝尔是第一批竞选政治职位的黑人之一。

Right after the war, he had set up an independent black colony in the Sea Islands of Georgia -- and declared it off-limits to whites.

战后不久，他在乔治亚州海岛建立了一个独立的黑人殖民地，并宣布白人不得进入该殖民地。

Trained as a minister, he could reach into the heart of a community.

作为一名牧师，他接受过培训，能够深入社区的核心。

He often stood behind the pulpits in black churches on Sundays and said, "Under the new acts of Congress, we're going to be allowed to vote.

他经常在周日站在黑人教堂的讲坛后面说：“根据国会的新法案，我们将被允许投票。

You're going to be protected in that vote.

你将在那次投票中受到保护。

We have a great black majority in this district.

我们这个选区的黑人占多数。

We are going to elect black judges.

我们将选举黑人法官。

We are going to elect black sheriffs.

我们将选举黑人警长。

We are going to elect black senators."

我们将选举黑人参议员。”

The right to vote for black people was an almost spiritual experience.

黑人的投票权几乎是一种精神体验。

It was a physical manifestation of their freedom.

这是他们自由的具体体现。

It meant that somebody was actually recognizing them as a political human being.

这意味着有人实际上承认他们是一个政治人物。

The right to vote was like breathing life into them.

投票权就像给他们注入了生命。

Many white Southerners boycotted the elections.

许多南方白人抵制选举。

They say the government that's created by Thomas Jefferson and George Washington for proud, independent, enlightened men, is now going to be occupied by former slaves who cannot read.

他们说，托马斯·杰斐逊和乔治·华盛顿为骄傲、独立、开明的人创建的政府现在将由不识字的前奴隶占据。

This must be an injustice, they say.

他们说，这一定是一种不公正。

This must be a farce.

这一定是一场闹剧。

At this time only five northern states -- all of them in New England, with very small black populations -- give African Americans the right to vote.

目前，只有五个北方州——全部位于新英格兰，黑人人口很少——赋予非裔美国人投票权。

Ohio doesn't.

俄亥俄州没有。

New York only gives a tiny number the right to vote.

纽约只给予极少数人投票权。

Pennsylvania doesn't.

宾夕法尼亚州没有。

Illinois doesn't.

伊利诺伊州没有。

And white southerners feel that this is just one more example of the hypocrisy of Reconstruction, that white northerners are willing to inflict upon white southerners things they would not tolerate in their own home states.

南方白人认为，这只是重建虚伪的又一个例子，北方白人愿意对南方白人施加他们在自己的家乡所不能容忍的事情。

When the votes were counted, Tunis Campbell had won a seat in the Georgia state senate with an overwhelming majority.

计票时，突尼斯·坎贝尔以压倒性多数赢得了佐治亚州参议院席位。

Black voting carried with it an enormous meaning.

黑人投票具有巨大的意义。

It meant that political power was going to be shared between blacks and whites.

这意味着政治权力将在黑人和白人之间分享。

This is a very frightening thing for many white southerners because they have, in effect, lost control over what they had deemed to be their birthright, which is the right to run these governments.

对于许多南方白人来说，这是一件非常可怕的事情，因为他们实际上失去了对他们认为是与生俱来的权利的控制，即管理这些政府的权利。

One white southerner uttered words of warning: "Let not your pride flatter you into the belief that you ever can or ever will govern the white men of the South."

一位南方白人发出警告：“不要让你的骄傲让你相信你能够或永远会统治南方的白人。”

Anxious to reclaim their land, 28-year-old Fan Butler and her father, Pierce, were nearing their plantation on St. Simon's Island in Georgia.

28 岁的范·巴特勒 (Fan Butler) 和她的父亲皮尔斯 (Pierce) 迫不及待地想要收回自己的土地，他们正接近他们位于佐治亚州圣西蒙岛的种植园。

Rice, not cotton, had been king here before the war.

战前，这里的王者是大米，而不是棉花。

And Pierce Butler had been one of the richest of the rice aristocracy.

皮尔斯·巴特勒是稻米贵族中最富有的人之一。

Fan Butler's mother, the celebrated English actress Fanny Kemble, had made headlines around the world, when she publicly declared that she could not live with a slaveholder.

范·巴特勒的母亲、著名的英国女演员范妮·肯布尔因公开宣称她不能与奴隶主一起生活而成为世界各地的头条新闻。

After her parents divorced, Fan Butler had to make a choice.

父母离婚后，范巴特勒不得不做出选择。

She was involved in not a brothers' war, but a family war.

她卷入的不是一场兄弟战争，而是一场家庭战争。

When her parents were divorced, she took sides, and she sided with the South and with her father.

当她的父母离婚时，她站在了一边，她站在南方和她的父亲一边。

From the safety of Philadelphia, the Butlers heard that their land was being confiscated by victorious Union troops.

在安全的费城，巴特勒一家听说他们的土地被胜利的联邦军队没收了。

They found the Butler plantation in ruins.

他们发现巴特勒种植园已成废墟。

Fan and Pierce got one piece of good news: a federal decree returned the plantations to their original owners.

范和皮尔斯得到了一个好消息：一项联邦法令将种植园归还给原来的所有者。

But their claims on the land were fiercely resisted by freedmen.

但他们对这片土地的要求遭到了自由民的强烈抵制。

Black southerners say, "the South is mine too." I helped make this place.

南方黑人说：“南方也是我的。”我帮助创造了这个地方。

I remember when this plantation was nothin' other than woods.

我记得这个种植园当时只是一片树林。

And we cleared it.

我们清除了它。

And it's ours.

这是我们的。

And I'm not leaving.

我不会离开。

This is rich land."

这是一片富饶的土地。”

In this charged atmosphere, the Butlers had to negotiate with their former slaves.

在这种紧张的气氛中，巴特勒一家不得不与他们以前的奴隶进行谈判。

The new system came to be called sharecropping, but many landowners wanted something more than their share.

新制度被称为佃农，但许多土地所有者想要的不仅仅是他们的份额。

Pierce's plan was to evolve his relationship with his former slaves back into something that would probably look and work a lot like slavery.

皮尔斯的计划是将他与以前的奴隶的关系重新发展成一种看起来和运作起来都很像奴隶制的关系。

And as Fan would later say, when it was her land, "You have the freedom to leave, but I have freedom too.

正如范后来所说，当这是她的土地时，“你有离开的自由，但我也有自由。

And what's more, I own this land.

更重要的是，我拥有这片土地。

And if you're going to stay here, you have to do what I say."

如果你要留在这里，就必须按我说的做。”

Fan Butler was not as confident as she sounded

范巴特勒并不像听起来那么自信

New Orleans in the fall of 1867 was a bankrupt city with just four paved roads.

1867 年秋天的新奥尔良是一座破产的城市，只有四条铺好的道路。

The war had left the whole state of Louisiana, one official lamented, "dirty, impoverished, and hopeless." But in Mechanics Hall, there was excitement about the future.

一位官员哀叹，战争使整个路易斯安那州“肮脏、贫穷、绝望”。但在力学大厅里，人们对未来感到兴奋。

Under the new Reconstruction law, delegates had gathered to draw up a new constitution for the state.

根据新的重建法，代表们聚集在一起起草国家新宪法。

The thrifty Twitchell had saved enough to buy 420 acres of cotton land.

节俭的特威切尔攒了足够的钱购买 420 英亩的棉花地。

He married Adele Coleman, the daughter of a local planter, and got to know his neighbors, both black and white.

他与当地种植园主的女儿阿黛尔·科尔曼结婚，并结识了他的黑人和白人邻居。

The vast majority of northerners who moved south moved there because the South was now, uh, the new pioneer society.

绝大多数南迁的北方人搬到那里是因为南方现在是，呃，新的拓荒者社会。

They came as business people.

他们是作为商人而来的。

They came to buy land.

他们是来买地的。

They came to set up businesses.

他们是来创业的。

They came to invest.

他们是来投资的。

At first they were welcomed.

起初他们受到欢迎。

In the summer of 1867 Twitchell made a fateful decision.

1867 年夏天，特威切尔做出了一个重大决定。

He agreed to represent his district at the state convention.

他同意代表他的选区参加州大会。

He'd commanded black troops in the war, but this was a new world.

他在战争中指挥过黑人军队，但这是一个新世界。

For the next few months, Twitchell is going to have to work with black men as equals in a way that he has never done before.

在接下来的几个月里，特威切尔将不得不以一种他以前从未做过的方式与黑人平等地合作。

Twitchell supported most of the provisions in the new constitution, including a controversial one that would take voting rights away from white men associated with the old Confederate government.

特威切尔支持新宪法中的大部分条款，包括一项有争议的条款，该条款将剥夺与旧南部邦联政府有关的白人的投票权。

He had crossed a line: many white southerners resented watching northerners like Twitchell making crucial political decisions.

他已经跨越了底线：许多南方白人厌恶看着像特威切尔这样的北方人做出重要的政治决定。

Midway through the conventions, you can see the conservative newspapers covering the conventions sort of searching for some new language to describe these people.

在大会进行到一半时，您可以看到报道大会的保守派报纸正在寻找一些新的语言来描述这些人。

And then they hit upon the word "carpetbagger." It conjures up the image of a lowlife Yankee.

然后他们想到了“carpetbagger”这个词。它让人想起一个下流的北方佬的形象。

He packs his scanty belongings in a carpetbag and takes the first steamship south, to profit upon the misery of a defeated people

他将仅有的少量物品装进地毯袋，乘坐第一艘轮船南下，从战败人民的苦难中获利。

Twitchell came to be viewed with suspicion by some of his white neighbors.

特威切尔的一些白人邻居开始对他产生怀疑。

He's a villain.

他是个恶棍。

The carpetbaggers are always thought of as a danger.

盗贼总是被认为是一种危险。

You had the boll weevils; they were a danger.

你有棉铃象甲虫；他们是一种危险。

Of course low prices, and the carpetbagger.

当然价格低廉，还有地毯式的。

The Yankee from Vermont was starting to make powerful enemies in Louisiana.

来自佛蒙特州的洋基队开始在路易斯安那州树敌。

In the summer of 1868, Tunis Campbell entered the Georgia state legislature in Atlanta.

1868 年夏天，突尼斯·坎贝尔进入亚特兰大的佐治亚州议会。

With him came thirty-one other black members of the Republican party.

与他同行的还有另外三十一名共和党黑人成员。

The work of re-making the southern states had begun.

重建南部各州的工作已经开始。

Suddenly you get hundreds of men elected to every office from member of Congress, the Senate, House of Representatives, member of state legislature, state positions, down to sheriff, justice of the peace, school board official, you name it.

突然间，数百名男子被选入各个职位，从国会议员、参议院、众议院、州立法机构成员、州职位，到治安官、治安官、学校董事会官员，凡是你能想到的。

For Democrats, who had bitterly resisted the Republican Reconstruction plan, the very idea of blacks in political office was an aberration.

对于曾强烈抵制共和党重建计划的民主党人来说，黑人担任政治职位的想法本身就是一种反常现象。

"The Negro is unfit to rule the State," The Atlanta Constitution declared.

亚特兰大宪法宣称：“黑人不适合统治国家。”

"The Democratic party will protect him in every civil right.

“民主党将在每项公民权利上保护他。

It is unwilling, however, to make him Congressman, Governor, and Judge.

然而，它不愿意让他担任国会议员、州长和法官。

It will not consent to degrade its own race by elevating an inferior above it." In the Georgia legislature, blacks were outnumbered four to one.

它不会同意通过提升比自己低等的人来贬低自己的种族。”在佐治亚州立法机构中，黑人的人数比例为四比一。

As soon as Tunis Campbell took his seat, he came under attack from whites on both sides of the aisle.

突尼斯·坎贝尔一上座，就遭到了两党白人的攻击。

What you have here is a very volatile moment in which alliances politically are shifting very rapidly, and from one day to the next, you don't know really what's going to happen.

现在是一个非常不稳定的时刻，政治上的联盟正在迅速变化，日复一日，你不知道会发生什么。

The few white Republicans who did support black legislators were branded as traitors to their race.

少数支持黑人立法者的白人共和党人被贴上种族叛徒的标签。

Blacks "should quit dabbling in politics," argued one newspaper, "and go to work...to earn an honest subsistence." Most whites in the legislature maintained that the new Georgia Constitution only gave blacks the right to vote, not the right to hold office.

一家报纸认为，黑人“应该停止涉足政治”，“去工作……以诚实地维持生计。”立法机关中的大多数白人坚持认为，佐治亚州新宪法只赋予黑人投票权，而不是担任公职的权利。

The Georgia constitution did not specifically allow office-holding by black Americans.

佐治亚州宪法没有明确允许美国黑人担任公职。

Of course it didn't specifically authorize office holding by white Americans either...

当然，它也没有特别授权美国白人担任公职......

One legislator, Henry McNeal Turner, expressed the outrage of his black colleagues.

一位立法者亨利·麦克尼尔·特纳表达了黑人同事的愤怒。

He was entitled to his seat, he said and would not cringe or beg for it.

他说，他有权获得自己的席位，并且不会畏缩或乞求。

Tunis Campbell also refused to be intimidated.

突尼斯·坎贝尔也拒绝被吓倒。

White legislators made it clear that Campbell was not welcome in the chamber.

白人立法者明确表示，不欢迎坎贝尔进入众议院。

Many of them put their hands on the butts of the pistols of the guns they wore into the chamber.

他们中的许多人将手放在进入房间的手枪的枪托上。

They shuffled their feet.

他们拖着脚。

They banged on the desk.

他们敲着桌子。

They-, they, uh, talked about the "Congo senator's insolent harangue."

他们——他们，呃，谈论了“刚果参议员无礼的长篇大论”。

Just two months after it had first convened, the Georgia legislature voted to expel its black members.

佐治亚州议会首次召开两个月后，就投票决定驱逐黑人议员。

"You may drive us out," Turner warned, "but you will light a torch never to be put out."

“你可能会把我们赶出去，”特纳警告说，“但你会点燃一支永不熄灭的火炬。”

Tunis Campbell immediately left for Washington to ask the federal government to intercede in Georgia.

突尼斯·坎贝尔立即前往华盛顿请求联邦政府在佐治亚州求情。

The capital was in the midst of the first presidential election since the Civil War.

首都正处于内战以来的首次总统选举之中。

The campaign of 1868 came down to a battle over Reconstruction.

1868 年的战役归结为一场关于重建的战斗。

The Democrats nominated Horatio Seymour and Frank Blair.

民主党提名霍雷肖·西摩和弗兰克·布莱尔。

Their views were shared by many in populous northern states like New York and New Jersey.

纽约州和新泽西州等人口稠密的北方州的许多人都认同他们的观点。

The Democratic Party ran arguably the most openly white supremacist election campaign in American history.

民主党可以说是美国历史上最公开的白人至上主义竞选活动。

They painted the Republicans as, quote, "nigger lovers."

他们把共和党人描绘成“黑人爱好者”。

The Democrats absolutely repudiate Reconstruction.

民主党绝对否认重建。

They basically say, "If we get in, forget about Reconstruction.

他们基本上是说，“如果我们进去了，就忘记重建吧。

We're going to repeal all this and put the South back under the control of-of white leaders."

我们将废除这一切，并将南方重新置于白人领导人的控制之下。”

Though the views of the Democrats had wide support, many voters gravitated to the Republican candidate, Ulysses S.

尽管民主党的观点得到了广泛支持，但许多选民还是倾向于共和党候选人尤利西斯·S·布什(Ulysses S.

Grant.

格兰特.

They found comfort in the Union general who had won the war.

他们从赢得战争的联邦将军那里得到了安慰。

Grant's slogan was "Let us have peace." The general understood that the northern heart cared deeply about reuniting North and South.

格兰特的口号是“让我们拥有和平”。将军明白，北方的心非常关心南北的统一。

He promised to support Reconstruction but wrap it up quickly.

他承诺支持重建，但很快就结束了。

There was a kind of new politics of reconciliation, a need to bring South and North together because it would be good for the economy; it would be good for the federal government; it would be good for expansion and growth.

出现了一种新的和解政治，需要将南方和北方团结起来，因为这对经济有利；这对联邦政府有好处；这将有利于扩张和增长。

The North was booming.

北方正在蓬勃发展。

To many voters there, Grant represented a chance to solve the southern problem; they could then turn their attention to the future.

对于那里的许多选民来说，格兰特代表着解决南方问题的机会。然后他们可以将注意力转向未来。

In the South, blacks saw him differently.

在南方，黑人对他有不同的看法。

Almost half a million turned out to vote for Grant because they believed that at last they would have an ally in the White House.

近五十万人投票支持格兰特，因为他们相信他们最终将在白宫拥有一个盟友。

The new President seemed to prove them right.

新总统似乎证明他们是对的。

Grant and Congress ordered the Georgia governor to readmit the expelled legislators.

格兰特和国会命令佐治亚州州长重新接纳被驱逐的议员。

Tunis Campbell and his thirty-one black colleagues took back their seats.

突尼斯·坎贝尔和他的三十一名黑人同事重新回到了座位上。

While Tunis Campbell fought aggressively for black rights, John Roy Lynch moved more cautiously.

虽然突尼斯·坎贝尔积极争取黑人权利，但约翰·罗伊·林奇的行动却更加谨慎。

Lynch had been a house slave in Natchez, Mississippi.

林奇曾是密西西比州纳奇兹的一名房奴。

After the war, he had learned to read, taught himself photography, and worked his way up in the business.

战后，他学会了读书，自学摄影，并在生意上一步步晋升。

I think he only had about four months of formal schooling.

我认为他只接受了大约四个月的正规教育。

But he's a very bright young man, and a fast learner.

但他是一个非常聪明的年轻人，而且学得很快。

He listened, and he was also in the photography business, so he heard a lot of people who could afford to have their pictures taken.

他听了，而且他也是从事摄影行业的，所以他听到很多有钱拍照的人。

Lynch's customers talked politics, and he soaked it up, even teaching himself parliamentary law.

林奇的顾客谈论政治，他吸收了这些政治知识，甚至自学了议会法。

By 1870, he was a newly elected state legislator walking up the steps of the Mississippi capitol.

1870 年，他作为新当选的州议员走上密西西比州议会大厦的台阶。

He was 22-years-old.

他当时22岁。

John R.

约翰·R。

Lynch is one of those guys who is created by the Reconstruction situation.

林奇就是那些因重建局势而诞生的人之一。

Opportunities open to him, which could have been, in which would have been inconceivable before this moment.

机会向他敞开，这在这一刻之前是不可能的。

Black legislators are not asking for really radical changes.

黑人立法者并不要求真正彻底的改变。

They're asking for deeply American things: equality in the courthouse; the right to be on juries; the right to testify in your own behalf.

他们要求的是深刻的美国特色：法院里的平等；成为陪审团成员的权利；代表您自己作证的权利。

A lot of what these black lawmakers and white Republicans are trying to do, you might almost say, is bring the South into the nineteenth century.

你几乎可以说，这些黑人立法者和白人共和党人试图做的很多事情就是将南方带入十九世纪。

Public school systems, for example.

例如，公立学校系统。

South didn't have that.

南方没有这个。

Large numbers of southern whites were illiterate.

大量南方白人是文盲。

Reconstruction establishes the first public school systems in the South.

重建建立了南方第一个公立学校系统。

Within a year, Mississippi opened 230 new schools for blacks, and 252 for whites.

一年之内，密西西比州为黑人开设了 230 所新学校，为白人开设了 252 所学校。

There were plans for new hospitals, railroads; but who would pay the bill?

计划修建新医院、铁路；但谁来买单呢？

Before the Civil War, slaveowners had paid most of the taxes.

内战之前，奴隶主缴纳了大部分税款。

Now, the burden shifted to anyone who owned land, small farmers as well as rich planters.

现在，负担转移到了任何拥有土地的人身上，包括小农和富裕的种植园主。

White southern landowners said, "If you think for a minute that I'm going to give up my hard-earned money to build up the government to take care of colored people, you're crazy."

南方白人地主说：“如果你认为我会放弃辛苦赚来的钱来建立政府来照顾有色人种，那你就疯了。”

Lynch had some sympathy for the white opposition.

林奇对白人反对派有些同情。

After fierce debate, Lynch and the Republicans managed to pass the tax increase.

经过激烈辩论，林奇和共和党成功通过了增税法案。

In statehouses and small towns across the South, black officials were transforming daily life for freedmen.

在南方各地的州议会大厦和小镇，黑人官员正在改变自由民的日常生活。

As African Americans encountered local government, for the first time in their lives they were encountering black faces behind the desk, faces that were accepting, faces that knew who they were, what they had been through.

当非裔美国人遇到地方政府时，他们有生以来第一次遇到办公桌后面的黑人面孔，这些面孔正在接受，面孔知道他们是谁，他们经历过什么。

There was one thing that white southerners feared more than anything else.

南方白人最害怕的一件事就是。

They used one word for lots of different kinds of things.

他们用同一个词来形容许多不同种类的事物。

They called it "Negro rule." Well, when you have a black sheriff with a gun, that's Negro rule.

他们称之为“黑人统治”。好吧，当你有一个带枪的黑人警长时，那就是黑人统治。

Sometimes even if you have a black postmaster, who makes white women stand in line to get stamps -- that could be Negro rule.

有时，即使你有一位黑人邮政局长，他也会让白人女性排队领取邮票——这可能是黑人统治。

It all looks like Negro rule, and it's hard for white southerners to get a sense of proportion about all this, because they consider all of it a violation of the natural order, a violation of the way that things should be.

这一切看起来都像是黑人统治，南方白人很难对这一切有分寸感，因为他们认为这一切都违反了自然秩序，违反了事物应有的方式。

A shadowland of secret clubs and societies began to take shape: in Mississippi, the White Liners; in Louisiana, the Knights of the White Camellia -- and across the South, the Ku Klux Klan.

一个由秘密俱乐部和社团组成的影子地带开始形成：在密西西比州，有“白线”(White Liners)；在密西西比州，有“白线”(White Liners)；在路易斯安那州，有白山茶骑士团；在南方，有三K党。

If you grow up in a society in where, for centuries, you have been taught that other people are your racial inferiors, it's very hard to accept the enormous social change involved in their emancipation.

如果你在一个几个世纪以来一直被教导其他人是你的种族下等人的社会中长大，那么你很难接受他们的解放所涉及的巨大社会变革。

Any benefit that accrued to blackness was interpreted as a loss of whiteness.

黑色带来的任何好处都被解释为白色的损失。

Education, the acquisition of property, was viewed as somehow unnatural.

教育、财产的获得，在某种程度上被认为是不自然的。

The Ku Klux Klan does not see itself as Lawlessness, but as the Law.

三K党并不认为自己是无法无天的，而是法律。

Because they do not believe that black men deserve political power or know what to do with it once they have it, they think that it's their right, maybe even their Christian responsibility, to destroy black political power before it has a chance to become too entrenched.

因为他们不相信黑人应该拥有政治权力，也不知道一旦拥有政治权力后该如何处理，他们认为在黑人政治权力变得过于根深蒂固之前摧毁黑人政治权力是他们的权利，甚至可能是他们基督徒的责任。

Abram Colby had been elected to the Georgia legislature, along with Tunis Campbell.

艾布拉姆·科尔比和突尼斯·坎贝尔一起当选为佐治亚州立法机构成员。

The Democrats wanted to curb his power in the county.

民主党人想限制他在该县的权力。

They tried bribes, but Colby turned them away.

他们试图贿赂，但科尔比拒绝了他们。

In October of 1869, the Klan set out to teach him a lesson.

1869 年 10 月，三K党开始教训他。

Colby's attackers could not hide behind their hoods.

科尔比的袭击者无法躲在兜帽后面。

They would take people out of their houses or their cabins in the dark of the night, strip them out in a road, make them run down the road, make them sometimes lie on a rock where they would be whipped, where men would line up to whip them.

他们会在漆黑的夜里把人们从他们的房子或小屋里带出来，把他们脱光在路上，让他们沿着路跑，有时让他们躺在一块岩石上，在那里他们会被鞭打，人们会在那里排队鞭打他们。

Sometimes they would burn parts of their bodies.

有时他们会烧掉身体的一部分。

These were, these were sadistic tortures.

这些都是虐待狂的折磨。

They said to me, 'Do you think you will ever vote another damned Radical ticket?' I said, 'If there was an election tomorrow, I would vote the Radical ticket.' They set in and whipped me a thousand licks more.

他们对我说，‘你认为你还会再投另一张该死的激进党票吗？’我说，“如果明天有选举，我会投票给激进党。”他们又开始鞭打我一千次。

This was a war of terror.

这是一场恐怖战争。

The Ku Klux Klan, organized in 1867, is an original American terrorist organization.

三K党成立于1867年，是美国原创的恐怖组织。

By 1870, 30-year-old Marshall Twitchell had bought another plantation, and was starting to make money.

到 1870 年，30 岁的马歇尔·特威切尔 (Marshall Twitchell) 购买了另一个种植园，并开始赚钱。

He brought down from Vermont his three sisters and their husbands, his brother, Homer -- and their mother.

他从佛蒙特州带来了他的三个姐妹和她们的丈夫、他的兄弟荷马以及她们的母亲。

And he decided to run for the state senate.

他决定竞选州参议员。

In a district that was seventy percent black, Twitchell had an advantage.

在一个黑人占百分之七十的地区，特威切尔有优势。

One of the things black people most want -- they want to be treated with dignity and respect.

黑人最想要的事情之一——他们希望得到尊严和尊重。

Marshall Twitchell does treat black people with dignity and respect.

马歇尔·特威切尔确实以尊严和尊重对待黑人。

He does want to see them get an education.

他确实希望看到他们接受教育。

That doesn't mean he invites his black lieutenants over for Sunday dinner.

这并不意味着他邀请他的黑人副官来参加周日的晚餐。

Senator Twitchell appointed some blacks to positions in the local government, and he made real improvements in the district, building levees, schools, a courthouse, churches.

特威切尔参议员任命了一些黑人担任当地政府的职务，他对该地区做出了真正的改善，修建了堤坝、学校、法院和教堂。

But the better jobs in the government went to the Twitchell men, and some of his white neighbors resented his family's growing power.

但政府中更好的工作属于特威切尔家族，而他的一些白人邻居则对他家族日益增长的权力感到不满。

They were the clerk of court, the tax assessor, the sheriff, the state senator.

他们是法院书记员、税务评估员、治安官、州参议员。

And he used those positions then to enrich himself and his family.

然后他利用这些职位为自己和家人谋取利益。

And that's how he was viewed by the people that lived here with him.

这就是和他住在一起的人对他的看法。

From his nearby plantation, Confederate veteran B.W.

来自附近种植园的南部邦联退伍军人 B.W.

Marston kept a wary eye on his neighbor.

马斯顿警惕地注视着他的邻居。

My great-grandfather had a military background, and- and a violent background.

我的曾祖父有军事背景，还有——还有暴力背景。

His regiment overran General Sherman right at Shiloh Church, so he had known violence, and he had known leadership.

他的团就在示罗教堂击败了谢尔曼将军，所以他知道暴力，也知道领导力。

And this was a frontier area.

而且这里还是边疆地区。

And he did what it took.

他做了该做的事。

This is the most violent place in Louisiana and probably the most violent place in the South.

这是路易斯安那州最暴力的地方，也可能是南部最暴力的地方。

Even without the Civil War and Reconstruction, it's a violent area.

即使没有内战和重建，这也是一个暴力地区。

The Civil War and Reconstruction add a thick layer of social and political violence.

内战和重建加剧了社会和政治暴力。

The affairs of the parish were being "extravagantly managed," B.W.

B.W. 教区的事务被“过度管理”。

Marston said of Twitchell, "managed in the interests of a ring for spoils...

马斯顿谈到特威切尔时说：“为了战利品而进行管理......

I consider him a tyrant."

我认为他是一个暴君。”

Fan Butler was trying to run two Georgia plantations by herself.

范·巴特勒试图独自经营佐治亚州的两个种植园。

Her father, Pierce, had died of malaria the year before.

她的父亲皮尔斯于前一年死于疟疾。

Fan had three hundred laborers working for her, many doing backbreaking, dangerous work in the rice fields.

范有三百名劳工为她工作，其中许多人在稻田里从事繁重、危险的工作。

By law, she now had to negotiate annual contracts with each of them.

根据法律规定，她现在必须与他们每个人协商年度合同。

She understood that if she made the concessions that these newly freed people wanted, she wouldn't turn a profit.

她明白，如果她做出这些新获释者想要的让步，她就不会盈利。

So she basically needs to make enough from them to cover their most minimal demands, and then to make a profit for the plantation.

所以她基本上需要从他们身上赚到足够的钱来满足他们最基本的需求，然后为种植园赚取利润。

Neither she nor the other members of her class know how to handle free labor.

她和她班上的其他成员都不知道如何处理免费劳动力。

What they want is a docile, disciplined labor force.

他们想要的是一支温顺、遵守纪律的劳动力。

They don't want people asking to be guaranteed their wages.

他们不希望人们要求保证工资。

They don't want people asking for time off, because this is just completely unacceptable.

他们不希望人们请假，因为这是完全不可接受的。

Organizing Fan Butler's workers, making sure their demands were heard, was a formidable adversary: Tunis Campbell felt that he could have more impact working directly with his constituents at the grassroots level.

组织范·巴特勒的员工，确保他们的要求得到倾听，是一个可怕的对手：突尼斯·坎贝尔认为，他可以直接与基层选民合作，产生更大的影响力。

He urged Butler's workers to assert their rights.

他敦促巴特勒的员工维护自己的权利。

Tunis Campbell told them "If they can get you cheaper, they will.

突尼斯·坎贝尔告诉他们：“如果他们能给你更便宜的价格，他们就会的。

If they can take part of your crop, they will.

如果他们能分得你的庄稼，他们就会这么做。

And Fan Butler is one of the worst abusers of the system, So be tough with her.

而范巴特勒是体制最严重的滥用者之一，所以对她要强硬一些。

Say, 'Okay, Ms. Butler, but I've been told that laborers have rights too.'"

你可以说，‘好吧，巴特勒女士，但我听说劳工也有权利。’”

Sometimes Campbell called meetings on the spur of the moment, in the middle of the day.

有时，坎贝尔会在中午临时召集会议。

Fan Butler was furious.

范巴特勒勃然大怒。

No matter where you are in the South, it's white and black trying to forge some kind of workable economy out of all this.

无论你在南方的哪个地方，白人和黑人都在试图从这一切中打造某种可行的经济。

Everywhere you go in the South, it's former slaves trying to find a way to make something out of nothing.

在南方，无论你走到哪里，到处都是前奴隶试图找到一种白手起家的方法。

Everywhere you go in the South, it's people who had had ownership of other human beings, trying to figure out now, "How do I live without that?"

在南方无论你走到哪里，那些曾经拥有过其他人类的人现在都在试图弄清楚，“没有了它我该如何生活？”

In October 1871, two years after the attack that nearly cost him his life, Abram Colby testified before a Congressional committee.

1871 年 10 月，也就是几乎夺去了他生命的袭击事件发生两年后，艾布拉姆·科尔比 (Abram Colby) 在国会委员会面前作证。

His back had been badly injured, and he had lost the use of his left hand.

他的背部受了重伤，左手也失去了作用。

But he'd gone back to the Georgia legislature.

但他又回到了佐治亚州立法机构。

And he continued to campaign against Klan violence.

他继续开展反对三K党暴力活动。

The growing number of attacks like Colby's had finally prompted a federal investigation.

像科尔比这样的袭击事件越来越多，最终促使联邦调查。

Hundreds of witnesses risked their lives to tell their stories.

数百名目击者冒着生命危险讲述了他们的故事。

Northerners who cared little about the fate of blacks in the South were horrified by the accounts in the newspapers.

不太关心南方黑人命运的北方人对报纸上的报道感到震惊。

It really reveals to the country the extent of these kinds of atrocities and terrorism in the South, and it creates a political pressure for Grant to do something.

它确实向全国揭示了南方此类暴行和恐怖主义的严重程度，并为格兰特施加了采取行动的政治压力。

Grant realizes "We've got to stop this.

格兰特意识到“我们必须阻止这一切。

We can't just allow everything that we're trying to accomplish to be destroyed by the flagrant acts of these white vigilantes in the South."

我们不能让我们试图完成的一切被南方这些白人治安维持者的公然行为摧毁。”

Grant understood that the memories of war, North and South, were still raw, and felt he couldn't risk full-scale intervention.

格兰特明白，南北战争的记忆仍然很原始，他觉得自己不能冒险进行全面干预。

He could, however, set an example in one state, South Carolina, where Klan terror was at its bloodiest.

然而，他可以在南卡罗来纳州树立榜样，那里的三K党恐怖活动最为血腥。

In the fall of 1871, he declared martial law.

1871年秋，他宣布戒严。

Scores of suspected Klan leaders were rounded up and tried in federal courts.

数十名涉嫌三K党领导人被围捕并在联邦法院受审。

It's infuriating to white southerners that they would come in, impose this national power in their own homes, doubt their word, solicit the testimony of former slaves.

让南方白人感到愤怒的是，他们进来，将这种国家权力强加在自己的家里，怀疑他们的诺言，征求前奴隶的证词。

This is something that would just insult white southerners more than anything that had been done up to this point.

这比迄今为止所做的任何事情都更侮辱南方白人。

By the end of the trials, federal prosecutors had destroyed the Klan in South Carolina.

审判结束时，联邦检察官已经摧毁了南卡罗来纳州的三K党。

Grant's crackdown had brought a measure of peace -- for the time being.

格兰特的镇压暂时带来了一定程度的和平。

In March 1873, on one of the coldest evenings in Washington history, Ulysses S.

1873 年 3 月，在华盛顿历史上最寒冷的夜晚之一，尤利西斯·S·

Grant celebrated a landslide victory.

格兰特庆祝了压倒性的胜利。

His crackdown on the Klan had been popular with many Northerners and helped him win a second term.

他对三K党的镇压受到许多北方人的欢迎，并帮助他赢得了第二个任期。

"The States lately at war with the General Government," he announced confidently, "are now rehabilitated." For the first time in American history, blacks had been invited to the inaugural ball.

“最近与联邦政府交战的各州，”他自信地宣布，“现在已经平反了。”美国历史上第一次邀请黑人参加就职舞会。

It's an extraordinary moment in Congress for black Congressmen.

对于黑人国会议员来说，这是国会的一个非凡时刻。

There were seven black Congressmen from southern states, serving in the US House of Representatives -- one of whom was John Roy Lynch.

美国众议院有七名来自南方各州的黑人国会议员，约翰·罗伊·林奇就是其中之一。

After two years in the Mississippi legislature, Lynch was elected to Congress.

在密西西比州立法机构任职两年后，林奇当选为国会议员。

Just twenty-five, he was the youngest member of the U.S. House.

年仅二十五岁的他是美国众议院最年轻的议员。

Only ten years before, Lynch had been a slave.

仅仅十年前，林奇还是一名奴隶。

Now he was a Congressman, part of a generation of Republican legislators trying to build a new South.

现在，他是一名国会议员，是努力建设新南方的一代共和党议员中的一员。

The Republicans say, "We're not just trying to do things for black people.

共和党人说：“我们不仅仅是想为黑人做事。

We're trying to improve the entire economy and fairness for all people." These railroads aren't just going to help black people.

我们正在努力改善整个经济和所有人的公平。”这些铁路不仅仅是为了帮助黑人。

And somebody is going to have to take care of ill people who can't take care of themselves.

必须有人照顾那些无法照顾自己的病人。

You poorer white families would also like to have schools for your children, wouldn't you?" This is a chance for a new South to emerge.

你们这些贫穷的白人家庭也想为你们的孩子建学校，不是吗？”这是新南方出现的机会。

In Georgia, Tunis Campbell had moved beyond organizing laborers.

在乔治亚州，突尼斯·坎贝尔已经超越了组织劳工的范围。

He was now rewriting the codes of behavior for freedmen.

他现在正在重写自由民的行为准则。

Tunis Campbell was determined not to let whites overcome blacks in areas that he could control.

突尼斯·坎贝尔决心不让白人在他能控制的地区战胜黑人。

Couldn't control what was going on at the state level any more.

无法再控制州一级正在发生的事情。

Couldn't control what was going on at the national level.

无法控制国家层面发生的事情。

But on the local level, uh, through his office, he could make decisions that affected people's lives on a daily basis.

但是在地方层面，呃，通过他的办公室，他可以做出影响人们日常生活的决策。

Campbell told freedmen they did not have to yield to whites when they passed on the sidewalk, and they no longer had to address them as master and mistress.

坎贝尔告诉自由民，当白人经过人行道时，他们不必屈服于白人，也不必再称呼他们为主人和情妇。

In Campbell's district, some blacks were even seen carrying hunting rifles.

在坎贝尔地区，甚至有人看到一些黑人携带猎枪。

I do believe that Tunis Campbell aimed to be at least a little provocative.

我确实相信突尼斯·坎贝尔的目的至少是有点挑衅。

He was very idealistic about the possibilities for African American citizenship.

他对非裔美国人公民身份的可能性非常理想化。

But at the same time very savvy about the nature of power relations.

但同时对权力关系的本质非常了解。

Whites in the county were significantly outnumbered, and feared a black uprising.

该县的白人数量明显少于白人，他们担心黑人会起义。

Fan Butler was terrified.

范巴特勒吓坏了。

Democrats were relentless in their efforts to depose him.

民主党人不遗余力地试图罢黜他。

He's too famous to kill.

他太有名了，不能杀。

They can't kill him.

他们杀不了他。

They're afraid of that.

他们害怕这个。

They're afraid of what might happen in the local community.

他们担心当地社区可能会发生什么。

So they kept him involved in a myriad of lawsuits, charging him with abusing his office.

因此，他们让他卷入无数诉讼，指控他滥用职权。

Whatever the charges, Campbell's real offense, according to court documents, was seeking to "give the Negro supremacy over the white man." Campbell was incensed.

根据法庭文件，无论指控如何，坎贝尔的真正罪行是寻求“让黑人凌驾于白人之上”。坎贝尔被激怒了。

When Campbell's called to trial, his lieutenants send out word, and African Americans come off the plantations.

当坎贝尔被传唤接受审判时，他的副手发出了消息，非裔美国人离开了种植园。

They stop work, they go home and get their shotguns, and they arrive at the courthouse.

他们停止工作，回家拿猎枪，然后到达法院。

The wives come and children come as well, and they clog the streets with black bodies, saying emphatically to the white community, "Don't touch our man."

妻子们来了，孩子们也来了，他们用黑人的尸体堵塞了街道，向白人社区强调：“不要碰我们的男人。”

In one tense hearing, the courtroom was packed with Campbell supporters.

在一场气氛紧张的听证会上，法庭上挤满了坎贝尔的支持者。

The judge released him.

法官释放了他。

"If they had put him in jail," a white witness would later comment, "the niggers would have put the jail in the river."

“如果他们把他关进监狱，”一位白人目击者后来评论道，“黑鬼们就会把他关进河里。”

In early 1873, a series of articles began to appear in the New York Tribune.

1873 年初，《纽约论坛报》开始出现一系列文章。

Black lawmakers in South Carolina, the newspaper declared, were plundering the treasury.

该报宣称，南卡罗来纳州的黑人议员正在掠夺国库。

All through that winter, fresh accusations surfaced.

整个冬天，新的指控不断涌现。

The charges were highly exaggerated, but they contained an element of truth.

这些指控非常夸张，但也有一定的道理。

A lot more money is flowing through these state governments; they're doing a lot more things than the governments had in the past.

更多的资金正在流经这些州政府；他们所做的事情比过去的政府多得多。

And also, a lot of the Republican legislators are not people with any significant livelihood, other than being an office holder.

而且，许多共和党议员除了担任公职人员外，并没有任何重要的生计。

And so there begins to develop this sense of, "Well, make some money while you can."

于是，人们开始产生这样的感觉：“好吧，趁你还可以的时候赚点钱吧。”

In the North, corruption was just as widespread -- but South Carolina, the only state with a black majority legislature, was an easy target.

在北方，腐败同样普遍存在，但南卡罗来纳州是唯一一个黑人占多数立法机关的州，很容易成为目标。

The accusations fueled anti-black feeling in the North, and added to a growing sense that Reconstruction had been a terrible mistake.

这些指控激起了北方的反黑人情绪，并让人们越来越认识到重建是一个可怕的错误。

That fall, frightening news from Wall Street gripped the North, and eclipsed the troubled conversation about Reconstruction.

那年秋天，来自华尔街的可怕消息笼罩了北方，使关于重建的麻烦谈话黯然失色。

The nation's biggest banking house declared bankruptcy, and the North's overheated economy crashed.

该国最大的银行宣布破产，朝鲜过热的经济崩溃。

Thousands of businesses failed; a million people were thrown out of work.

数以千计的企业倒闭；一百万人失业。

In the terrible depression that followed, Northerners had little patience for the plight of Southern blacks.

在随后的可怕的萧条中，北方人对南方黑人的困境几乎没有耐心。

Increasingly, they were falling under the spell of a more romantic idea of the South -- a growing legend of a lost civilization.

他们越来越被一种更浪漫的南方观念所迷惑——一个关于失落文明的不断增长的传说。

White northerners begin to sympathize with the ideals of the white South.

北方白人开始同情南方白人的理想。

Yes, there was a time in United States when life was not all about money.

是的，在美国曾经有一段时间生活并不只与金钱有关。

Yes, there was a time when there was an aristocracy.

是的，曾经有一段时间有贵族。

And you find that white northerners as well as white southerners love these ideas, deep into the twentieth century.

你会发现，直到二十世纪，北方白人和南方白人都喜欢这些想法。

It came to be called the Lost Cause.

它后来被称为“失败的事业”。

The white South's own version of its history became a kind of civic religion.

南方白人自己的历史版本成为一种公民宗教。

White southerners began to build memorials, consecrate battlefields -- it was their way of dealing with loss.

南方白人开始建造纪念碑，奉献战场——这是他们应对损失的方式。

The Lost Cause is a celebration of what white southerners see as the best of the Confederacy: its nobility, its Christian virtues, its leadership, the loyalty of its men.

《迷失的事业》是对南方白人眼中联邦最好的东西的庆祝：它的高贵，它的基督教美德，它的领导力，它的人民的忠诚。

They basically began to forge the Confederate Lost Cause as not a story about loss but a story about victory.

他们基本上开始将南方邦联的失败事业打造为一个关于胜利的故事，而不是一个关于失败的故事。

They might have lost the war, but they were now winning the ultimate victory, over control of their own society and against Reconstruction.

他们可能输掉了战争，但他们现在赢得了最终的胜利，控制了自己的社会并反对重建。

Democrats took back power in Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, Texas.

民主党在弗吉尼亚州、北卡罗来纳州、田纳西州、佐治亚州、阿拉巴马州、阿肯色州、德克萨斯州夺回了权力。

White Southerners called it "Redemption".

南方白人称之为“救赎”。

Many of the elections were won through violence and intimidation.

许多选举是通过暴力和恐吓赢得的。

White Northerners did nothing to stop it.

北方白人没有采取任何措施来阻止它。

I think a key part of it is race, and the basic agreement, North and South, among white Americans, about the need for subordination of African Americans.

我认为其中一个关键部分是种族，以及美国白人之间关于非洲裔美国人从属地位的必要性的基本共识。

Lured by the myth of the old South, Northern tourists began to flock to the moss-covered plantations of Georgia, Virginia, Florida.

受到古老南方神话的吸引，北方游客开始涌向佐治亚州、弗吉尼亚州和佛罗里达州长满青苔的种植园。

Travel guides suggested that whites and freedmen had learned to live together in harmony.

旅行指南表明，白人和自由民已经学会了和谐相处。

"Nothing can be more beautiful than a cotton field," one travel writer declared, "when the snowy globes of wool are ready for picking, and the swart laborers, with sacks suspended from their shoulders, wander between the rows."

“没有什么比棉花田更美丽的了，”一位旅行作家宣称，“当雪白的羊毛球准备采摘时，黝黑的劳动者肩上挂着麻袋，在行间漫步。”

In the summer of 1874, Marshall Twitchell went to New Orleans for the Republican state convention.

1874 年夏天，马歇尔·特威切尔前往新奥尔良参加共和党州代表大会。

His brother-in-law, Frank Edgerton, the sheriff of Coushatta, wrote him a letter warning that some of the leading men in town had formed a chapter of the White League.

他的妹夫、库沙塔县治安官弗兰克·埃哲顿给他写了一封信，警告镇上的一些领导人已经组成了白人联盟的一个分会。

"The purpose of the White League," Edgerton wrote, is [the] extermination of the carpet bag element." "Nothing more nor less." Twitchell's reply was intercepted by the League and published in the local paper.

埃哲顿写道：“白色联盟的目的是消灭地毯袋分子。” “不多也不少。”特威切尔的回复被联盟截获并发表在当地报纸上。

He wanted to call in federal troops, he had written.

他写道，他想召集联邦军队。

But they would only come if some "overt act" were committed.

但只有发生一些“公开行为”，他们才会来。

He needed an incident so he could bring federal troops to Coushatta.

他需要一个事件，以便他可以将联邦军队带到库沙塔。

And he got an incident, but I don't think it was what he was counting on.

他遇到了一个事件，但我认为这不是他所指望的。

The White League was also looking for an incident.

白联盟也在寻找事件。

Members staged random attacks on blacks, and when a white man was wounded in one confrontation, they had what they needed.

成员们对黑人进行随机攻击，当一名白人在一次冲突中受伤时，他们得到了他们需要的东西。

Claiming the Twitchell clan was behind a black rebellion, they siezed Twitchell's brother, Homer, his three brothers-in-law Clark Holland, Henry Scott, and Sheriff Edgerton, and twenty of their black allies.

他们声称特威切尔家族是黑人叛乱的幕后黑手，并逮捕了特威切尔的兄弟霍默、他的三个妹夫克拉克·霍兰德、亨利·斯科特和治安官埃哲顿，以及他们的二十名黑人盟友。

They were forced to sign a document promising to resign and to leave Louisiana forever.

他们被迫签署一份承诺辞职并永远离开路易斯安那州的文件。

The majority would like to see these people out of town, safely.

大多数人希望看到这些人安全出城。

After all, they have broken bread with these men.

毕竟，他们已经和这些人一起断过面包了。

They have entertained one another.

他们互相招待。

They've gone to church with one another.

他们一起去教堂了。

Escorted by guards, the white Republicans left Coushatta, carrying all their money and valuables.

在警卫的护送下，白人共和党人带着所有的钱和贵重物品离开了库沙塔。

They headed for Texas.

他们前往德克萨斯州。

They haven't gone far when they look back and see a large body of thirty or forty men riding hard, closing in upon them.

没走多远，回头一看，就见三十、四十人的大军正奋力骑马，向他们逼近。

Out front is a heavily bearded man, sweat just streaming from his body, and as he approaches the rear guard he screams out "Get out of the way or share the prisoners' fate".

前面是一个留着浓密胡须的男人，汗水从他的身上流下来，当他接近后卫时，他尖叫着“让开，否则与囚犯同归于尽”。

The guards get out of the way; they offer no resistance.

警卫让开；他们不做任何抵抗。

At the head of the column, the six Republicans suddenly see these men coming down upon them, and one of them screams out, "Mount and ride for your lives." And almost immediately, three of them are shot from the saddle.

在队伍的最前面，六名共和党人突然看到这些人向他们冲来，其中一人尖叫道：“上马，逃命。”几乎立刻，其中三人从马鞍上被枪杀。

Homer Twitchell supposedly cried out, "Somebody give me a gun.

据说荷马·特威切尔喊道：“谁给我一把枪。

I don't want to die like a dog." And a bullet hits him in the face a moment later.

我不想像狗一样死去。”过了一会儿，一颗子弹击中了他的脸。

Homer and two others were killed instantly.

荷马和另外两人当场身亡。

The other three were captured and shot.

其他三人被抓获并枪决。

All were buried in shallow graves.

所有人都被埋在浅坟里。

Once they were arrested, they were going to die.

一旦被捕，他们就必死无疑。

They had to.

他们必须这样做。

Because these men would have come back with a military force the likes of which Red River Parish had never seen, and there would be military tribunals for all of the people involved in this uprising.

因为这些人回来时会带着红河教区从未见过的军事力量，而且所有参与这场起义的人都会有军事法庭。

The following morning, Twitchell got the terrible news.

第二天早上，特威切尔得到了这个可怕的消息。

I imagine Twitchell reading that telegram, and reading it again, and reading it -- reading it again, thinking there's got to be some mistake.

我想象特威切尔读了那封电报，又读了一遍，又读了一遍——又读了一遍，认为一定有什么错误。

They can't all be dead.

他们不可能都死了。

Surely some of them were simply wounded.

当然，他们中的一些人只是受了伤。

The Coushatta massacre made headlines across the country.

库沙塔大屠杀成为全国各地的头条新闻。

Many people were shocked that the violence in the South was now targeting whites.

许多人对南方的暴力现在针对白人感到震惊。

All these people who were killed were office-holders.

这些被杀的人都是公职人员。

So you've taken the public officials of Red River Parish and simply executed them.

所以你抓走了红河教区的公职人员并处决了他们。

And if it can happen in Red River, it can happen every- anywhere.

如果这可以发生在红河，那么它也可以发生在任何地方。

And for freedmen, if the White League can take white Republican officials and execute them in cold blood, what can they do to us?

对于自由民来说，如果白人联盟可以抓捕白人共和党官员并冷血处决他们，他们又能对我们做什么呢？

Nobody is safe.

没有人是安全的。

For weeks following the massacre, local black leaders slept in the woods at night.

大屠杀发生后的几周内，当地黑人领袖晚上都睡在树林里。

The massacre was part of a larger push to take back Louisiana from the Republicans.

这次大屠杀是从共和党手中夺回路易斯安那州的更大努力的一部分。

On September 14 , the White Leaguers struck in New Orleans, seizing the Republican-run legislature.

9月14日，白人联盟袭击新奥尔良，占领了共和党控制的立法机构。

President Grant was alarmed.

格兰特总统感到震惊。

He had been reluctant to send more troops to the South.

他一直不愿意向南方派遣更多军队。

But he could not allow this armed insurrection to go unchallenged.

但他不能让这场武装叛乱不受挑战。

The next day, Grant ordered the army to occupy New Orleans.

第二天，格兰特命令军队占领新奥尔良。

Federal troops entered the State House and forcibly removed the White League representatives, reinstating the Republican government.

联邦军队进入州议会大厦，强行驱逐白人联盟代表，恢复共和党政府。

Twitchell went back to Coushatta escorted by soldiers from the Third U.S. Infantry.

特威切尔在美国第三步兵团士兵的护送下返回库沙塔。

He carried with him a long list of suspects.

他随身带着一长串嫌疑人名单。

My great-grandfather, Captain Marston, was rounded up in this.

我的曾祖父马斯顿上尉因此被捕。

He writes about it.

他写了这件事。

He felt as if he were dragged before a carpetbagger court, a Yankee judge, as he called him.

他感觉自己好像被拖到了一个地毯式法庭，他称他为洋基法官。

He said he would rather take death here than be hanged in a for-, by a foreign court in New Orleans.

他说，他宁愿在这里死，也不愿在新奥尔良的外国法院被绞死。

In all, twenty-five people are arrested for complicity in the Coushatta massacre.

总共有 25 人因参与库沙塔大屠杀而被捕。

These people are housed in the Coushatta courthouse.

这些人被安置在库沙塔法院。

But they will never be brought to trial.

但他们永远不会受到审判。

Twitchell can never get the evidence that will permit him to bring these people to trial -- although he will keep trying, with perhaps disastrous results.

特威切尔永远无法获得证据来让他将这些人送上法庭——尽管他会继续努力，也许会带来灾难性的结果。

Grant's intervention in New Orleans backfired.

格兰特对新奥尔良的干预适得其反。

The spectacle of federal soldiers marching into a state legislature was a shock -- not only in the South, but all across the North.

联邦士兵走进州议会的景象震惊了——不仅在南方，而且在整个北方。

Many felt that Grant had gone too far -- overstepped his constitutional powers.

许多人认为格兰特做得太过分了——超越了他的宪法权力。

"If this can be done in Louisiana," said one senator, "how long before it can be done in Massachusetts and in Ohio?"

一位参议员说：“如果这可以在路易斯安那州实现，那么马萨诸塞州和俄亥俄州还需要多长时间才能实现呢？”

By early 1875, John Roy Lynch was pushing for a new law protecting the right of blacks to be treated as equals in public facilities: in restaurants, on trains, in hotels and theaters.

1875 年初，约翰·罗伊·林奇 (John Roy Lynch) 正在推动一项新法律，保护黑人在公共设施中享有平等待遇的权利：餐馆、火车、酒店和剧院。

With the North fast losing interest in the troubles in the South and the economy unraveling, Lynch faced an uphill fight.

随着北方对南方的麻烦迅速失去兴趣，经济崩溃，林奇面临着一场艰苦的战斗。

Worse, the Democrats had taken back control of the U.S. House in the fall elections.

更糟糕的是，民主党在秋季选举中夺回了美国众议院的控制权。

Lynch and his Republican allies had only a short lame duck session to win support for the controversial Civil Rights bill.

林奇和他的共和党盟友只进行了短暂的跛脚鸭会议就赢得了对有争议的民权法案的支持。

It was a remarkable bill because it had such-such a modern ring to it.

这是一张非凡的钞票，因为它具有如此现代的气息。

At least it would to us.

至少对我们来说是这样。

These were the kinds of public access issues that would later become so much a part of the modern civil rights movement of the twentieth century.

这些公共访问问题后来成为二十世纪现代民权运动的重要组成部分。

The Civil Rights bill was taking on the unwritten social codes of everyday life.

民权法案正在接受日常生活中不成文的社会规范。

The social code is that "You are free, but you're not as free as I am free," which is to say that black people will only rise to a certain level, and there they will remain.

社会准则是“你是自由的，但你不像我那么自由”，也就是说黑人只会上升到一定水平，然后就会留在那里。

Whites saw [the Civil Rights bill] as the opening wedge into the bugbear of nineteenth century society, and that was a belief that if you opened up these places to black people, it would open the door to racial mixing.

白人将[民权法案]视为解决十九世纪社会问题的楔子，他们相信，如果向黑人开放这些地方，就会为种族混合打开大门。

This is the great anxiety and fear that haunts all of the discussion about civil rights during the Reconstruction period.

这就是重建时期所有有关公民权利的讨论中所弥漫的巨大焦虑和恐惧。

And this fear is not only a fear in the South; it's a fear in the North also.

这种恐惧不仅存在于南方，也存在于南方。这在北方也是一种恐惧。

The Republicans managed to push the bill through.

共和党成功地推动了该法案的通过。

But it was never widely enforced.

但它从未得到广泛执行。

Within a decade, the Supreme Court declared it unconstitutional.

十年之内，最高法院宣布该法案违宪。

Most of Reconstruction legislation is far ahead of its time.

大多数重建立法远远超前于时代。

It took another century for this country to try to live up to the ideals that were implemented temporarily in Reconstruction.

这个国家又花了一个世纪的时间才努力实现重建时期暂时实现的理想。

A few weeks after the Civil Rights bill passed, John Roy Lynch went back to Mississippi to campaign for re-election.

民权法案通过几周后，约翰·罗伊·林奇回到密西西比州竞选连任。

He found a state in chaos.

他发现了一个混乱的状态。

Democratic vigilantes shot at blacks in broad daylight to keep them away from the polls.

民主党治安维持者在光天化日之下向黑人开枪，以阻止他们参加投票。

Newspapers openly called for assassination.

报纸公开呼吁暗杀。

It was a full-scale, open assault on Reconstruction.

这是对重建的全面、公开的攻击。

What you have here now is the overturning of a democratic process by illegitimate means.

现在所面临的是通过非法手段推翻民主进程。

The governor of Mississippi pleaded for help, but President Grant had learned a hard lesson in Louisiana.

密西西比州州长请求帮助，但格兰特总统在路易斯安那州得到了惨痛的教训。

Grant refuses to help.

格兰特拒绝提供帮助。

And it's a political calculation.

这是一个政治算计。

"No, I'm sorry.

“不，对不起。

You're going to have to face this on your own." And the result of it, of course, is that the Republicans are driven from power.

你将不得不独自面对这一切。”当然，其结果是共和党被赶下台。

John Roy Lynch managed to hang on to his seat -- the only Republican, black or white, elected to Congress from Mississippi.

约翰·罗伊·林奇设法保住了自己的席位——唯一一位从密西西比州当选为国会议员的共和党人，无论黑人还是白人。

Back in Washington, he called on the President.

回到华盛顿后，他拜访了总统。

"It surprises me that you yielded," Lynch said to Grant.

“令我惊讶的是你屈服了，”林奇对格兰特说。

It is the first time I have ever known you to show the white feather." Grant told him that if he had sent troops to Mississippi the Republicans would have lost the White House.

这是我第一次认识你白羽。”格兰特告诉他，如果他派军队到密西西比州，共和党人就会失去白宫。

The General who had won the Civil War, was now close to losing the war over Reconstruction.

赢得内战的将军现在差点输掉重建战争。

He told Lynch: "I am very much concerned about the future of our country.

他告诉林奇：“我非常担心我们国家的未来。

What you have just passed through in Mississippi is only the beginning of what is sure to follow."

你刚刚在密西西比州经历的一切只是接下来必然发生的事情的开始。”

In the spring of 1876, Marshall Twitchell risked a brief visit to Coushatta to tend to some business.

1876 年春天，马歇尔·特威切尔 (Marshall Twitchell) 冒险短暂访问库沙塔处理一些事务。

On May 1, he goes into Coushatta and finds an unusual number of prominent Democrats in town.

5 月 1 日，他走进库沙塔，发现镇上的知名民主党人数量异常多。

Some kind of pow-wow is clearly going on.

显然正在发生某种令人惊叹的事情。

He asks one of them (it's late in the day), "What's everybody doing around here so late in the day?

他问其中一个人（已经很晚了）：“这么晚了，大家都在做什么？

It's almost dark." And he's informed that an issue of long standing is being decided.

天快黑了。”他被告知，一个长期存在的问题正在得到解决。

And only afterwards will the meaning of that reply become apparent.

只有事后，这个答复的含义才会变得明显。

Twitchell has to be done away with.

特威切尔必须被消灭。

And-and maybe that will end it.

而且——也许这会结束它。

Because we're at war now.

因为我们现在正处于战争状态。

The following day, Twitchell left his plantation for a meeting in town.

第二天，特威切尔离开他的种植园去镇上开会。

With him was his only surviving brother-in-law, George King.

和他在一起的是他唯一幸存的妹夫乔治·金。

They took the ferry across the river to Coushatta.

他们乘渡轮过河来到库沙塔。

Early that morning, a strangely clad man had ridden into Coushatta.

那天一大早，一名衣着奇怪的男子骑车进入了库沙塔。

He was wearing a long oilcloth coat, green eye goggles, a hat pulled down low over his face, and possibly false whiskers.

他穿着一件长长的油布外套，戴着绿色护目镜，帽子拉得很低，遮住了脸，可能还留着假胡须。

He goes to the blacksmith's shop, and there he waits.

他去了铁匠铺，在那里等着。

As the ferry approached, the man made his way to the riverbank in full view of townspeople.

当渡轮接近时，该男子在镇民的众目睽睽之下走到河岸上。

Twitchell was sitting in the ferry, reading a newspaper.

特威切尔坐在渡轮上看报纸。

He looks up, sees this man pull the rifle from underneath his coat.

他抬起头，看到这个男人从外套下面拔出了步枪。

And he screams out, "Down in the boat." Twitchell moves fast.

他尖叫道：“在船上。”特威切尔动作很快。

But he gets hit in the leg before he can get over the side of the boat.

但在他爬到船边之前，他的腿就被击中了。

His brother-in-law, George King, pulls a pistol and gets off a shot, and the rifleman above shoots him in the head and he pitches back in the boat, dead.

他的姐夫乔治·金拔出手枪，开了一枪，上面的步枪手朝他的头部开了一枪，他倒在船上，死了。

Twitchell 's got one arm up over the gunwale of the boat.

特威切尔将一只手臂举在船舷上。

The rifleman above is a good shot and he puts two bullets in that arm.

上面的步枪手枪法很好，他的手臂里放了两颗子弹。

Twitchell uses his other arm.

特威切尔使用他的另一只手臂。

The rifleman puts two bullets in that arm.

步枪手将两颗子弹射入手臂。

The rifleman above empties the rifle, throws it aside, pulls out a big pistol, and blazes away with that.

上面的步枪手打空了步枪，把它扔到一边，掏出一把大手枪，然后开枪射击。

Twitchell (he's been shot six times), he whispers to the ferryman, "Tell him I am dead." And he turns and floats face down in the water, drifting with the current.

特威切尔（他中了六枪），他对摆渡人低声说：“告诉他我死了。”他转身面朝下漂浮在水中，随着水流漂流。

A black servant woman approaches the rifleman.

一名黑人女仆走近步枪手。

She asks him if he was shooting at an alligator.

她问他是否在向鳄鱼开枪。

And he says, "Yes, a damned black alligator."

他说：“是的，一条该死的黑鳄鱼。”

The assassin's identity was never revealed.

刺客的身份从未被透露。

There's some speculation as to, uh, it being my great-grandfather.

有人猜测，呃，这是我的曾祖父。

He was the kind of man that could have done it.

他是那种能够做到这一点的人。

If it had to be done, he would have done it.

如果必须这样做，他就会这样做。

Amazingly, Twitchell survived the shooting.

令人惊讶的是，特威切尔在枪击事件中幸存下来。

He was taken to a house a few miles from Coushatta, where both his arms were amputated.

他被带到距库沙塔几英里的一所房子里，他的双臂被截肢。

A delegation of local black ministers came to pay their respects.

当地黑人部长代表团前来吊唁。

The concern of these ministers was not simply for Twitchell himself, but for all he represented.

这些部长们不仅关心特威切尔本人，而且关心他所代表的所有人。

He represented this dream of a truly biracial society in which black people would be treated with respect and dignity.

他代表了一个真正的混血社会的梦想，在这个社会中，黑人将受到尊重和尊严。

And he's almost a corpse now, and he becomes a metaphor for their own broken dreams.

而他现在几乎成了一具尸体，他成为了他们自己破碎的梦想的隐喻。

The White League in Coushatta had a very different reaction.

库沙塔的白人联盟却有截然不同的反应。

"Our people rejoiced at it," B.W.

“我们的人民对此感到高兴，”B.W.

Marston recalled, "as much as they would at the killing of any tyrant in the world."

马斯顿回忆道，“就像他们杀死世界上任何暴君一样。”

Everyone was very happy that Twitchell was gone.

每个人都对特威切尔的离开感到非常高兴。

We're still happy today that he's gone.

今天我们仍然很高兴他走了。

After ten tumultuous years, Reconstruction died in 1877 in a back-room deal in Washington.

经过十年的动荡之后，重建组织于 1877 年在华盛顿的一次幕后交易中消亡。

The outcome of the presidential election the year before had been bitterly disputed.

前一年的总统选举结果曾引起激烈争议。

The two parties came to a secret compromise.

两党达成秘密妥协。

Southern Democrats agreed to accept a Republican in the White House.

南方民主党人同意接受共和党人入主白宫。

In return, the Republicans agreed to abandon Reconstruction.

作为回报，共和党同意放弃重建。

The whole Civil War and Reconstruction process had been characterized by a deep ambivalence on the part of the North.

整个内战和重建过程的特点是北方内心深处的矛盾心理。

And that ambivalence by 1870's, by the late 1870's, has crystallized into, "Let's cut our losses and get out.

到了 1870 年代，到 1870 年代末，这种矛盾心理已经具体化为：“让我们减少损失并退出吧。

And the best thing is to leave this to the people who know best how to handle it."

最好的办法就是把这件事留给最了解如何处理的人。”

B.W.

B.W.

Marston took Marshall Twitchell's seat as state senator.

马斯顿接替马歇尔·特威切尔担任州参议员。

The North won the war.

北方赢得了战争。

In northwest Louisiana, we won Reconstruction.

在路易斯安那州西北部，我们赢得了重建。

On April 24, 1877, a crowd lined the streets of New Orleans, as the last of the federal troops stationed there marched towards the steamship that would take them away.

1877 年 4 月 24 日，一群人群聚集在新奥尔良的街道上，最后一批驻扎在那里的联邦军队正向将他们带走的轮船行进。

The cheers were deafening.

欢呼声震耳欲聋。

Someone let out a rebel yell.

有人发出叛逆的叫喊声。

The retreat of the North left blacks across the South feeling betrayed and deeply in danger.

北方的撤退让南方的黑人感到被背叛并深陷危险之中。

You fight a bloody war, and you set people on the road to freedom, and then when they make an effort to establish themselves, that road is pulled out from under them and they are left to the people who are their enemies.

你进行一场血腥的战争，你让人们走上自由之路，然后当他们努力建立自己的地位时，这条路就从他们的脚下被拔掉，留给了他们的敌人。

Marshall Twitchell moved back to Vermont.

马歇尔·特威切尔搬回佛蒙特州。

Fitted with artificial arms, he was made a consul to Canada in 1878.

1878 年，他装上了义肢，被任命为驻加拿大领事。

After Louisiana, he found his quiet life...unnerving.

离开路易斯安那州后，他发现自己平静的生活……令人不安。

Fan Butler married an Englishman.

范·巴特勒嫁给了一位英国人。

She tried to keep the plantations afloat, but eventually gave up and moved to Britain in 1877.

她试图维持种植园的运转，但最终放弃并于 1877 年移居英国。

John Roy Lynch managed to stay in politics for another twenty years and wrote an impassioned defense of Reconstruction..

约翰·罗伊·林奇设法在政界又呆了二十年，并撰写了一篇热情洋溢的为重建辩护的文章。

He died in Chicago in 1939.

1939 年他在芝加哥去世。

Tunis Campbell's enemies finally caught up with him.

突尼斯·坎贝尔的敌人终于追上了他。

He was sent to a convict labor camp for a year, then fled Georgia.

他被送往劳改营一年，然后逃离佐治亚州。

He died in Boston in 1891.

1891 年他在波士顿去世。

In July 1913, more than fifty thousand Civil War veterans gathered on the battlefield at Gettysburg.

1913 年 7 月，超过五万名内战老兵聚集在葛底斯堡战场上。

Gray-bearded soldiers, North and South, joined to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the battle.

北方和南方的灰胡子士兵联合起来纪念这场战役五十周年。

Veterans felt a kind of bond that came from being soldiers in the war, regardless of which side they had been on.

退伍军人感受到一种来自战争中士兵的纽带，无论他们站在哪一边。

They're celebrating their youth.

他们正在庆祝自己的青春。

They're celebrating their glory, uh, bravery.

他们正在庆祝他们的荣耀，呃，勇敢。

They're celebrating the fact that the American nation had come back together.

他们正在庆祝美国民族重新团结起来的事实。

The poetry of the moment was irresistible; bitter enemies reconciled, a nation made whole once more.

当下的诗意是不可抗拒的。宿敌和解，国家再次团结起来。

No one there seemed to notice that there were no black veterans in the crowd.

似乎没有人注意到人群中没有黑人退伍军人。

That reunion comes at the cost of black liberty and black freedom.

这种重聚是以黑人自由和黑人自由为代价的。

It also comes through a very clever process of rewriting history.

它还经历了一个非常聪明的改写历史的过程。

The Southern legend of the Lost Cause had prevailed.

南方“失败事业”的传说盛行。

By the turn of the century, an image of Reconstruction has been fixed in the American consciousness, both North and South, as a terrible mistake, a travesty of democracy.

到了世纪之交，重建的形象已经在美国南北双方的意识中根深蒂固，被认为是一个可怕的错误，是对民主的嘲弄。

According to this image, African Americans were given these rights they were unprepared for.

根据这张图片，非裔美国人被赋予了他们意想不到的权利。

Therefore there was this period of terrible mis-government.

因此，出现了这段可怕的治理不当的时期。

Great changes take time, and this is a great experiment in biracial democracy.

巨大的改变需要时间，这是双种族民主的一次伟大实验。

But, one of the tragedies of Reconstruction is that it only lasted such a short period of time.

但是，重建的悲剧之一是它只持续了这么短的时间。

By 1913, many of the rights won by African Americans during Reconstruction had been taken away.

到了 1913 年，非洲裔美国人在重建期间赢得的许多权利都被剥夺了。

Segregation was the norm and lynching epidemic.

隔离是常态，私刑也是流行病。

But some of what they had built amid the turmoil of Reconstruction had survived -- communities, schools, and churches.

但他们在重建的混乱中建造的一些东西——社区、学校和教堂——幸存了下来。

Over the next several generations, black Americans never let up in their desire to be full American citizens.

在接下来的几代人中，美国黑人从未放弃成为正式美国公民的愿望。

The idea of being a black Congressman did not die.

成为黑人国会议员的想法并没有消失。

The idea of being a black justice of the peace, or superintendent of the schools, did not die.

成为黑人太平绅士或学校校长的想法并没有消失。

That ideal of America where there was equality, of a South where there was opportunity, never died.

平等的美国、充满机会的南方的理想从未消亡。

And all across the twentieth century, and emerging in this great Civil Rights Movement, we see the legacy of Reconstruction.

整个二十世纪，在这场伟大的民权运动中，我们看到了重建的遗产。

Took generations to play out, but it never died.

花了几代人的时间才得以发挥，但它从未消亡。