LBJ
McCullough: [voice-over] LBJ, Lyndon Baines Johnson -- Texan, Democrat, political virtuoso.
麦卡洛：[画外音]林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊——德克萨斯人，民主党人，政治大师。
He rises up out of the 1960s like a Colossus, like something from Shakespeare, filling the stage -- 10, 12 characters in one.
他像一位巨人一样从 20 世纪 60 年代崛起，就像莎士比亚的作品一样，充满了整个舞台——10、12 个角色合而为一。
He is admired and he is detested.
他让人敬佩，也让人厌恶。
Everybody who knew him had stories.
每个认识他的人都有故事。
Yet Lyndon Johnson was hard for the country to know.
然而，全国人民却很难了解林登·约翰逊的情况。
He seemed so stiff and colorless on television, not at all himself.
电视上的他显得那么僵硬、毫无生气，完全不像他自己。
The real Lyndon Johnson was a mover, a driver, a charmer, a bully -- six feet four inches tall with a size 7-3/8 Stetson hat.
真正的林登·约翰逊是一位搬运工、司机、魅力者、恶霸——身高六英尺四英寸，戴着一顶 7-3/8 号斯泰森帽。
He loved food -- chili and tapioca pudding.
他喜欢食物——辣椒和木薯布丁。
He loved attractive women.
他喜欢有魅力的女人。
He was a good dancer, a brilliant mimic.
他是一位优秀的舞者，一位出色的模仿者。
He was funny, often hilarious.
他很有趣，常常很搞笑。
They all say that.
他们都这么说。
But the real measure of a leader is what he gets done, the size of the problems he faces.
但衡量一个领导者的真正标准是他所做的事情，以及他面临的问题的大小。
Before Lyndon Johnson, we were essentially a segregated society.
在林登·约翰逊之前，我们本质上是一个种族隔离的社会。
Inequality among black Americans in the South was set in law.
南方美国黑人之间的不平等是由法律规定的。
Before Lyndon Johnson, there was no Head Start program, no Medicare -- so much that we take for granted -- and before Lyndon Johnson, very few Americans had even heard of Vietnam.
在林登·约翰逊之前，没有启蒙计划，没有医疗保险——以至于我们认为这是理所当然的——而在林登·约翰逊之前，很少有美国人听说过越南。
He is a story, a very American story and, in all, a tragedy in the real sense.
他是一个故事，一个非常美国化的故事，总而言之，是一个真正意义上的悲剧。
He's the central character in a struggle of moral importance ending in ruin.
他是一场具有道德重要性的斗争的核心人物，这场斗争最终以毁灭告终。
He had been scorned as an unscrupulous politician, a vulgar wheeler-dealer driven by ambition and a lust for power, but on January 20, 1965, the night of his inaugural gala, Lyndon Johnson was a happy man.
他曾被嘲笑为一个不择手段的政客、一个被野心和权力欲望驱使的粗俗的独裁者，但在 1965 年 1 月 20 日，也就是他就职典礼当晚，林登·约翰逊是一个快乐的人。
Overwhelmingly elected, he promised to wipe out poverty and segregation, protect the old and educate the young -- that was his dream.
他以压倒性优势当选，承诺消除贫困和种族隔离，保护老年人，教育年轻人——这就是他的梦想。
Few presidents would ever know more triumph, few suffer such a swift and tragic fall.
很少有总统能取得如此大的胜利，也很少有总统会遭受如此迅速而悲惨的失败。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: He was generous and he was selfish.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：他很慷慨，但也很自私。
He was kind.
他很友善。
At other times, he was cruel.
其他时候，他又很残忍。
At times, he was an earthy, crude-acting fella.
有时，他是一个朴实、行为粗俗的家伙。
At other times, he was incredibly charming.
其他时候，他又非常迷人。
He could be whatever he wanted to be, but he was a strange, complex man who had basically almost a Jekyll-and-Hyde existence.
他可以成为任何他想成为的人，但他是一个奇怪而复杂的人，基本上几乎是一个哲基尔和海德的存在。
He was two different people.
他是两个不同的人。
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: What was it that would send him into those fantastic rages where he could be one of the nastiest, most insufferable, sadistic SOB's that ever lived and a few minutes later really be a big, magnificent and inspiring leader?
乔治·里迪（George Reedy），美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书：是什么让他陷入疯狂的愤怒之中，他可能成为有史以来最令人讨厌、最令人难以忍受、最虐待狂的SOB之一，而几分钟后他就真的成为了一位伟大、伟大和鼓舞人心的领导人？
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: What you have is a thoroughly American president, who was American from day one: his birth in South Central Texas.
林登·约翰逊传记作者罗伯特·达莱克：你所拥有的是一位彻底的美国总统，他从第一天起就是美国人：他出生在德克萨斯州中南部。
This is a man who reflected American moods and attitudes and contradictions and trends.
这是一个反映了美国人情绪、态度、矛盾和趋势的人。
And when he failed, it was America's failure.
当他失败时，那就是美国的失败。
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: Hubris, as the Greeks would put it.
乔治·里迪（George Reedy），美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书：正如希腊人所说，傲慢。
"Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad." Now, this was a man that was so big, that reached so far and made it and then let the whole thing crumble.
“诸神欲毁灭者，必先使其疯狂。”现在，这是一个如此伟大的人，达到如此之远并取得了成功，然后让整个事情崩溃了。
I think it's one of the great stories of history.
我认为这是历史上最伟大的故事之一。
Pres.
新闻。
Lyndon Baines Johnson: [1964 Democratic Convention] My fellow Americans, I accept your nomination.
林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：[1964 年民主党大会] 我的美国同胞们，我接受你们的提名。
McCullough: [voice-over] The 1964 presidential campaign was all Lyndon Baines Johnson.
麦卡洛：[画外音] 1964 年的总统竞选全由林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊 (Lyndon Baines Johnson) 主导。
After years of compromise and opportunism, he fired America with his vision of a great society.
经过多年的妥协和机会主义，他的伟大社会愿景点燃了美国的热情。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Our first objective is to free 30 million Americans from the prison of poverty.
约翰逊：我们的首要目标是让 3000 万美国人摆脱贫困的牢笼。
Can you help us free these Americans?
你能帮助我们释放这些美国人吗？
And if you can, let me hear your voices!
如果可以的话，让我听听你们的声音！
McCullough: [voice-over] He reached out to the poor, the dispossessed, to Americans who were left behind.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他向穷人、被剥夺者、被抛下的美国人伸出援手。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Do something we can be proud of.
约翰逊：做一些让我们感到自豪的事情。
Help the weak and the meek and lift them up and help them dream and give them an education where they can make their own way.
帮助弱者和温顺者，鼓舞他们，帮助他们梦想，为他们提供教育，让他们能够走自己的路。
McCullough: [voice-over] Campaigning with the energy of 10 men -- "As if he had an extra pair of glands," one aide said -- he sounded the battle cries of his political youth, echoing his very first campaign a quarter of a century before.
麦卡洛：[画外音]以十个人的精力参加竞选——一位助手说，“就好像他多了一对腺体”——他发出了他政治青年时期的战斗口号，呼应了四分之一个世纪前他的第一次竞选。
In the spring of 1937, Johnson was 28 years old, campaigning as an ardent Roosevelt New Dealer, reaching out to the working men and poor dirt farmers of the Texas hill country.
1937 年春天，28 岁的约翰逊作为热心的罗斯福新政支持者参与竞选活动，向德克萨斯州山区的工人和贫困农民伸出援手。
He ran for office as if his life depended on it.
他竞选公职就好像他的生命依赖于此。
He spoke in every town in his district, lost 40 pounds in 42 days, made 200 speeches and collapsed with appendicitis just two days before the election.
他在所在地区的每个城镇发表演讲，在 42 天内减掉了 40 磅体重，发表了 200 场演讲，并在选举前两天因阑尾炎倒下。
From his hospital bed, with his wife Lady Bird, he learned that he'd been elected one of the youngest members of Congress.
在医院的病床上，他和妻子伯德夫人得知自己被选为最年轻的国会议员之一。
His political ideals would waver, but for the rest of his life, he would display the same nervous intensity, the same obsessive drive to succeed and a talent for attaching himself to power.
他的政治理想会动摇，但在他的余生中，他会表现出同样的紧张程度、同样对成功的执着追求以及将自己依附于权力的天赋。
One month after Johnson's election, the President paid a holiday visit to Galveston, Texas.
约翰逊当选一个月后，总统对德克萨斯州加尔维斯顿进行了一次假期访问。
Franklin Roosevelt was Lyndon Johnson's political hero.
富兰克林·罗斯福是林登·约翰逊的政治英雄。
Now, the ambitious new congressman seized the opportunity to meet him.
现在，这位雄心勃勃的新国会议员抓住了会见他的机会。
Lady Bird Johnson: The Governor was going down to pay his respects, so he called Lyndon and said, "I'd like to take you along because you ran so completely on Roosevelt's platforms that I think he ought to meet you." And Lyndon was there with his eyes out on stems, taking in every word and every gesture.
伯德·约翰逊夫人：州长正要下楼表达敬意，所以他打电话给林登说：“我想带你一起去，因为你完全按照罗斯福的纲领行事，我认为他应该会见你。”林登就在那里，眼睛盯着树干，留意着每一个字和每一个动作。
McCullough: [voice-over] They talked about fishing, about the Navy.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他们谈论钓鱼，谈论海军。
Then, Johnson asked for an assignment to nothing less than the Appropriations Committee.
然后，约翰逊要求分配给拨款委员会。
The President said that would have to wait.
总统说这必须等待。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: Here are the two great politicians in American history in this century, I believe, and they're sizing each other up.
林登·约翰逊传记作者罗伯特·达莱克：我相信，这是本世纪美国历史上两位伟大的政治家，他们正在相互打量对方。
And Roosevelt gives him the name of Tommy Corcoran, Tommy "The Cork," the White House aide and the Washington fixer and he tells Johnson, "If you need anything when you get to Washington, you call up Mr. Corcoran." Well Roosevelt himself gets back to Washington and he calls up Corcoran, the story goes, and he says to him, "Tommy, I just met the most extraordinary young man down in Texas."
罗斯福给了他汤米·科克伦（Tommy Corcoran）的名字，汤米“软木塞”，白宫助手和华盛顿的掮客，他告诉约翰逊，“如果你到达华盛顿后需要任何东西，请打电话给科克伦先生。”罗斯福本人回到华盛顿，给科科伦打电话，故事是这样的，科科伦对他说：“汤米，我刚刚遇到了德克萨斯州最杰出的年轻人。”
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: "With any luck, if the chips go right and he hangs onto the friends he makes, this boy Lyndon Johnson one day can wind up being the President of the United States.
经济学家、约翰逊家族朋友艾略特·珍妮韦 (Eliot Janeway) 表示：“如果运气好的话，如果一切进展顺利，他能紧紧抓住自己结交的朋友，林登·约翰逊这个男孩有一天可能会成为美国总统。
He's got it." It was quite a call, wasn't it?
他明白了。”这真是一个电话，不是吗？
McCullough: [voice-over] In the Texas hill country, they said that Lyndon was born to politics.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在德克萨斯州的山区，人们说林登是为政治而生的。
His grandfather had run for state office and his father, Sam Ealy Johnson served six terms in the Texas legislature.
他的祖父曾竞选过州政府官员，他的父亲萨姆·伊利·约翰逊 (Sam Ealy Johnson) 在德克萨斯州立法机构任职六届。
Sam was an old-time reform politician who voted to tax big business and, like his father before him, supported the eight-hour day.
萨姆是一位旧时的改革政治家，他投票支持对大企业征税，并且像他的父亲一样支持八小时工作制。
"I loved going with my father to the legislature," Lyndon said.
“我喜欢和父亲一起去立法机关，”林登说。
"The only thing I loved more was going with him on the trail during his campaigns.
“我唯一更喜欢的就是在他的竞选期间和他一起走在路上。
Sometimes, I wished it would go on forever."
有时，我希望这种情况永远持续下去。”
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: There are state legislators who remember Lyndon.
林登·约翰逊传记作者罗伯特·达莱克：有些州立法者还记得林登。
They said it was uncanny how much he looked like his father, how much his mannerisms were like his father's and how they grabbed you by the lapels and pulled you toward them and were very physical.
他们说，令人难以置信的是，他长得多么像他的父亲，他的举止多么像他父亲，他们抓住你的翻领，把你拉向他们，而且非常暴力。
And there was a kind of warmth to it, a kind of very human quality.
其中有一种温暖，一种非常人性化的品质。
And he got the smell in his nose of politics and it just enthralled him.
他嗅到了政治的味道，这让他着迷。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson's mother Rebecca was a college graduate, cultured and ambitious.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊的母亲丽贝卡是一名大学毕业生，有教养且雄心勃勃。
It was said that Lyndon got his drive and ambition from her.
据说林登的干劲和野心都是从她那里得到的。
Nothing had prepared Rebecca for the hardships of life in the rural backwaters of Texas with no electricity or indoor plumbing.
丽贝卡完全没有准备好应对得克萨斯州偏远乡村的艰苦生活，那里没有电，也没有室内管道。
"Life is real and earnest," she wrote, "and not the charming fairy tale of which I had so long dreamed."
“生活是真实而认真的，”她写道，“而不是我长久以来梦想的迷人童话故事。”
"The first year of their marriage was the worst year of her life," Johnson later said.
“他们结婚的第一年是她一生中最糟糕的一年，”约翰逊后来说。
"Then I came along and suddenly everything was all right again.
“然后我出现了，突然间一切都恢复正常了。
I could do all the things she never did."
我可以做所有她从未做过的事情。”
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: There was a certain depression that was in her which could only be relieved by putting all of her hopes and ambitions on this child.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温（Doris Kearns Goodwin），林登·约翰逊传记作者：她内心有一种压抑，只有把所有的希望和抱负都寄托在这个孩子身上才能缓解。
I mean, he would tell me that when his father was away at the state legislature, even when he was 11 or 12, that he was invited to stay in her bed at night to keep her company.
我的意思是，他会告诉我，当他父亲不在州议会时，即使他只有 11 岁或 12 岁，他也会被邀请晚上留在她的床上陪伴她。
But then, when he came home with a bad report card, she would literally withdraw her love to the point where, he told me, that she wouldn't even speak to him for days on end, that she would talk to her husband or the other children and pretend he didn't exist.
但后来，当他带着一份糟糕的成绩单回家时，她实际上会收回她的爱，以至于她甚至连续几天不和他说话，她会和她的丈夫或其他孩子说话，假装他不存在。
So that lack of consistent love, I think, was what made him feel always that he would only be loved if he performed.
因此，我认为，缺乏持续的爱让他总是觉得只有他表现出色才会被爱。
McCullough: [voice-over] Fear of failure would haunt him all of his life.
麦卡洛：[画外音]对失败的恐惧将困扰他一生。
When Lyndon was in his teens, he watched his father go broke.
当林登十几岁的时候，他看着他的父亲破产了。
Cotton prices plummeted.
棉花价格暴跌。
Sam was forced to sell the family farm.
山姆被迫卖掉家庭农场。
Neither Lyndon nor his mother ever wanted him to be like his failed father and it fired his drive to be successful.
林登和他的母亲都不希望他像他失败的父亲一样，这激发了他成功的动力。
The day Lyndon Johnson left for Washington to take his place in Congress, he bid his parents an emotional goodbye.
林登·约翰逊前往华盛顿就任国会议员的那天，他激动地向父母道别。
His mother had told him his election was compensation for her own disappointments.
他的母亲告诉他，他的当选是对她自己失望的补偿。
"You have always justified my expectations, my hopes, my dreams.
“你总是证明我的期望、我的希望、我的梦想是正确的。
How dear to me you are you cannot know, my darling boy."
你无法知道我对你有多亲爱，我亲爱的孩子。”
Johnson never forgot his father's parting words.
约翰逊永远不会忘记父亲的临别赠言。
"Now, you get up there, support FDR all the way, never shimmy and give 'em hell." Less than six months later, his father was dead.
“现在，你站起来，一路支持罗斯福，永远不要摇摆不定，让他们见鬼去吧。”不到六个月后，他的父亲去世了。
As Johnson arrived in Washington, the excitement and promise of Roosevelt's New Deal still animated the capital.
当约翰逊抵达华盛顿时，罗斯福新政的兴奋和承诺仍然让首都充满活力。
The New Deal was the perfect climate for the young congressman and his wife, Lady Bird.
新政对于这位年轻的国会议员和他的妻子伯德女士来说是一个完美的氛围。
He had proposed to her the day they met and she became the perfect political wife, rising at midnight to scramble eggs for his friends, running his congressional office, working as his business manager.
他们见面的那天，他就向她求婚了，她成了完美的政治妻子，半夜起床为他的朋友们炒鸡蛋，管理他的国会办公室，担任他的业务经理。
Lady Bird never stopped serving her husband's ambitions.
伯德夫人从未停止为丈夫的野心服务。
Assigned a room in the old House Office Building far from the corridors of power, the freshman congressman didn't hesitate to turn to the President for help.
这位新任国会议员被分配到远离权力走廊的旧众议院办公大楼的一个房间，毫不犹豫地向总统寻求帮助。
With the support of the White House, Johnson secured loans and millions of dollars in federal grants for farmers, schools, housing for the poor, roads, public libraries; but helping complete the great dam on the lower Colorado River was his greatest achievement and the next step in the education of Lyndon Johnson.
在白宫的支持下，约翰逊为农民、学校、穷人住房、道路、公共图书馆获得了贷款和数百万美元的联邦拨款；但帮助科罗拉多河下游修建大坝是他最大的成就，也是林登·约翰逊教育的下一步。
In 1938, rural Texans were still living without electricity.
1938 年，德克萨斯州农村地区的人们仍然生活在没有电的情况下。
E.
E.
Babe Smith, Pedernales Electric Co-op: It was a rather primitive life, you know -- no running water and they had no refrigeration.
佩德纳莱斯电力合作社的贝比·史密斯（Babe Smith）：你知道，那是一种相当原始的生活——没有自来水，也没有冰箱。
Every meal had to be started from scratch.
每顿饭都得从头开始。
They used to say, you know, the man was a gentleman who could provide his wife with a sharp axe, you know, to cut the wood with.
他们常说，你知道，这个男人是一位绅士，他可以为他的妻子提供一把锋利的斧头，你知道，用来砍木头。
McCullough: [voice-over] "Of all the things I've ever done," Lyndon Johnson later wrote, "nothing has ever given me as much satisfaction as bringing power to the hill country of Texas."
麦卡洛：[画外音]“在我做过的所有事情中，”林登·约翰逊后来写道，“没有什么比为德克萨斯州的山区带来电力更让我满足的了。”
E.
E.
Babe Smith, Pedernales Electric Co-op: And my daughter -- she was about nine years old -- she just couldn't believe how the house was lit up.
贝比·史密斯（Babe Smith），佩德纳莱斯电力合作社：我的女儿——她大约九岁——她简直不敢相信房子是如何被点亮的。
She said, "Momma, the house is on fire."
她说：“妈妈，房子着火了。”
McCullough: [voice-over] The dam was everything a young congressman could have hoped for.
麦卡洛：[画外音]大坝是一位年轻国会议员所希望的一切。
The hill country farmers thanked Johnson for the electricity and the men who built the dam thanked him for the government contracts: George and Herman Brown of the Brown and Root Construction Company.
山区农民感谢约翰逊提供的电力，修建大坝的人感谢他提供的政府合同：布朗和鲁特建筑公司的乔治和赫尔曼·布朗。
Johnson helped the Brown brothers build a billion-dollar construction empire.
约翰逊帮助布朗兄弟建立了价值数十亿美元的建筑帝国。
In turn, the Browns would fund Johnson's political campaigns.
反过来，布朗家族将为约翰逊的政治竞选提供资金。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: Judgmentally, what I'd say is that they were a couple of guys who were making a lot of money out of the New Deal and they didn't want to have to pay higher wage rates, so they were against the union.
罗尼·达格（Ronnie Dugger），林登·约翰逊传记作者：从判断上看，我想说的是，他们是一对从新政中赚了很多钱的人，他们不想支付更高的工资，所以他们反对工会。
It wasn't a matter of high principle.
这不是什么崇高原则的问题。
They wanted to get rich and they did get rich.
他们想致富，他们也确实致富了。
Well, Lyndon sidled up to them or they sidled up to him and they made book.
好吧，林登偷偷靠近他们，或者他们偷偷靠近他，然后他们就写了书。
I remember asking Johnson once in the White House, "Did you deal with cash?" And he said, "It was all cash." I mean, there were no records, so under those circumstances, there were plenty of politicians who were selling out to business interests.
我记得有一次在白宫问约翰逊：“你处理过现金吗？”他说：“都是现金。”我的意思是，没有记录，所以在那种情况下，有很多政客向商业利益出卖。
I use a pejorative term.
我用的是贬义词。
I don't know what other term to use.
我不知道该使用什么其他术语。
I mean, in TV you have to use some shorthand.
我的意思是，在电视中你必须使用一些速记法。
I mean, they were agreeing to be with those people in exchange for money which they used in their campaigns.
我的意思是，他们同意与这些人在一起，以换取他们在竞选活动中使用的金钱。
That's pretty close to selling out, isn't it?
这已经非常接近售空了，不是吗？
And everything is organized not like his father -- around ideas and ideals -- but like a sun, around himself and his own career; not to say that he is not, therefore doing a lot of good.
一切都不像他的父亲那样——围绕想法和理想——而是像太阳一样，围绕他自己和他自己的事业；并不是说他不是，因此做了很多善事。
He brings real electricity to people that don't have it in his own district.
他为他所在地区没有电的人们带来了真正的电力。
Yeah, sure he's really smart.
是的，当然他真的很聪明。
McCullough: [voice-over] On May 2, 1939, George Brown wrote Johnson a letter.
麦卡洛：[画外音]1939 年 5 月 2 日，乔治·布朗给约翰逊写了一封信。
"I hope you know, Lyndon, how I feel in reference to what you have done for me and I'm going to try to show you my appreciation through the years with actions rather than words." Two years later, the Brown brothers made good on their promise.
“林登，我希望你知道我对你为我所做的一切有何感受，这些年来我将尽力用行动而不是言语来表达我的感激之情。”两年后，布朗兄弟兑现了他们的诺言。
In 1941, when Johnson made a run for the Senate, he needed all the money the Brown brothers could give him.
1941 年，当约翰逊竞选参议员时，他需要布朗兄弟能给他的所有资金。
He was just a young congressman reaching beyond his own small district in a race that was pure Texas politics -- part campaign and part circus.
他只是一名年轻的国会议员，在一场纯粹的德克萨斯州政治竞选中超越了自己的小选区——一半是竞选，一半是马戏团。
Twenty-nine candidates took the field, but in the end, there was only one man to beat, the Governor of Texas, "Pappy" Lee O'Daniel.
二十九名候选人参加了竞选，但最终，只有一个人可以击败，那就是德克萨斯州州长“老爹”李·奥丹尼尔。
Lewis Gould, Historian: Well, Pappy O'Daniel was a man who had come out of nowhere to be governor of Texas in the late 30s.
刘易斯·古尔德（Lewis Gould），历史学家：嗯，帕皮·奥丹尼尔（Pappy O'Daniel）是一个在 30 年代末突然冒出来成为德克萨斯州州长的人。
He was a radio personality and that's what made him so popular.
他是一位广播名人，这也是他如此受欢迎的原因。
He had a band that played for him called The Light Crust Dough Boys and their theme song was "Pass the biscuits, Pappy." And he became known as W.
他有一支名为“The Light Crust Dough Boys”的乐队为他演奏，他们的主题曲是“传递饼干，Pappy”。他被称为 W.
Lee "Pass the biscuits, Pappy" O'Daniel.
李“把饼干递过来，爸爸”奥丹尼尔。
He was conservative, but he didn't really believe in anything except getting elected and being popular.
他很保守，但除了当选和受欢迎之外，他并不真正相信任何事情。
Mrs. Johnson: He had been on radio for quite a long time with a very popular program of country music.
约翰逊夫人：他在广播电台工作了很长一段时间，播放非常流行的乡村音乐节目。
E.
E.
Babe Smith, Pedernales Electric Co-op: Every day at noon, he had his Texas network, you know, and he played and he sang.
佩德纳莱斯电力合作社的贝比·史密斯 (Babe Smith)：每天中午，他都有德克萨斯州的网络，你知道，他演奏、唱歌。
The ladies just worshipped him, you know.
你知道，女士们只是崇拜他。
You couldn't find anybody who voted for him, but he always won the election, you know.
你找不到任何人投票给他，但你知道，他总是赢得选举。
Homer Dean, LBJ Campaign Supporter: "Now, listen, everybody from near and far, we're The Light Crust Dough Boys." And then, he would sing the [sings] Beautiful, beautiful Texas / where the beautiful blue bonnets grow / We're proud of our forefathers / Who fought at the Alamo / You can live on the plains or the mountains / Or down where the sea breezes blow / And you're still in beautiful Texas / The most beautiful state that we know...
林登·约翰逊 (LBJ) 竞选支持者荷马·迪恩 (Homer Dean)：“现在，听着，远近各地的每个人，我们是 Light Crust Dough Boys。”然后，他会唱[唱]美丽，美丽的德克萨斯州/美丽的蓝色帽子生长的地方/我们为我们的祖先感到自豪/他们在阿拉莫战斗/你可以生活在平原或山区/或海风吹过的地方/而你仍然在美丽的德克萨斯州/我们所知道的最美丽的州......
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: And here was Johnson, an unknown young congressman, so to speak, but he also had the aura that he was going somewhere.
詹姆斯·皮克尔（James Pickle），得克萨斯州民主党人，林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：可以说，这是约翰逊，一位默默无闻的年轻国会议员，但他也有一种他要去某个地方的光环。
He was going to do something and you could feel it.
他要做某事，你可以感觉到。
And he could have fun, but he was all business of dreaming and daring, imagining, attempting new things.
他可以享受乐趣，但他的全部精力都在于梦想、大胆、想象、尝试新事物。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: There was nobody who campaigned harder than a Lyndon Johnson.
林登·约翰逊传记作者罗伯特·达莱克：没有人比林登·约翰逊更努力地竞选。
He worked night and day, speaking, walking, driving, just doing everything he conceivably could to get his name before the public and convince them of the fact that he would make a first class senator.
他夜以继日地工作，演讲、走路、开车，尽一切努力让自己的名字出现在公众面前，让他们相信他将成为一名一流的参议员。
Homer Dean, LBJ Campaign Supporter: I believe that you people are fed up on hired hands doing nothing but entertaining you.
林登·约翰逊竞选支持者荷马·迪恩（Homer Dean）：我相信你们这些人已经厌倦了雇工除了娱乐之外什么都不做。
You are going to send Lyndon Johnson to the Senate next Saturday by the greatest vote you ever sent a senator there.
下周六，你们将把林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 送入参议院，这是你们在参议员中获得的最大票数。
Mrs. Johnson: We went to every small hamlet, walked up and down the street, shook hands with all the merchants who had lined up all the friends that all your friends could summon, your mother and your kin folks.
约翰逊夫人：我们走遍了每一个小村庄，在街上走来走去，与所有排队的商人握手，所有你的朋友都可以召唤的朋友，你的母亲和你的亲戚。
McCullough: [voice-over] As the campaign drew to a close, Johnson remained the underdog, but once again, by lifting high the Roosevelt banner, Johnson closed the gap.
麦卡洛：[画外音]随着竞选接近尾声，约翰逊仍然处于劣势，但通过高举罗斯福的旗帜，约翰逊再次缩小了差距。
On election night, he was confident.
在选举之夜，他充满信心。
With 96 percent of the vote counted, he led O'Daniel by 5,000 votes.
96%的选票已清点完毕，他领先奥丹尼尔 5,000 票。
Congratulations were already pouring in from Washington.
华盛顿已经纷纷表示祝贺。
Mrs. Johnson: We had been declared elected by the Texas Election Bureau on Saturday night, when the votes were counted.
约翰逊夫人：周六晚上计票时，德克萨斯州选举局宣布我们当选。
Banner headlines on Sunday morning, "Johnson elected to Senate."
周日上午的头条新闻是“约翰逊当选参议员”。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: The Dallas News , the great Dallas News even ran a story on Sunday morning, "LBJ, Johnson United States Senator." They declared him elected about like they had done with Dewey.
詹姆斯·皮克尔（James Pickle），得克萨斯州民主党人，林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：《达拉斯新闻》，伟大的《达拉斯新闻》甚至在周日上午刊登了一篇报道，“林登·约翰逊，美国参议员”。他们宣布他当选，就像他们宣布杜威当选一样。
Mrs. Johnson: But the margin by which we were elected began to dwindle.
约翰逊夫人：但是我们的当选优势开始缩小。
It was about 5,000 to begin with and it began to dwindle.
一开始大约有5000人，后来开始减少。
McCullough: [voice-over] The 33-year-old contender was about to get a lesson in the dark side of politics that he would never forget.
麦卡洛：[画外音]这位 33 岁的竞争者即将得到他永远不会忘记的政治阴暗面的教训。
In the rough-and-tumble world of Texas elections, stuffing the ballot box was not unusual, especially in South and East Texas and no one understood this more than John Connally, Lyndon Johnson's friend and campaign manager.
在德克萨斯州选举的混乱世界中，塞满选票箱并不罕见，尤其是在德克萨斯州南部和东部，没有人比林登·约翰逊的朋友兼竞选经理约翰·康纳利更了解这一点。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: A lot of those counties had political leaders.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：其中很多县都有政治领导人。
Sometimes it was the sheriff, sometimes a county judge.
有时是治安官，有时是县法官。
They basically carried the county the way they wanted it to go and this had been historically the case and we had the support of most of those political leaders.
他们基本上按照他们希望的方式领导着这个县，历史上就是这样，我们得到了大多数政治领导人的支持。
Saturday night about midnight, they call me and say, "We've got the returns.
周六晚上午夜左右，他们打电话给我说：“我们已经收到退货了。
What do you want us to do with them?" I said, "Well, tell me what they are, first, and then report them." The opposition, then -- Governor O'Daniel and his people -- knew exactly how many votes they had to have to take the lead.
你想让我们对他们做什么？”我说：“好吧，先告诉我它们是什么，然后再报告。”当时的反对派——奥丹尼尔州长和他的人民——确切地知道他们需要多少票才能取得领先。
They kept changing the results and changing the returns and our lead got smaller and smaller and smaller.
他们不断改变结果和回报，我们的领先优势越来越小。
Finally, Wednesday afternoon, we wound up on the short side of the stick and lost the election by 1,311 votes.
最后，周三下午，我们以 1,311 票之差输掉了选举。
And I'm basically responsible for losing that '41 campaign.
我基本上对 41 年竞选的失败负有责任。
We let them know exactly how many votes they had to have.
我们让他们确切地知道他们必须拥有多少票。
And I did it, no question about it.
我做到了，毫无疑问。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: It was a hard pill for Mr. Johnson to swallow because we'd gone out late Saturday to celebrate.
詹姆斯·皮克尔 (James Pickle)，得克萨斯州民主党议员，林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：这对约翰逊先生来说是一粒难以下咽的药丸，因为我们周六很晚才出去庆祝。
I hadn't done that in other campaigns.
我在其他竞选活动中没有这样做过。
I always waited till the next day.
我总是等到第二天。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: Lyndon is asked does he want to challenge Pappy's victory because it is a stolen election, but Lyndon knows that his own folks and supporters have done some pretty untoward things as well, including the fact that they violate all campaign finance laws and spend hundreds of thousands of dollars.
林登·LBJ 传记作者罗伯特·达莱克：林登被问到他是否想挑战帕皮的胜利，因为这是一次被盗的选举，但林登知道他自己的亲人和支持者也做了一些相当令人反感的事情，包括他们违反了所有竞选财务法并花费了数十万美元。
And Johnson says, "No, we can't challenge them." He said, "I'll wait my turn and when my turn comes, I'll fix the ballots next time."
约翰逊说：“不，我们不能挑战他们。”他说：“我会等待轮到我，当轮到我时，我下次会修复选票。”
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: And we thought it was the better part of wisdom not to contest it, not indicate that we were guilty of just sour grapes and to go ahead and say, "We'll meet again."
约翰·康纳利（John Connally），林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：我们认为，最好的智慧是不要对此提出异议，不要表明我们只是吃不到葡萄说葡萄酸，而是继续说：“我们会再次见面。”
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson was not prepared for defeat and he was never more miserable.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊并没有做好失败的准备，他从未像现在这样痛苦过。
"I felt terribly rejected and I began to think about leaving politics and going home to make money," he said, but he couldn't bring himself to quit.
“我感到被严重拒绝，我开始考虑离开政坛回家赚钱，”他说，但他无法让自己退出。
He bought a house and established the basis for his own personal fortune.
他买了房子，为自己的个人财富奠定了基础。
Lady Bird bought a small Austin radio station.
伯德夫人买了奥斯汀一家小型广播电台。
After nearly 10 years of marriage, their first daughter was born.
结婚近10年后，他们的第一个女儿出生了。
Three years later, they would have another girl.
三年后，他们又生了一个女孩。
But politically, Johnson languished.
但在政治上，约翰逊却陷入了困境。
The House of Representatives was too small a stage.
众议院这个舞台太小了。
Along with southern congressmen, he voted against civil rights and told his liberal friends, "You can't be a statesman if you don't get elected." Finally, after seven restless years, Johnson seized a chance to run for the Senate.
他与南方国会议员一起投票反对民权，并告诉他的自由派朋友，“如果你不当选，你就不能成为政治家。”终于，在动荡的七年之后，约翰逊抓住了竞选参议员的机会。
It would be a campaign that would haunt him for the rest of his political life.
这将是一场困扰他余生政治生涯的竞选活动。
Mrs. Johnson: And this time, his opponent was Coke Stevenson, also a governor and a very formidable man.
约翰逊夫人：这一次，他的对手是科克·史蒂文森，他也是州长，也是一个非常强大的人。
McCullough: [voice-over] Coke Stevenson was a self-made man, tight-fisted with the budget and immensely popular.
麦卡洛：[画外音]可口可乐史蒂文森是一个白手起家的人，预算紧，而且非常受欢迎。
His most ardent admirers called him "Mr. Texas."
他最热心的崇拜者称他为“德克萨斯先生”。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: Well, the polls clearly showed that Coke Stevenson, starting out, had almost a 2-1 lead over Johnson.
约翰·康纳利 (John Connally)，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：嗯，民意调查清楚地表明，科克·史蒂文森一开始几乎以 2-1 领先约翰逊。
It was an almost insurmountable lead and most people thought that Johnson couldn't win it.
这几乎是不可逾越的领先优势，大多数人都认为约翰逊赢不了。
Homer Dean, LBJ Campaign Supporter: He told us and John Connally told us and anybody that had been to a county fair and a goat-roping and knew anything about Texas politics knew that this was make-or-break for Lyndon Johnson.
林登·约翰逊竞选支持者霍默·迪恩（Homer Dean）：他告诉我们，约翰·康纳利也告诉我们，任何去过县集市和山羊绳索活动并了解德克萨斯州政治的人都知道，这对林登·约翰逊来说是成败的事。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: By 1948, Johnson had become a master at Texas politics.
罗伯特·达莱克 (Robert Dallek)，林登·约翰逊传记作者：到 1948 年，约翰逊已成为德克萨斯州政治大师。
They'd run these shows, these extravaganzas in these small towns and the band and the music and maybe giving a savings bond or a barbecue, beer and some kind of watermelons or something like that.
他们会在这些小镇举办这些演出、这些盛大的演出、乐队和音乐，也许还会提供储蓄债券或烧烤、啤酒和某种西瓜或类似的东西。
Well, this was all part of traditional Texas hoopla and Johnson didn't miss a beat there.
嗯，这都是传统的德克萨斯州喧闹的一部分，约翰逊没有错过任何一个节拍。
He understood that was an essential part of it.
他明白这是其中的重要组成部分。
McCullough: [voice-over] Meanwhile, Coke Stevenson was so popular and so well known that he campaigned from small town to small town the old-fashioned way, but not Lyndon Johnson.
麦卡洛：[画外音]与此同时，科克·史蒂文森非常受欢迎，也非常出名，他以老式的方式从一个小镇到另一个小镇进行竞选活动，但林登·约翰逊却没有。
In a headlong, five-week helicopter campaign, Johnson criss-crossed the state, made 370 landings and lost 27 pounds.
在为期五周的直升机行动中，约翰逊纵横穿越了该州，着陆了 370 次，体重减轻了 27 磅。
In one day alone, he spoke to 15,000 people.
仅一天之内，他就向 15,000 人发表了讲话。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: And I'll tell you, if you'd go into a little town and say, "Lyndon Johnson's coming to town and he'll be here at 2 o'clock and he'll land on his helicopter," everybody in town would want to see that.
詹姆斯·皮克尔 (D) 德克萨斯州、林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：我告诉你，如果你走进一个小镇并说，“林登·约翰逊要进城，他会在 2 点钟到达这里，然后乘坐直升机降落”，镇上的每个人都会希望看到这一点。
They'd kind of laugh about it, but they didn't want to miss it.
他们会对此大笑，但他们不想错过它。
McCullough: [voice-over] They called him the "Johnson City Windmill." Texans never saw anything like it.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他们称他为“约翰逊城风车”。德克萨斯人从未见过这样的事情。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: But it was dramatic.
詹姆斯·皮克尔（James Pickle），（民主党）德克萨斯州，林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：但这很戏剧性。
Can you imagine, a little small town that never had a helicopter come or never seen one much?
你能想象，一个从来没有直升机来过或者从来没有见过直升机的小镇吗？
No television in those days, you see.
你看，那个时候没有电视。
They'd fly in over a little town and circle a couple of times and he'd get on the P.A.
他们会飞到一个小镇上空，绕几圈，然后他就会登上广播电台。
system and say, "This is Lyndon Johnson.
系统并说：“我是林登·约翰逊。
I'm going to land in just a minute and I want to shake every hand down there." People looked up there and they'd kind of laugh and giggle, but their mouth would be open and they'd say, "Is this really happening?
我一分钟后就要着陆，我想和那里的每一个人握手。”人们抬头看着那里，他们会大笑，但他们会张开嘴说：“这真的发生了吗？
Yeah."
是的。”
Ava Cox, LBJ'S Cousin: He would say, "This is Lyndon Johnson, your congressman.
艾娃·考克斯，林登·约翰逊的表弟：他会说，“这是林登·约翰逊，你们的国会议员。
How do you think things are running?
您认为事情进展如何？
All right, Ed, what about the crop out there?
好吧，艾德，那里的庄稼怎么样？
Do you have a good crop this year?" And he'd come over here and he'd call one's name.
今年收成好吗？”他会来到这里并呼唤一个人的名字。
"Well, all right, Side Hyde, how's the cattle business doing today?" "Olin, how's the car business coming on?" Little Olin jumped and looked around.
“好吧，西德·海德，今天养牛业怎么样？” “奥林，汽车生意怎么样了？”小奥林跳了起来，环顾四周。
He wasn't expecting that to be called out.
他没想到会被叫出来。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: When he'd land, he'd bank the helicopter over and he'd circle around over the field and throw his Stetson hat out over the crowd.
詹姆斯·皮克尔（James Pickle），德克萨斯州，林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：当他着陆时，他会将直升机倾斜，然后在球场上空盘旋，并将他的斯泰森帽扔到人群上方。
Now, that was dramatic and he had about a four-beaver hat, you know.
现在，那是戏剧性的，他戴着一顶四海狸的帽子，你知道。
That was a good one.
那是一件好事。
And when he did it, those of us on the ground who were part of the crew, our job was to go get that hat.
当他做到这一点时，我们这些在地面上的机组人员的工作就是去拿那顶帽子。
We had to reclaim that hat and if we didn't get it, we'd catch "Hail, Columbia" from the boss then.
我们必须收回那顶帽子，如果我们没有得到它，我们就会听到老板说“哥伦比亚万岁”。
And he'd say, "Do you know how much that hat cost me?
他会说：“你知道那顶帽子花了我多少钱吗？
Do you know how much?
你知道多少钱吗？
Have you been in to buy a Stetson hat lately?" We'd say no, of course we wouldn't 'cause we didn't dare wear a hat like it.
你最近有去买斯泰森帽吗？”我们会说不，我们当然不会，因为我们不敢戴这样的帽子。
He said, "That's coming out of my pocket.
他说：“那是从我口袋里掏出来的。
You get that hat when we throw it out," and we'd have to go get that hat.
当我们扔掉那顶帽子时，你就会得到它。”我们必须去拿那顶帽子。
Usually we could get it, but if you got it recovered by a little 10-year-old boy, it was pretty hard to run up and say, "Son, give me that hat," and take it away from him.
通常我们可以拿到它，但如果你把它找回给一个 10 岁的小男孩，你就很难跑过去说：“儿子，把那顶帽子给我”，然后把它从他手中夺走。
So it wasn't always pleasant.
所以这并不总是令人愉快的。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson had begun his political life as a Franklin Roosevelt liberal, but in 1948, he ran against the unions, supported big business and spoke out strongly against civil rights.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊作为富兰克林·罗斯福的自由派开始了他的政治生涯，但在 1948 年，他反对工会、支持大企业并强烈反对民权。
The oil boom had made Texas wealthy and conservative and as Texas changed, so had Lyndon Johnson.
石油繁荣使德克萨斯州变得富裕而保守，随着德克萨斯州的变化，林登·约翰逊也发生了变化。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: Well, you had an authentic conservative -- Stevenson -- running against a New Deal liberal -- Johnson -- who has concealed his colors.
罗尼·达格，林登·约翰逊传记作者：好吧，你有一个真正的保守派——史蒂文森——与一个新政自由派——约翰逊竞争，后者隐藏了自己的色彩。
Lyndon presented himself as more anti-union than Coke Stevenson.
林登表现得比可口可乐史蒂文森更反工会。
Now, what kind of sense does that make to you in terms of who Lyndon really was?
现在，这对你来说对林登的真实身份有何意义？
None.
没有任何。
There's no sense to it except, of course, the absolutely unqualified opportunism of a successful politician of this particular mold.
当然，除了这种特殊模式的成功政治家绝对不合格的机会主义之外，这毫无意义。
He out-righted the most conservative figure in Texas politics at that time.
他击败了当时德克萨斯州政坛最保守的人物。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: Some people have tended to idealize Coke Stevenson and see him as a kind of old-fashioned Texas cowboy and man of great integrity.
罗伯特·达莱克，林登·约翰逊传记作者：有些人倾向于将科克·史蒂文森理想化，并将他视为一种老式的德克萨斯牛仔和非常正直的人。
In fact, Coke Stevenson was a terribly reactionary man.
事实上，科克·史蒂文森是一个非常反动的人。
First of all, on civil rights, in 1942, a black Texan was lynched in Texarkana and Stevenson gave very little public response against this.
首先，在民权问题上，1942年，一名德克萨斯州黑人在特克萨卡纳被私刑处死，史蒂文森对此几乎没有公开回应。
And when he was asked privately about it, his comment was -- "You know," he said, "these Negroes sometimes do things which provoke whites to such violence."
当他被私下问及此事时，他的评论是——“你知道，”他说，“这些黑人有时会做一些激怒白人的暴力行为。”
And when the 1944 Supreme Court decision was handed down, asserting that blacks had the right to vote in Democratic primaries, Stevenson called it "a threat to our security and safety." He was fiercely anti-civil rights and a racist and a segregationist of the first order.
当 1944 年最高法院做出裁决，断言黑人有权在民主党初选中投票时，史蒂文森称其“对我们的安全构成威胁”。他是一名强烈的反民权主义者，也是一名彻头彻尾的种族主义者和种族隔离主义者。
McCullough: [voice-over] The race was so close there was no way to call it.
麦卡洛：[画外音]比赛非常接近，根本无法判定胜负。
The lead seesawed back and forth.
领先者来回摇摆。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: I said, "I think you're going to win it." He said, "No, I think we've lost it." And I said, "No, it's going to be the reversal of 1941."
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：我说，“我认为你会赢。”他说：“不，我想我们已经失去了它。”我说：“不，这将是 1941 年的逆转。”
McCullough: [voice-over] Three days after the polls closed, the votes were still coming in and Stevenson led by a handful.
麦卡洛：[画外音]投票结束三天后，选票仍在继续，史蒂文森以少数人领先。
It looked as if Stevenson would be the new senator from Texas.
看起来史蒂文森将成为来自德克萨斯州的新参议员。
But Johnson remembered 1941.
但约翰逊记得 1941 年。
He was not about to lose again.
他不想再输了。
The election now hinged on the "Duke of Duval County," George Parr, the man who controlled the votes in South Texas.
现在的选举取决于“杜瓦尔县公爵”乔治·帕尔，他控制着德克萨斯州南部的选票。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: George Parr controlled that county and those people voted the way he wanted them to vote, no question about that, none whatever.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：乔治·帕尔控制着那个县，那些人按照他希望的方式投票，毫无疑问，没有任何问题。
Now, the candidates had nothing to do with it.
现在，候选人与此无关。
Lewis Gould, Historian: In the nature of things, you don't write down, "Bought these votes yesterday afternoon at 4 o'clock," but obviously, there was some understanding between the Johnson people and the political bosses in South Texas.
刘易斯·古尔德，历史学家：从本质上讲，你不会写下“昨天下午 4 点买了这些选票”，但显然，约翰逊人民和南德克萨斯州的政治大佬之间存在一些理解。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: Earlier, when Coke Stevenson ran for governor, he had also been the recipient of the favor of the bosses because he had paid them.
林登·约翰逊传记作者罗伯特·达莱克：早些时候，当科克·史蒂文森竞选州长时，他也受到了老板们的青睐，因为他给了他们工资。
In one of his races, George Parr, the "Duke of Duval County," had given Stevenson a vote of 3,310 to 17.
在他的一场竞选中，“杜瓦尔县公爵”乔治·帕尔以 3,310 票对 17 票的投票结果支持史蒂文森。
Is it conceivable that such a lopsided margin would have been given to any candidate for any office?
可以想象，任何职位的任何候选人都会获得如此不平衡的优势吗？
McCullough: [voice-over] In the tiny South Texas town of Alice six days after the polls had closed, 202 additional votes were reported from Precinct Box 13.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在德克萨斯州南部小镇爱丽丝，投票结束六天后，13 区报告区又报告了 202 张选票。
When they were counted, all but two were for Lyndon Johnson.
当他们被清点时，除了两人之外，其他人都支持林登·约翰逊。
When the signatures of the 202 new voters were examined, some say the names were all written in the same ink and listed in alphabetical order.
有人说，在检查 202 名新选民的签名时，他们的名字都是用同一种墨水写的，并按字母顺序排列。
Homer Dean, LBJ Campaign Supporter: I did not notice that they were in alphabetical order, although some of the people who saw it testified later that that had happened.
林登·约翰逊竞选支持者荷马·迪恩：我没有注意到它们是按字母顺序排列的，尽管一些看到它的人后来证实确实发生了这种情况。
McCullough: [voice-over] Homer Dean was a 29-year-old attorney working in the Johnson campaign when Coke Stevenson arrived in Alice and demanded to see the voting list locked in the vault of the Texas State Bank.
麦卡洛：[画外音]霍默·迪恩 (Homer Dean) 是一名 29 岁的律师，在约翰逊竞选团队工作，当时科克·史蒂文森 (Coke Stevenson) 抵达爱丽丝并要求查看锁在德克萨斯州银行金库中的投票名单。
Dean is one of the few people who actually saw the disputed names.
迪恩是少数真正看到这些有争议的名字的人之一。
Homer Dean, LBJ Campaign Supporter: Well, it did look to me like there had been a change in ink and it looked like 200 or 202 or 203 names had been added to the poll list in a different ink by a different hand.
林登·约翰逊竞选支持者荷马·迪恩：嗯，在我看来，墨水确实发生了变化，看起来有 200、202 或 203 个名字被不同的人用不同的墨水添加到了民意调查列表中。
Mr. Stevenson was an outraged man that felt like the election had been stolen from him and he felt like what he'd just seen was evidence of that.
史蒂文森先生是一个愤怒的人，他觉得选举被从他身边偷走了，他觉得他刚刚看到的就是这方面的证据。
McCullough: [voice-over] Stevenson challenged the election at the Texas State Democratic Convention.
麦卡洛：[画外音]史蒂文森在德克萨斯州民主党代表大会上对选举提出质疑。
It was no use.
没有用。
The Johnson forces were too powerful.
约翰逊的势力太强大了。
When it was all over Precinct Box Number 13 made the difference.
当一切结束后，13 号辖区的信箱发挥了作用。
Johnson won by 87 votes, but the question of a stolen election remained.
约翰逊以 87 票获胜，但选举舞弊的问题仍然存在。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: You cannot make the statement, on the facts, that Johnson stole the election.
罗尼·杜格（Ronnie Dugger），林登·约翰逊传记作者：你不能根据事实做出约翰逊窃取选举的声明。
I think you can say it was stolen for him -- that's true -- but did he order it done?
我想你可以说它是为他偷的——确实如此——但是他下令完成的吗？
I never could find a John Connally down there doing it.
我从来找不到约翰·康纳利在那里做这件事。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: I wasn't within 200 miles of him.
约翰·康纳利 (John Connally)，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：我当时不在距他 200 英里的范围内。
I was in Austin, Texas a battery of telephones, calling all over the State of Texas.
我在得克萨斯州的奥斯汀，有一组电话，可以给得克萨斯州各地打电话。
I didn't know anything about it and that's the truth of the matter.
我对此一无所知，这就是事情的真相。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: If Homer Dean knew it was stolen, you don't find Homer Dean saying he stole it.
罗尼·达格，林登·约翰逊传记作者：如果荷马·迪恩知道它被偷了，你就不会发现荷马·迪恩说他偷了它。
Homer Dean, LBJ Campaign Supporter: I didn't then and don't now think that Johnson directly participated in it.
林登·约翰逊竞选支持者荷马·迪恩：我当时没有，现在也不认为约翰逊直接参与了其中。
He received the benefit of it, but I don't think he directed it or even knew about it when it was happening.
他从中受益，但我认为他并没有指挥它，甚至在事情发生时他并没有意识到这一点。
McCullough: [voice-over] Nineteen years later, Ronnie Dugger met in the White House with President Lyndon Johnson and asked him about the election of 1948.
麦卡洛：[画外音]十九年后，罗尼·杜格在白宫会见了林登·约翰逊总统，并向他询问了 1948 年选举的情况。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: One night, up in his bedroom, he started laughing and he seemed to wonder if he could find something and he said he was going back into Bird's bedroom, which was next door.
罗尼·达格，林登·约翰逊传记作者：一天晚上，他在他的卧室里开始大笑，他似乎想知道他是否能找到什么东西，他说他要回到伯德的卧室，就在隔壁。
And he rummaged around in a closet.
他在壁橱里翻找。
I think I could hear him rummaging around in the closet.
我想我能听到他在壁橱里翻找的声音。
And he came in with this photograph of these five guys in front of this old car with Box 13 balanced on the hood of it.
他进来时带着一张这五个人站在这辆旧车前的照片，13号盒子平衡地放在引擎盖上。
I looked at him and grinned and he grinned back, but he wouldn't explain it to me.
我看着他笑了笑，他也笑了笑，但他没有向我解释。
I asked him, well, who were these guys and why did they have Box 13 on the hood of this car?
我问他，好吧，这些人是谁？为什么他们在这辆车的引擎盖上有 13 号框？
What did it mean?
这意味着什么？
And he just -- nothing.
而他只是——什么也没有。
He wouldn't say.
他不会说。
As we'd say in Texas, he wouldn't say nothin'.
正如我们在德克萨斯州所说的那样，他不会说什么。
So there it is -- history turning on a mystery.
事情就这样——历史揭开了一个谜。
McCullough: [voice-over] It was 1949 and Texas had a new freshman senator.
麦卡洛：[画外音] 那是 1949 年，德克萨斯州有了一位新的新生参议员。
They called him "Landslide Lyndon."
他们称他为“山崩林登”。
Lewis Gould, Historian: It cast a shadow of illegitimacy over the rest of his political career that he never escaped.
刘易斯·古尔德，历史学家：这给他余下的政治生涯蒙上了一层非法的阴影，他从未逃脱过这种阴影。
-- the idea of "Landslide Lyndon," 87 votes, that there were skeletons in his closet, that he was a wheeler-dealer, that there was always something kind of flawed about his title both to being Senator and to being President.
——“林登大获全胜”的想法，87票，他的衣柜里有骷髅，他是一个轮奸者，他的参议员和总统头衔总是有某种缺陷。
McCullough: [voice-over] When an exuberant Johnson entered the Senate, he was a powerless freshman joining a select club run by insiders very much his senior.
麦卡洛：[画外音]当兴高采烈的约翰逊进入参议院时，他只是一个无能为力的新生，加入了一个由比他年长的内部人士经营的精选俱乐部。
He turned for help to a man who knew just how the club was run, Bobby Baker.
他向一位了解俱乐部运作方式的人鲍比·贝克寻求帮助。
Baker had come to the Senate as a teenaged page in the 1940s and knew, everyone said, where the bodies were buried.
贝克在 20 世纪 40 年代作为一名十几岁的侍从来到参议院，每个人都说他知道尸体埋在哪里。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: And so he said, "Mr. Baker, I wanted to meet you." He said, "My spies tell me you're the smartest son of a bitch over there." And I said, "That's not true and the only reputation I have is that my word is my bond and I protect your privacy." He said, "Well, you're the kind of man I want to know."
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：所以他说：“贝克先生，我想见见你。”他说：“我的间谍告诉我你是那里最聪明的混蛋。”我说：“这不是真的，我唯一的声誉是，我的话就是我的保证，我会保护你的隐私。”他说：“嗯，你就是我想认识的那种人。”
So he said, "I want you to know that the National Democratic Party is much more liberal than Texas." He advised me in no uncertain terms that he was committed to the oil interests in Texas.
所以他说，“我想让你知道，国家民主党比德克萨斯州自由得多。”他毫不含糊地告诉我，他致力于德克萨斯州的石油利益。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson always knew where the power was.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊总是知道权力在哪里。
In Texas, he cozied up to the oil barons.
在德克萨斯州，他向石油大亨示好。
In the Senate, he attached himself to the southern conservatives and their influential leader, Richard Brevard Russell of Georgia.
在参议院，他支持南方保守派及其有影响力的领导人乔治亚州的理查德·布里瓦德·拉塞尔。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: Senator Russell was a lonely bachelor.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：拉塞尔参议员是一个孤独的单身汉。
He read probably 10 books a week.
他每周大概读 10 本书。
He was a loner.
他是一个孤独的人。
Well, Lyndon Johnson, at this time, knew where the power was and had Senator Russell been a woman, he would have married him because -- or married her.
好吧，林登·约翰逊此时知道权力在哪里，如果拉塞尔参议员是一名女性，他会嫁给他，因为——或者娶她。
McCullough: [voice-over] Under Russell's patronage, Johnson was given the job of Party Whip.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在拉塞尔的支持下，约翰逊被任命为党鞭。
He transformed what had been a minor post into a seat of power.
他把一个小职位变成了权力宝座。
Two years later, he was elected Democratic leader.
两年后，他当选为民主党领袖。
"Landslide Lyndon" was now one of the most powerful men in the United States Senate.
“压倒性林登”现在是美国参议院最有权势的人之一。
In his third year in the Senate, Johnson had bought himself a piece of land along the Pedernales River.
在参议院任职的第三年，约翰逊为自己购买了佩德纳莱斯河沿岸的一块土地。
The consummate Washington politician soon took on the trappings of the mythical Texas rancher.
这位完美的华盛顿政治家很快就披上了神秘的德克萨斯牧场主的外衣。
But he never stopped working.
但他从未停止过工作。
The LBJ Ranch was more than a place of relaxation.
林登·约翰逊牧场不仅仅是一个放松的地方。
It became part of the stuff of power.
它成为权力的一部分。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: He had no interests, really, except politics.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：实际上，除了政治之外，他没有任何兴趣。
That was his whole life.
这就是他的一生。
He was totally committed to it.
他完全致力于此。
He never read anything except politics.
除了政治之外，他从来不读任何书。
He didn't care about any sports.
他不关心任何运动。
He didn't read any books.
他没有读过任何书。
I don't know of one book he read in all the years I've known him.
在我认识他的这些年里，我不知道他读过哪一本书。
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: I think, for Lyndon Johnson's temperament, the Senate could not have been more perfectly suited.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温（Doris Kearns Goodwin），林登·约翰逊传记作者：我认为，对于林登·约翰逊的性格来说，参议院再合适不过了。
For one thing, it was a small number of people.
一方面，人数很少。
You've only got a limited number, all of whom can be subject to her personality.
你的人数有限，所有的人都可以受制于她的个性。
He could get up every day and learn what their fears, their desires, their wishes, their wants were and he could then manipulate, dominate, persuade, cajole them.
他可以每天起床，了解他们的恐惧、欲望、愿望、需求，然后他可以操纵、支配、说服、哄骗他们。
And what really made things work in the Senate was personal relationships and Johnson was just strictly the best at that.
真正让参议院的事情发挥作用的是个人关系，而约翰逊在这方面绝对是最好的。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: And he was determined to recruit you or kill you and they used to call it "the Johnson treatment."
罗尼·达格，林登·约翰逊传记作者：他决心招募你或杀死你，他们过去称之为“约翰逊疗法”。
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: It was an incredible blend of badgering, cajolery, reminders of past favors, promises of future favors, predictions of gloom if something doesn't happen.
乔治·里迪，美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书：这是令人难以置信的纠缠、哄骗、提醒过去的恩惠、承诺未来的恩惠、以及如果事情没有发生则悲观的预测的混合体。
When that man started to work on you, all of a sudden, you just felt that you were standing under a waterfall and the stuff was pouring on you.
当那个人开始对你起作用时，突然间，你感觉自己站在瀑布下，东西正倾泻到你身上。
Howard Schuman, U.S. Senate Aide: I've seen him.
美国参议院助手霍华德·舒曼：我见过他。
He used to get his -- he would sit in front of a senator -- face to face -- and then he would take his head and; he would get it underneath and go up like this and talk to him.
他过去常常坐在一位参议员面前，面对面，然后他会拿下他的头；他会把它放在下面，然后像这样上去和他说话。
Peter Roberts, Newsreel Commentator: The 1954 midterm election will go down as one of the most peculiar on record.
新闻片评论员彼得·罗伯茨 (Peter Roberts)：1954 年的中期选举将成为历史上最奇特的选举之一。
McCullough: [voice-over] In 1954, with the Republicans in control of the White House, the Democrats gained control of the Senate, making Lyndon Johnson the youngest Majority Leader ever.
麦卡洛：[画外音] 1954 年，共和党控制了白宫，民主党控制了参议院，林登·约翰逊成为有史以来最年轻的多数党领袖。
He was 46 years old.
他今年 46 岁。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: There was no more powerful Majority Leader in American history.
林登·约翰逊传记作者罗伯特·达莱克：美国历史上没有比他更强大的多数党领袖了。
He understood the way the Senate worked.
他了解参议院的运作方式。
He understood what senators needed and what they wanted.
他了解参议员们需要什么以及他们想要什么。
He had biographies on each of them so that he knew what their tastes and intentions and aims and desires and wishes and hopes were.
他有他们每个人的传记，这样他就知道他们的品味、意图、目标、愿望、愿望和希望是什么。
Howard Schuman, U.S. Senate Aide: He knew the womanizers, he knew the drunks.
霍华德·舒曼，美国参议院助手：他了解好色之徒，他了解醉汉。
He knew people who wanted what committee assignments.
他知道人们想要什么样的委员会任务。
He knew what rooms they wanted.
他知道他们想要什么房间。
He knew if they wanted a trip to Europe and take their wife.
他知道他们是否想去欧洲旅行并带上他们的妻子。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: If we had a vote coming up and there's someone that couldn't vote with us, but we could send him on a NATO trip, we would do that, so you know, whereby he would not have to vote against us, but he would be off and his wife would be happy and he'd be attending a conference.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：如果我们即将进行投票，有人不能和我们一起投票，但我们可以派他去北约，我们就会这么做，所以你知道，这样他就不必投票反对我们，但他会离开，他的妻子会很高兴，他会参加一个会议。
And those conferences are very important.
这些会议非常重要。
Howard Schuman, U.S. Senate Aide: His subordinate, Bobby Baker, who was the floor man for him -- and people called "Little Lyndon" -- said one time, "I have 10 senators in the palm of my hand."
美国参议院助手霍华德·舒曼：他的下属鲍比·贝克（Bobby Baker）是他的发言人，人们称其为“小林登”，有一次他说：“我手里有 10 名参议员。”
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: It's a "good ole boy" network.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：这是一个“好老男孩”网络。
Well, you know, if you've been -- if you've served in the Congress, either the House or the Senate, together for many years, you've done favors for each other and you say what you can do and can't do and what's possible.
嗯，你知道，如果你们在国会，无论是众议院还是参议院，一起工作了很多年，你们就互相帮助过，你们会说你们能做什么、不能做什么以及什么是可能的。
Howard Schuman, U.S. Senate Aide: And they controlled all the what I call "boodle," the things that were given to people.
美国参议院助手霍华德·舒曼：他们控制了所有我所说的“boodle”，也就是给予人们的东西。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: Every senator wants a private office in the Capitol because it was a little hideaway.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：每个参议员都希望在国会大厦拥有一个私人办公室，因为它有点隐蔽。
They could get away from the press, they could get away from their wife.
他们可以远离媒体，可以远离他们的妻子。
They could have private luncheons.
他们可以举办私人午餐会。
They can go get drunk, you know.
你知道，他们可以喝醉。
They can be a human being.
他们可以是一个人。
Howard Schuman, U.S. Senate Aide: But when he ran the Senate, incredible what he would do.
霍华德·舒曼，美国参议院助手：但是当他担任参议院时，他会做的事情令人难以置信。
I saw him, at one time, hold up a roll call vote, which usually takes 15 to 20 minutes -- he held it up for more than an hour so they could extract Hubert Humphrey out of the air over the National Airport and they finally brought him in and voted it.
有一次，我看到他举行唱名投票，这通常需要 15 到 20 分钟——他举行了一个多小时，这样他们就可以从国家机场上空将休伯特·汉弗莱 (Hubert Humphrey) 救出来，最后他们把他带进来并投票。
And during this time, Johnson would be going like this to the clerk, telling him to slow down as he called the roll.
在这段时间里，约翰逊会像这样走向店员，告诉他在点名时放慢速度。
And then, there were other times when he had the votes and he was winning by maybe one or two votes and he'd tell them to speed it up.
然后，还有其他时候，当他有选票并且他可能以一两票获胜时，他会告诉他们加快速度。
Harry McPherson, U.S. Senate Staff: In the Senate, he would pace the floor, pull out his inhaler, draw deep breaths into his nose, looking around the chamber, thinking all the time, nervous.
哈里·麦克弗森（Harry McPherson），美国参议院工作人员：在参议院，他会在参议院踱步，拔出吸入器，用鼻子深吸一口气，环顾议事厅，一直紧张地思考。
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: He never sat in a chair.
艾略特·珍妮威，经济学家，约翰逊家族的朋友：他从来没有坐过椅子。
He'd stand up and jitter.
他会站起来，浑身发抖。
He'd bounce up and down, rattling silver dollars in his pocket.
他会上下弹跳，口袋里的银元发出嘎嘎声。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: He ate in a hurry.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：他吃得很匆忙。
He wolfed his food.
他狼吞虎咽地吃东西。
Most of the time, he had no manners.
大多数时候，他没有礼貌。
He'd eat off of the plate of -- either person on either side of him, if he ate something that he liked and they hadn't finished theirs, he'd reach over with his fork and eat off of their plate.
他会从他两边的任何一个人的盘子里吃东西，如果他吃了他喜欢的东西而他们还没有吃完，他就会伸手拿叉子吃他们盘子里的东西。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: He would eat his dessert, Lady Bird's, Lynda's and daughters of mine, too.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：他也会吃他的甜点，还有伯德夫人、琳达和我女儿的甜点。
I'm telling you, he was a big man, but he could handle two fifths of Cutty Sark every night and that's not good.
我告诉你，他是个大个子，但他每晚都能应付卡蒂萨克号的五分之二，这并不好。
And he smoked cigarettes like a crazy man till he had his heart attack.
他像个疯子一样抽烟，直到心脏病发作。
Sen.
参议员。
Lyndon Johnson: I'm going home to get a long rest and if the doctors give me the OK, I'll be back on the job in the Senate when the Senate reconvenes in January.
林登·约翰逊：我要回家休息一段时间，如果医生同意，我将在一月份参议院重新开会时重返参议院工作。
1st Reporter: In the meantime, no politics and onto the rocking chair?
记者一号：同时，没有政治，就坐在摇椅上？
Sen.
参议员。
Lyndon Johnson: Well, I wouldn't say that you could take politics completely away from me, but we'll have it at a minimum.
林登·约翰逊：嗯，我不会说你可以将政治完全从我手中夺走，但我们至少会拥有它。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson had very nearly died.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊差一点就死了。
For the rest of his life, the image of a sudden death hung over him.
在他的余生中，突然死亡的景象一直笼罩着他。
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: One of Lyndon Johnson's real troubles was he was incapable of relaxation.
乔治·里迪，美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书：林登·约翰逊真正的麻烦之一是他无法放松。
Even when he tried to relax, it became terribly frenetic.
即使当他试图放松时，它也变得非常疯狂。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: He used to call me on Saturday mornings and say, "Let's go to the game.
约翰·康纳利 (John Connally)，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：他过去常常在周六早上打电话给我，说：“我们去看比赛吧。
I've got some tickets.
我有一些票。
We'd sit there during the whole ballgame and talk politics.
整个球赛期间我们都会坐在那里谈论政治。
He didn't watch the football game, literally didn't watch it.
他没有看足球比赛，真的没有看。
He was watching the crowd, he was looking around, waving to this one, waving to that one.
他看着人群，环顾四周，向这个挥手，向那个挥手。
Howard Schuman, U.S. Senate Aide: Johnson had an immense ego.
美国参议院助手霍华德·舒曼：约翰逊非常自负。
He had on his shirts and on his sleeves his initials, LBJ.
他的衬衫和袖子上都印有他名字的缩写：LBJ。
His wife's name was Lady Bird, at least informally, so her name would be LBJ.
他妻子的名字是“Lady Bird”（至少非正式的），所以她的名字是“LBJ”。
His two children, his girls were both LBJ.
他的两个孩子，他的女儿都是林登·约翰逊。
His ranch was the LBJ Ranch.
他的牧场是林登·约翰逊牧场。
His dog was "Little Beagle Johnson."
他的狗是“小比格犬约翰逊”。
McCullough: [voice-over] As Johnson prepared to return to Washington, the liberals within his own party began to attack him.
麦卡洛：[画外音]当约翰逊准备返回华盛顿时，他党内的自由派开始攻击他。
When he courted the popular Republican president, Dwight Eisenhower, they accused him of selling out.
当他向受欢迎的共和党总统德怀特·艾森豪威尔示好时，他们指责他出卖了他。
They wanted stronger action on housing, jobs, and civil rights.
他们希望在住房、就业和公民权利方面采取更强有力的行动。
Joseph Rauh, Jr., Americans for Democratic Action: My opinion was that he was destroying the Democratic Party and not doing his job.
小约瑟夫·劳（Joseph Rauh, Jr.），美国民主行动组织：我的观点是，他正在摧毁民主党，而不是尽自己的职责。
His job was the opposition to the Eisenhower Administration and he didn't do it.
他的工作是反对艾森豪威尔政府，但他没有这么做。
They were playing just hanky-panky with each other and there was really no Democratic opposition.
他们只是互相玩弄小把戏，而且实际上没有民主党反对。
Howard Schuman, U.S. Senate Aide: Well, one doesn't know whether he was a liberal or a reactionary.
美国参议院助手霍华德·舒曼：嗯，人们不知道他是自由派还是反动派。
Probably he was neither.
也许他两者都不是。
He probably was just an extraordinarily skillful parliamentarian who was an opportunist and who sensed the wind and then went in that direction.
他可能只是一个非常有技巧的议员，一个机会主义者，感觉到了风向，然后就朝那个方向走去。
McCullough: [voice-over] No one knew what Johnson really stood for.
麦卡洛：[画外音]没有人知道约翰逊真正代表什么。
In 1957, when a civil rights bill came before Congress, it looked as if he would be finally forced to take a stand.
1957 年，当一项民权法案提交国会时，他似乎最终被迫表明立场。
Man at Rally: We are not going to permit the NAACP to take over your schools.
集会上的人：我们不会允许全国有色人种协进会接管你们的学校。
We are not going to permit our little children to be used as pawns in a game of power politics to get the racial vote in northern cities.
我们不会允许我们的孩子被用作强权政治游戏中的棋子，以获得北方城市的种族选票。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: We have to remember what the country was like for black people in 1957 and 1959 when Johnson was majority leader.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：我们必须记住 1957 年和 1959 年约翰逊担任多数党领袖时，黑人的国家是什么样子。
Ku Klux Klansmen: [KKK rally] They want to throw white children and colored children into the melting pot of integration, out of which will come a conglomerated mulatto mongrel class of people!
三K党成员：[三K党集会]他们想把白人儿童和有色人种儿童扔进融合的熔炉中，从这个熔炉中将出现一个混血混血阶层！
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: It was still a segregated country.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：它仍然是一个种族隔离的国家。
Blacks still could expect random violence.
黑人仍然可能遭遇随机暴力。
McCullough: [voice-over] Nobody knew what the Majority Leader of the Senate would do.
麦卡洛：[画外音]没有人知道参议院多数党领袖会做什么。
Never in his life had Johnson voted for a civil rights bill, but now, determined to shake his southern image and become a truly national politician, Johnson confronted his old friend and mentor, Richard Russell of Georgia.
约翰逊一生中从未投票支持过民权法案，但现在，约翰逊决心改变自己的南方形象，成为一名真正的全国政治家，他与他的老朋友和导师、佐治亚州的理查德·拉塞尔对峙。
S.
S。
Douglass Cater, Washington D.C. Reporter; Special Assistant to the President: The very first thing he did was to meet with his old and closest advisers and say, "This time, we are going to get a bill and you might as well face up to it." Richard Russell suffered a great deal because they really did feel that this was the beginning of the end of the South as they knew it.
道格拉斯·卡特，华盛顿特区记者；总统特别助理：他做的第一件事就是会见他最亲密的老顾问并说：“这一次，我们将收到一项法案，你不妨正视它。”理查德·拉塞尔遭受了很大的痛苦，因为他们确实觉得这是他们所知道的南方终结的开始。
McCullough: [voice-over] Behind the scenes in the Senate cloakroom, Johnson moved from one side to the other, first trying to assure the southern Democrats.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在参议院衣帽间的幕后，约翰逊从一边走到另一边，首先试图让南方民主党人放心。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: He would just say, "If you don't pass this moderate bill, you're going to have a bill crammed down your throat because Richard Nixon is very smart politically and he is courting black people right now and you're going to get something that you can't live with."
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：他只会说，“如果你不通过这项温和的法案，你就会把一项法案塞到你的喉咙里，因为理查德·尼克松在政治上非常聪明，他现在正在向黑人示好，你会得到一些你无法忍受的东西。”
McCullough: [voice-over] And Johnson knew just what to tell the northern liberals.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊知道该告诉北方自由派什么。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: I heard him many times chew Hubert Humphrey's ass out.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：我多次听到他对休伯特·汉弗莱的批评。
"Hubert, it don't take any genius to be for the civil rights from Minnesota." He said, "How many black people you got in Minnesota?" And Hubert would say, "Well, we've got 12,000." He says, "Well, you make me sick."
“休伯特，明尼苏达州的民权运动并不需要任何天才。”他说：“明尼苏达州有多少黑人？”休伯特会说：“好吧，我们有 12,000 个。”他说：“好吧，你让我恶心。”
McCullough: [voice-over] By the middle of the summer, the Johnson treatment was having its effect.
麦卡洛：[画外音]到仲夏时，约翰逊的治疗开始发挥作用。
2nd Reporter: Senator, there is some talk of a compromise.
第二位记者：参议员，有人谈论妥协。
Do you see any area for compromise?
您认为有什么需要妥协的地方吗？
Sen.
参议员。
Richard Russell, (D) Georgia: Well, I haven't had any compromise presented to me yet, but I am a realist and a reasonable man.
理查德·拉塞尔（D）乔治亚州：嗯，我还没有得到任何妥协，但我是一个现实主义者和一个理性的人。
McCullough: [voice-over] By skillful maneuvering, Johnson engineered a bill acceptable to all sides.
麦卡洛：[画外音]通过巧妙的操作，约翰逊制定了一项各方都能接受的法案。
Sen.
参议员。
Johnson: A compromise has been negotiated.
约翰逊：已经协商达成妥协。
I am pleased that the bill was passed.
我很高兴该法案获得通过。
It is a great step forward and a very important and delicate feat.
这是向前迈出的一大步，也是一项非常重要且微妙的壮举。
McCullough: [voice-over] On August 7, the Senate passed the Civil Rights Act of 1957, but Johnson had traded away the muscle in the law.
麦卡洛：[画外音] 8 月 7 日，参议院通过了 1957 年民权法案，但约翰逊放弃了法律的权力。
In theory, the law protected the voting rights of blacks.
理论上，法律保护黑人的投票权。
In fact, it gave the federal government no real power of enforcement.
事实上，它并没有赋予联邦政府真正的执行权。
Howard Schuman, U.S. Senate Aide: That bill had nothing in it.
美国参议院助手霍华德·舒曼：该法案中没有任何内容。
In fact, when it was finally passed, Mr. Douglas said that it reminded him of Lincoln's old saying that it was like a soup made from the shadow of a crow which had starved to death.
事实上，当该法案最终通过时，道格拉斯先生说，这让他想起了林肯的一句老话：“这就像用一只饿死的乌鸦的影子熬成的汤”。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: "Can you believe those bastards?" he said.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：“你能相信那些混蛋吗？”他说。
"You know, I'm the first man in the history of this country to pass a civil rights bill, then they got to give me the shiv."
“你知道，我是这个国家历史上第一个通过民权法案的人，然后他们就给了我一把匕首。”
McCullough: [voice-over] The bill was pure Johnson compromise, a masterpiece of Senate politicking, but it was the first civil rights bill since Reconstruction.
麦卡洛：[画外音]该法案纯粹是约翰逊的妥协，是参议院政治的杰作，但它是自重建以来的第一个民权法案。
Johnson had freed himself from the shackles of his southern image and he was ready to move on.
约翰逊已经摆脱了南方形象的束缚，准备继续前进。
By 1960, Lyndon Johnson made public what everyone already knew.
到 1960 年，林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 公开了所有人都知道的事情。
He wanted to be President of the United States.
他想成为美国总统。
Sen.
参议员。
Johnson: [1960 presidential campaign] The person you select as your president, the way he's carried, the burdens he knows, the decision he makes may well determine whether you live as free men.
约翰逊：[1960年总统竞选]你选择的总统人选、他的行事方式、他所承担的重担、他所做的决定很可能决定你是否作为自由人生活。
McCullough: [voice-over] But John Kennedy, the young, wealthy, glamorous senator whom Johnson had casually dismissed as inexperienced, had the nomination all but wrapped up.
麦卡洛：[画外音]但是约翰·肯尼迪，这位年轻、富有、迷人的参议员，被约翰逊随意斥为缺乏经验，提名几乎已经完成。
Johnson resentfully called Kennedy "sonny boy."
约翰逊愤恨地称肯尼迪为“儿子”。
Sen.
参议员。
John F.
约翰·F.
Kennedy: [1960 Democratic Convention] I have found it extremely beneficial serving in the Senate with Senator Johnson as leader.
肯尼迪：[1960 年民主党大会] 我发现在参议员约翰逊担任领袖的情况下担任参议员非常有益。
I think if I emerge successfully in this convention, it will be the result of watching Senator Johnson proceed around the Senate for the last eight years.
我想，如果我能在这次大会上成功亮相，那将是过去八年里约翰逊参议员在参议院的表现的结果。
I have learned the lesson well, Lyndon, and I hope it may benefit me in the next 24 hours.
我已经很好地吸取了教训，Lyndon，我希望它能在接下来的 24 小时内使我受益。
McCullough: [voice-over] On the eve of the Democratic Convention, Johnson challenged Kennedy to a debate.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在民主党全国代表大会前夕，约翰逊向肯尼迪发起辩论挑战。
Kennedy coolly brushed Johnson aside.
肯尼迪冷静地将约翰逊推到一边。
Sen.
参议员。
Kennedy: [I am] full of admiration for Senator Johnson, full of affection for him, strongly in support him for Majority Leader and I'm confident that in that position we're all going to be able to work together.
肯尼迪：[我]对约翰逊参议员充满钦佩，对他充满感情，强烈支持他担任多数党领袖，我相信在这个职位上我们都能够共同努力。
Thank you.
谢谢。
Convention Delegate: Mr. Chairman, Wyoming's vote will make the majority for Senator Kennedy.
大会代表：主席先生，怀俄明州的选票将为肯尼迪参议员赢得多数票。
McCullough: [voice-over] Kennedy was nominated overwhelmingly on the first ballot.
麦卡洛：[画外音]肯尼迪在第一轮投票中以压倒性优势获得提名。
Now, all that was left was the vice presidency and no one was sure what Johnson would do if Kennedy offered it to him.
现在，只剩下副总统职位了，没有人知道如果肯尼迪把这个职位交给约翰逊，约翰逊会做什么。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: He said, "Well, Jack Kennedy just called.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：他说：“嗯，杰克·肯尼迪刚刚打来电话。
He's coming down to see me." He said, "What do you think he wants?" And I said, "He's going to offer you the vice presidency." He said, "Oh no, he's not.
他要下来见我。”他说：“你认为他想要什么？”我说：“他将任命你为副总统。”他说：“哦，不，他不是。
Oh, no. He wouldn't do that." He said, "He's probably going to ask me to manage the campaign." I said, "No, he's going to ask you to be Vice President." He said, "Well, what should I say to him?" I said, "Well, you don't have any choice.
哦，不。他不会那样做。”他说：“他可能会要求我管理竞选活动。”我说：“不，他会邀请你担任副总统。”他说：“那我该跟他说什么？”我说：“好吧，你别无选择。
You have to say yes."
你必须说是。”
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: And I said, "Mr. Leader, let me tell you -- John Kennedy knows that no Catholic has ever been elected President in the history of this country.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：我说，“领袖先生，让我告诉你——约翰·肯尼迪知道，在这个国家的历史上从未有过天主教徒当选总统。
He knows the only chance in hell that he has to be President of the United States is if you run as Vice President." And I said, "The vice presidency is the worst job in the country.
他知道他成为美国总统的唯一机会就是你竞选副总统。”我说：“副总统职位是这个国家最糟糕的工作。
It's not worth a warm bucket of spit," as John Nance Garner said, "But you're one heartbeat away from the presidency."
这不值得一桶温热的唾沫，”正如约翰·南斯·加纳所说，“但你距离总统宝座只有一步之遥。”
McCullough: [voice-over] When Kennedy offered Johnson the vice presidency, no one was happy.
麦卡洛：[画外音]当肯尼迪邀请约翰逊担任副总统时，没有人高兴。
The conservatives didn't want Johnson to run with the liberal Kennedy and the liberals wanted one of their own.
保守派不希望约翰逊与自由派肯尼迪一起竞选，而自由派则想要自己的一位。
Finally, the candidate's brother, Robert Kennedy, paid Johnson a visit.
最后，候选人的兄弟罗伯特·肯尼迪拜访了约翰逊。
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: I was in the room, in Johnson's bedroom with Johnson and John Connally, the three of us alone on the morning of the nomination for the vice presidency at about 10:30, when Bobby Kennedy stormed in and started screaming at Johnson that if he knew what was good for him, he'd get off that ticket.
艾略特·珍妮威，经济学家，约翰逊的家人朋友：在副总统提名的那天上午 10 点 30 分左右，我和约翰逊、约翰·康纳利一起在约翰逊的卧室里，只有我们三个人，当时鲍比·肯尼迪冲了进来，开始对约翰逊大喊大叫，说如果他知道什么对他有利，他就不会获得提名。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: Well, Johnson did not like Bobby Kennedy and it was mutual.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：嗯，约翰逊不喜欢鲍比·肯尼迪，这是相互的。
They hated each other.
他们互相憎恨。
So what happened was that Mr. Rayburn and John Connally went in to meet with Bobby Kennedy.
雷伯恩先生和约翰·康纳利去见了鲍比·肯尼迪。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: And Bobby Kennedy said that all hell had broken loose on the convention floor and that Johnson was going to have to withdraw, just change his mind and not accept the vice presidency.
约翰·康纳利（John Connally），林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：鲍比·肯尼迪表示，会议厅里一切都乱了套，约翰逊将不得不退出，只是改变主意，不接受副总统职位。
And Mr. Rayburn looked at him and he said, "Aw," and uttered an expletive that I am not going to use.
雷伯恩先生看着他，他说，“噢，”并说出了我不会使用的脏话。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: Old man Rayburn said, "Shit, sonny," and kicked him out.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克（Robert Baker）：老人雷伯恩说：“妈的，儿子，”然后把他踢了出去。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: I said, "Your brother came down here and offered him the vice presidency and Mr. Johnson accepted it.
约翰·康纳利（John Connally），林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：我说：“你的兄弟来到这里并向他提出副总统职位，约翰逊先生接受了。
Now, if he doesn't want him to have it, he's going to have to call and ask him to withdraw."
现在，如果他不想让他拥有它，他就必须打电话要求他退出。”
Sen.
参议员。
Kennedy: [1960 Democratic Convention] And I am grateful, finally, that I can rely in the coming months on many others, on a distinguished running mate who brings unity and strength to our platform and our ticket, Lyndon Johnson.
肯尼迪：[1960 年民主党大会] 最后，我很感激，在接下来的几个月里，我可以依靠许多其他人，依靠一位杰出的竞选伙伴，林登·约翰逊为我们的平台和选票带来了团结和力量。
S.
S。
Douglass Cater, Washington D.C. Reporter; Special Assistant to the President: And that was a real transformation, in which this young pup, Jack Kennedy, suddenly is it and he, Lyndon Johnson -- big ole clumsy Lyndon Johnson -- is playing second fiddle.
道格拉斯·卡特，华盛顿特区记者；总统特别助理：那是一次真正的转变，这只年轻的小狗，杰克·肯尼迪，突然就成为了主角，而他，林登·约翰逊——笨手笨脚的林登·约翰逊——却扮演了次要角色。
And you got to believe it that those vice presidential years were agony for him.
你必须相信，那些副总统岁月对他来说是痛苦的。
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: It was a terrible sense of having lost that center of dominance and suddenly, I think, he felt like a little kid looking in a glass door at the candy display inside and he couldn't quite reach it.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温（Doris Kearns Goodwin），林登·约翰逊传记作者：失去统治中心的感觉很糟糕，我想，突然之间，他感觉自己就像一个小孩子，看着玻璃门里的糖果陈列架，却无法完全够到它。
It was devastating.
这是毁灭性的。
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: Bobby never got over the fact that his brother overruled him and put Johnson on the ticket and that -- there was a mutual dislike second to none in the history of the world.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：鲍比始终没有忘记这样一个事实：他的兄弟否决了他的决定，并把约翰逊列入了候选人名单，而且——世界历史上，双方之间的相互厌恶是首屈一指的。
S.
S。
Douglass Cater, Washington D.C. Reporter; Special Assistant to the President: It wasn't the way the President treated him -- I think Jack Kennedy treated him with due respect -- but everybody around Kennedy kind of poked fun at him and made mockery of "Whatever happened to Lyndon Johnson?"
道格拉斯·卡特，华盛顿特区记者；总统特别助理：这不是总统对待他的方式——我认为杰克·肯尼迪以应有的尊重对待他——但肯尼迪周围的每个人都在取笑他，并嘲笑“林登·约翰逊出了什么事？”
Robert Baker, LBJ Senate Aide: And Kennedy, you know, named him the head of the Space Center, plus he sent him on every foreign trip in the history of the world to, you know, tried to give him something to do.
林登·约翰逊参议院助手罗伯特·贝克：肯尼迪，你知道，任命他为航天中心的负责人，而且他派他参加世界历史上的每一次出国旅行，你知道，试图给他一些事情做。
McCullough: [voice-over] Vice President Johnson made ceremonial visits to 26 countries, but he wasn't the kind of man who could get the feel for another culture.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊副总统对 26 个国家进行了仪式性访问，但他不是那种能够感受另一种文化的人。
Wherever he went, he took his own oversized bed, a special nozzle for his shower, dozens of cases of Cutty Sark and thousands of personally inscribed ballpoint pens and cigarette lighters as gifts.
无论走到哪里，他都会带着自己的超大床、一个特殊的淋浴喷头、几十箱卡蒂萨克和数千支刻有个人签名的圆珠笔和打火机作为礼物。
But, at least abroad, he was center stage.
但至少在国外，他是舞台的中心。
At home, there were still the Kennedys -- urbane, charismatic, immensely popular.
在国内，仍然有肯尼迪家族——彬彬有礼，魅力非凡，非常受欢迎。
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: He was consumed with this passion of inferiority towards the Kennedys and they gave him a very hard time when he was Vice President.
艾略特·珍妮韦（Eliot Janeway），经济学家，约翰逊家族的朋友：他被这种对肯尼迪家族的自卑情绪所吞噬，当他担任副总统时，他们让他过得很艰难。
They were going to dump him from their ticket.
他们要把他从票上剔除。
They made a buffoon of him, a laughingstock.
他们把他当作小丑、笑柄。
When, as Vice President of the United States, he visited Scandinavia, Bobby Kennedy sent an uncoded telegram to the embassies -- uncoded so that everyone could see it -- saying that, "The Vice President in no way speaks for the government of the United States and is not to be received as if he were an emissary of the President."
当鲍比·肯尼迪以美国副总统身份访问斯堪的纳维亚半岛时，他向各国大使馆发送了一份未经编码的电报——未编码以便每个人都能看到——表示：“副总统绝不代表美国政府发言，也不能像总统的特使一样受到接待。”
McCullough: [voice-over] In 1963, a chagrined and frustrated Vice President told an aide, "My future is behind me." And then, Dallas.
麦卡洛：[画外音] 1963 年，一位懊恼又沮丧的副总统对一名助手说：“我的未来已经过去了。”然后，达拉斯。
Mrs. Johnson: It all began so hopefully, but the feeling in Texas was not good for Kennedy and so, of course, we were uptight.
约翰逊夫人：一切开始时都充满希望，但德克萨斯州的感觉对肯尼迪来说并不好，所以，当然，我们很紧张。
And we were going along and I was heaving a sigh of relief, "Thank the Lord, everything's going to be all right," and then came that shot.
我们一路前行，我松了一口气，“感谢主，一切都会好起来的。”然后那个镜头就来了。
The Secret Serviceman suddenly vaulted over Lyndon and pushed him to the floor.
特勤人员突然从林登身上一跃而过，把他推倒在地。
And here we were, racing down at breakneck speed, not knowing what had taken over our lives.
我们就在这里，以惊人的速度飞驰而下，不知道是什么占据了我们的生活。
This man came in and told Lyndon that President Kennedy was dead.
这个人进来告诉林登肯尼迪总统死了。
I guess we were all silent for a while and then Lyndon said, "We must get to Air Force One." I don't know how long we sat, but quite a while.
我想我们都沉默了一会儿，然后林登说：“我们必须到达空军一号。”我不知道我们坐了多久，但是相当长一段时间。
He said, "Does anybody on this plane know the Oath of Office?" Nobody did, word for word, precisely.
他说：“这架飞机上有人知道就职誓言吗？”没有人一字不差地做到这一点。
He said, "You'll have to call the Attorney General and ask him." What an excruciating call.
他说：“你必须打电话给司法部长问他。”这是多么令人痛苦的电话啊。
The Attorney General was Bobby Kennedy.
司法部长是鲍比·肯尼迪。
Woman: -- "the office of President of the United States" --
女士：——“美国总统办公室”——
Vice Pres.
副总统。
Johnson: -- the office of President of the United States.
约翰逊：——美国总统办公室。
McCullough: [voice-over] A beloved president was gone and in his place stood this big Texan with an unsavory past.
麦卡洛：[画外音]一位受人爱戴的总统去世了，取而代之的是这位有着不光彩过去的德克萨斯大人物。
The Kennedys distrusted him, the American people were suspicious, stunned and baffled.
肯尼迪家族不信任他，美国人民则感到怀疑、震惊和困惑。
On November 22, 1963, Lyndon Johnson became the 36th president of the United States.
1963年11月22日，林登·约翰逊就任美国第36任总统。
McCullough: [voice-over] "I took the oath," Johnson said, "but for millions of Americans, I was still illegitimate, a naked man with no presidential covering, a pretender to the throne, an illegal usurper.
麦卡洛：[画外音]“我宣誓，”约翰逊说，“但对于数百万美国人来说，我仍然是非法的，是一个没有总统遮盖的裸体男人，一个王位觊觎者，一个非法篡位者。
And then, there were the bigots and the dividers and the eastern intellectuals who were waiting to knock me down before I could even begin to stand up.
然后，偏执者、分裂者和东方知识分子就等着在我站起来之前把我打倒。
The whole thing was almost unbearable."
整件事几乎令人难以忍受。”
Rumors of dark schemes and conspiracies were everywhere.
关于黑暗计划和阴谋的谣言到处都是。
Anxious Americans knew little about the new president.
焦虑的美国人对新总统知之甚少。
What they did know was that their beloved John F.
他们所知道的是，他们心爱的约翰·肯尼迪 (John F.
Kennedy was gone.
肯尼迪走了。
"I always felt sorry for Harry Truman and the way he got the presidency," Johnson told an aide, "but at least his man wasn't murdered."
“我一直为哈里·杜鲁门和他获得总统职位的方式感到遗憾，”约翰逊对一名助手说，“但至少他的人没有被谋杀。”
Man: [Joint Congressional Session, November 27, 1963] Mr. Speaker, the President of the United States.
男：[国会联席会议，1963 年 11 月 27 日]议长先生，美国总统。
McCullough: [voice-over] President for only five days, Johnson addressed a joint session of Congress.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊就任总统仅五天，就在国会联席会议上发表讲话。
After decades in Washington, he knew them all and he knew what they were thinking -- would he measure up?
在华盛顿呆了几十年之后，他了解他们所有人，也知道他们在想什么——他能达到标准吗？
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, members of the House, members of the Senate, my fellow Americans -- all I have I would have given gladly not to be standing here today.
约翰逊：议长先生、总统先生、众议院议员、参议院议员、我的美国同胞们——如果我今天不站在这里，我会很乐意付出一切。
The greatest leader of our time has been struck down by the foulest deed of our time.
我们这个时代最伟大的领导人已经被我们这个时代最肮脏的行为击倒了。
Today, John Fitzgerald Kennedy lives on in the immortal words and works that he left behind.
今天，约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪以其留下的不朽言论和作品继续流传。
McCullough: [voice-over] He was never very good at formal speeches, but in the most important speech of his life, he reassured a shocked and grieving nation.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他从来不擅长正式演讲，但在他一生中最重要的演讲中，他安抚了震惊和悲伤的国家。
Vice Pres.
副总统。
Johnson: John F.
约翰逊：约翰·F.
Kennedy told his countrymen that our national work would not be finished in the first 1,000 days nor in the life of this Administration, but he said, "Let us begin." Today, in the moment of new resolve, I would say to all my fellow Americans, "Let us continue."
肯尼迪告诉他的同胞，我们的国家工作不会在头 1000 天内完成，也不会在本届政府任期内完成，但他说：“让我们开始吧。”今天，在下定新决心的时刻，我要对所有美国同胞说：“让我们继续前进。”
McCullough: [voice-over] With a few simple words, he invoked the legacy of the dead president.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他用几句话简单地援引了已故总统的遗产。
The new president would carry on.
新总统将继续任职。
"I knew it was imperative that I grasp the reins of power and do so without delay," Johnson later wrote.
“我知道我必须立即掌握权力，”约翰逊后来写道。
He convinced a reluctant and grieving Kennedy Cabinet to stay on, including Attorney General Robert Kennedy.
他说服了不情愿且悲伤的肯尼迪内阁留下来，其中包括司法部长罗伯特·肯尼迪。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: I said, "These are all Kennedy people.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：我说，“这些都是肯尼迪人。
A lot of them are good people, but they are Kennedy people.
他们中很多人都是好人，但他们都是肯尼迪人。
They were committed to him and not to you." I said, "I don't know that these people will be disloyal, but they obviously can't have the same feeling for you that they had for Jack Kennedy.
他们对他忠诚，而不是对你。”我说：“我不知道这些人会不忠诚，但他们显然不可能对你有像对杰克·肯尼迪那样的感情。
You're entitled, as President of the United States, to have your own Cabinet, people that you know, whom you trust." "Well," he said, "I just can't change them now." He said, "I promise you I'll change them after the election in '64."
作为美国总统，你有权拥有自己的内阁，由你认识、信任的人组成。” “好吧，”他说，“我现在无法改变它们。”他说：“我向你保证，我会在 64 年大选后改变它们。”
McCullough: [voice-over] "I had to take the dead man's program and turn into a martyr's cause," he said.
麦卡洛：[画外音]“我必须把死者的计划变成烈士的事业，”他说。
"That way Kennedy would live on forever and so would I." An accident of history had given him the power that he had reached for his entire life.
“这样肯尼迪就会永远活下去，我也会永远活下去。”一次历史的偶然，让他获得了一生所获得的力量。
Now, he was determined, as he said, to be "the greatest president of them all, the whole bunch of 'em."
现在，正如他所说，他决心成为“他们所有人中最伟大的总统”。
His first test would be civil rights.
他的第一个考验是公民权利。
Racial tensions could no longer be tempered by compromise.
种族紧张局势无法再通过妥协来缓和。
The civil rights movement was demanding freedom -- now.
民权运动要求自由——现在。
Johnson's abrupt assumption of the presidency had converged with the fierce struggle for black equality.
约翰逊突然就任总统与争取黑人平等的激烈斗争结合在一起。
In 1964, racial segregation still ruled the South by both law and custom and Lyndon Johnson was a southerner burdened by a history of vacillation, compromise and a long string of votes that had kept segregation strong.
1964 年，种族隔离仍然通过法律和习俗统治着南方，而林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 是一个南方人，他背负着犹豫、妥协和一长串选票的历史，这些历史使种族隔离保持强劲。
Civil rights would measure the limits of Lyndon Johnson's moral imagination.
民权将衡量林登·约翰逊道德想象力的极限。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: A southern accent went a long way to raise my defenses, so when Johnson became President, I was fearful [and] very, very unhappy.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：南方口音极大地提高了我的防御能力，所以当约翰逊成为总统时，我很害怕[而且]非常非常不高兴。
McCullough: [voice-over] With civil rights activists confronting segregation all across the South, many Americans wondered how the new President would react.
麦卡洛：[画外音]随着民权活动人士在整个南方面临种族隔离，许多美国人想知道新总统会如何反应。
James Farmer, Civil Rights Activist, CORE: Johnson did not approve of, he did not like -- I can even use a stronger term -- he hated the demonstrations of the movement in the street.
詹姆斯·法默（James Farmer），民权活动家，核心：约翰逊不赞成，他不喜欢——我什至可以用一个更强硬的词——他讨厌街上的运动示威。
He hated them.
他讨厌他们。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: But he had enough sensitivity that he knew that all hell was going to break loose if we didn't do something about it.
詹姆斯·皮克尔 (D) 德克萨斯州、林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：但他有足够的敏感性，他知道如果我们不采取行动，一切都会崩溃。
McCullough: [voice-over] Civil rights workers laid siege to a segregated society.
麦卡洛：[画外音]民权工作者围攻了一个种族隔离的社会。
There were sit-ins at lunch counters, on trains and buses, in hotels and theaters, forcing Johnson to act.
午餐柜台、火车和公共汽车上、酒店和剧院都发生了静坐示威，迫使约翰逊采取行动。
When some of Johnson's aides advised him not to lay the prestige of the presidency on the line, he responded, "What's it for if it's not to be laid on the line?"
当约翰逊的一些助手建议他不要拿总统职位的威望做赌注时，他回答说：“如果不拿总统的威望做赌注，那它有什么用呢？”
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: He said over and over and over again in those days, "I'm going to be the president who finishes what Lincoln began." He said it over and over again.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：当时他一遍又一遍地说，“我将成为完成林肯开创的事业的总统。”他一遍又一遍地说。
Well, it was great rhetoric, but you also knew that it was a great reading of history, that if, in fact, he could accomplish that, he would belong up there on Mount Rushmore.
嗯，这是伟大的言辞，但你也知道这是对历史的伟大解读，如果事实上他能做到这一点，他就会属于拉什莫尔山。
McCullough: [voice-over] A bill to prohibit the segregation of blacks and whites in public facilities had been put before Congress by John Kennedy, but it was stalled.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰·肯尼迪已向国会提交了一项禁止公共设施中黑人和白人隔离的法案，但该法案被搁置。
Johnson determined to act.
约翰逊决心采取行动。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: This bill is going to pass if it takes us all summer and this bill is going to be signed and enacted into law because justice and morality demand it.
约翰逊：如果我们花费整个夏天的时间，这项法案就会通过，并且该法案将被签署并颁布为法律，因为正义和道德要求它。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: All of a sudden, there was a power and a force behind this kind of legislation that we hadn't seen in the Kennedy time and with that, my view about him began to change.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：突然之间，这种立法背后有一种我们在肯尼迪时代从未见过的力量和力量，随之而来的是，我对他的看法开始改变。
McCullough: [voice-over] The full force of the Johnson treatment, perfected in the Senate, now became a weapon in the arsenal of the presidency.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊待遇的全部力量在参议院得到完善，现在已成为总统的武器库。
James Farmer, Civil Rights Activist, CORE: He was on the phone with Republican senators and with Southern Democrats and he was bargaining with them.
詹姆斯·法默（James Farmer），民权活动家，核心：他正在与共和党参议员和南方民主党人通电话，并与他们讨价还价。
He was telling them about some bridge that they wanted back home or some dam that they wanted.
他正在告诉他们他们想要回家的一座桥梁或他们想要的一些水坝。
And he would help them with that if they would help him with this and give him this thing that he wanted, that the whole nation wanted and the nation had to have.
如果他们愿意帮助他，给他他想要的东西，整个国家都想要并且国家必须拥有的东西，他就会帮助他们。
And he was also reminding them in not-too-subtle tones that if they didn't support him, he would have ways of getting back at them.
他还用不太微妙的语气提醒他们，如果他们不支持他，他会有办法报复他们。
Jack Valenti, Special Assistant to the President: So in those days, we played hardball.
总统特别助理杰克·瓦伦蒂：所以在那些日子里，我们采取了强硬态度。
My catalogue included a number of southern congressmen where you had to say -- they'd say, "Well now, Jack, there's no way I can vote for that," and I'd say, "Well, Mr. Congressman, I know you've got this, this and this that you want and I don't think we're prepared to deal with you on that unless you're going to be responding to some of the entreaties from the President." We let them know that for every negative vote, there would be a price to pay.
我的目录包括一些南方国会议员，你必须说——他们会说，“好吧，杰克，我不可能投票支持这一点，”我会说，“好吧，国会议员先生，我知道你已经得到了你想要的这个，这个和这个，我认为我们不准备在这个问题上与你打交道，除非你要回应总统的一些请求。”我们让他们知道，每投反对票，都会付出代价。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: And he kept saying to his southern friends, "If I can advocate it, as President, you ought to be able to vote for it in your constituency.
詹姆斯·皮克尔 (D) 德克萨斯州、林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：他一直对他的南方朋友说：“如果我能倡导这一点，作为总统，你应该能够在你的选区投票支持它。
This may be the best chance we'll ever have.
这可能是我们拥有的最好的机会。
I think we got to change our way of doing things." It's not like a Yankee from New York we got to do this.
我认为我们必须改变我们的做事方式。”我们不像纽约的洋基队那样必须这样做。
This was a southerner saying it ought to be done and that helped.
这是一位南方人说应该这样做，这很有帮助。
It didn't help a whole lot because the southern boys, they knew that they again were going to catch heck for it.
这并没有多大帮助，因为南方男孩们知道他们会再次陷入困境。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: That's what he got from the southerners , that, "You're killing us by loving up the niggers.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：这就是他从南方人那里得到的，“你们因为爱黑鬼而杀死了我们。
You're ripping the party apart here.
你在这里拆散了聚会。
You're hurting us." And Johnson's answer was, "This is what we've got to do and this is what I'm going to do and this is what the Democratic Party is supposed to do."
你正在伤害我们。”约翰逊的回答是：“这是我们必须做的，这是我要做的，这也是民主党应该做的。”
McCullough: [voice-over] Once again, the leader of the Southern Democrats, his old friend and mentor, Richard Russell, stood in his way.
麦卡洛：[画外音]南方民主党领袖、他的老朋友兼导师理查德·拉塞尔再一次挡在了他的路上。
Sen.
参议员。
Richard Russell, (D) Georgia: But we are not yet ready to surrender in our opposition to this bill which we feel is a perversion of the American way of life.
理查德·拉塞尔 (D) 佐治亚州：但我们还没有准备好投降，反对这项我们认为是对美国生活方式的歪曲的法案。
Jack Valenti, Special Assistant to the President: And he said to Dick Russell, "I want this Civil Rights Bill passed and you nor no one else is going to stand in my way." And I remember Richard Russell said to him, he said, "Well, Mr. President, you may do it, but I'll tell you what -- it's going to cost you the South and it will cost you an election."
总统特别助理杰克·瓦伦蒂：他对迪克·拉塞尔说，“我希望这项民权法案获得通过，你或其他人都不会阻止我。”我记得理查德·拉塞尔对他说，“好吧，总统先生，你可以这么做，但我会告诉你——这会让你失去南方，会让你失去选举。”
McCullough: [voice-over] Southern senators prepared to filibuster -- to prevent the bill from ever coming to a vote by talking it to death -- but Johnson was not to be denied.
麦卡洛：[画外音]南方参议员准备阻挠议事——通过死话来阻止该法案付诸表决——但约翰逊的主张不容否认。
Joseph Raul, Jr.: What the President did was to say, "They can filibuster till hell freezes over, I'm not going to put anything else on that floor," so the filibuster couldn't win.
小约瑟夫·劳尔：总统所做的是说，“他们可以进行阻挠议事，直到地狱结冰为止，我不会在那层楼上放置任何其他东西”，因此阻挠议事无法获胜。
And that was Johnson's great contribution to the Civil Rights Bill.
这就是约翰逊对民权法案的巨大贡献。
McCullough: [voice-over] The debate paralyzed the Senate for 83 days.
麦卡洛：[画外音]这场辩论使参议院瘫痪了 83 天。
It was the longest filibuster in Senate history.
这是参议院历史上最长的阻挠议案。
And then, the Senate voted to stop the talking.
然后，参议院投票决定停止谈话。
The bill passed.
该法案通过了。
That same evening, at two in the morning, Johnson reached Congressman Jack Pickle, one of only six southerners to vote in its favor.
当晚凌晨两点，约翰逊联系到了国会议员杰克·皮克尔，他是仅有的六名投票支持该法案的南方人之一。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: And he says, "No, Jake," he says, "this is your President." He said, "I know it's late and I know where you've been." I said, "Where have I been?" He said, "You've been out having a few drinks and trying to forget that vote you cast.
詹姆斯·皮克尔 (D) 德克萨斯州、林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：他说，“不，杰克，”他说，“这是你们的总统。”他说：“我知道已经很晚了，而且我知道你去了哪里。”我说：“我去哪儿了？”他说：“你出去喝了几杯，试图忘记你投的票。
You voted for the Civil Rights and you're trying to forget it." And I said, "I sure am." And he said, "Cause you're going to catch heck, aren't you?" And I says, "Yes, I'm afraid I will." He said, "Well, let me tell you -- the reason I keep calling is I want you to know that your President is extremely proud of you."
你投票支持民权，但你却试图忘记它。”我说：“我当然是。”他说：“因为你会遇到麻烦，不是吗？”我说：“是的，恐怕我会的。”他说：“好吧，让我告诉你——我一直打电话的原因是我想让你知道，你们的总统为你感到非常自豪。”
He said, "I had chances to do something like one year as a congressman," he said, "and I didn't." And he said, "I've always regretted." He said, "You did something I thought was basically right and I didn't want this night to go by until I called on you personally to tell you how proud I am of you." He said, "I am.
他说，“我有机会做一些事情，比如担任一年国会议员，”他说，“但我没有。”他说：“我一直很后悔。”他说：“你做了一些我认为基本上是正确的事情，我不想让这个夜晚过去，直到我亲自拜访你，告诉你我为你感到多么自豪。”他说：“我是。
Now," he said, "go to sleep." Well, of course, I couldn't -- between the vote and that call, it was hard to go to sleep then.
现在，”他说，“去睡觉吧。”嗯，当然，我不能——在投票和电话会议之间，我很难入睡。
James Farmer, Civil Rights Activist, CORE: I remember that when I was in the White House talking with him, I asked him how he got to be the way he was.
詹姆斯·法默（James Farmer），民权活动家，核心：我记得当我在白宫与他交谈时，我问他为什么会变成现在这样。
He said, "What do you mean?" I said, "Well, here you are, calling senators, twisting their arms, threatening them, cajoling them, trying to line up votes for the Civil Rights Bill when your own record on civil rights was not a good one before you became Vice President.
他说：“你什么意思？”我说：“好吧，在你成为副总统之前，你自己的民权记录并不好，但你却打电话给参议员，扭动他们的手臂，威胁他们，哄骗他们，试图为民权法案争取选票。
So what accounted for the change?"
那么是什么导致了这种变化呢？”
Johnson thought for a moment and wrinkled his brow and then said, "Well, I'll answer that by quoting a good friend of yours and you will recognize the quote instantly.
约翰逊想了想，皱起了眉头，然后说道：“好吧，我会引用你的一位好朋友的话来回答这个问题，你会立即认出这句话。
'Free at last, free at last.
“终于自由了，终于自由了。”
Thank God Almighty, I'm free at last.'"
感谢全能的上帝，我终于自由了。”
Ed Herlihy, Newsreel Announcer: [1964] Congress passes the most sweeping Civil Rights Bill ever to be written into the law and thus reaffirms the conception of equality for all men that began with Lincoln and the Civil War 100 years ago.
Ed Herlihy，新闻片播音员：[1964] 国会通过了有史以来写入法律的最全面的民权法案，从而重申了 100 年前从林肯和内战开始的人人平等的观念。
McCullough: [voice-over] When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Bill into law, a century of enforced segregation was finally over.
麦卡洛：[画外音]当林登·约翰逊签署《民权法案》成为法律时，一个世纪的强制种族隔离终于结束了。
Blacks and whites could ride the same buses, eat at the same restaurants, use the same washrooms, stay at the same hotels.
黑人和白人可以乘坐同样的公共汽车，在同样的餐馆吃饭，使用同样的洗手间，住在同样的酒店。
A southern president had broken the southern system of segregation.
一位南方总统打破了南方的种族隔离制度。
Andrew Young, Civil Rights Activist, Southern Christian Leadership Conference: There was something about this man -- I mean, he had a pretty shoddy career and he'd done some pretty ruthless and awful things, but he knew poverty and he knew racism.
安德鲁·杨，民权活动家，南方基督教领袖会议：这个人有一些东西——我的意思是，他的职业生涯相当糟糕，他做了一些相当无情和可怕的事情，但他了解贫困，也了解种族主义。
And I really think that he decided that this was the way to assure his place in history.
我真的认为他认为这是确保他在历史上的地位的方法。
This was the way to really save the nation.
这才是真正的救国之道。
And he knew it was not politically expedient, but I think he really knew it was right.
他知道这在政治上不是权宜之计，但我认为他确实知道这是正确的。
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: His attitude, going in, was that Kennedy couldn't pass anything.
艾略特·珍妮韦（Eliot Janeway），经济学家，约翰逊家族的朋友：他的态度是肯尼迪不能通过任何事情。
"I will pass everything that Kennedy failed to do.
“我将通过肯尼迪未能做到的一切。
Where Kennedy failed, I will succeed.
肯尼迪失败的地方，我会成功。
I am Kennedy's trustee.
我是肯尼迪的受托人。
I will out-Kennedy Kennedy.
我会超越肯尼迪·肯尼迪。
I will perform what Kennedy promised, period," especially Vietnam.
我将履行肯尼迪的承诺，就这样，”尤其是越南战争。
McCullough: [voice-over] Far across the world in a small country in Southeast Asia, there were ominous forebodings of a war that would one day consume Lyndon Johnson's presidency.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在世界另一端的东南亚小国，人们不祥地预感到一场战争有一天会毁掉林登·约翰逊的总统任期。
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: I believe Johnson wished he had never heard of Vietnam.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：我相信约翰逊希望他从未听说过越南。
He didn't have an interest in Vietnam.
他对越南没有兴趣。
He didn't care about Southeast Asia when he first came to the White House, he wishes it had never come to him, but it had.
当他第一次入主白宫时，他并不关心东南亚，他希望东南亚从未降临到他身上，但它确实发生了。
He couldn't pass the buck any longer.
他不能再推卸责任了。
This was the great tragedy, really, of his presidency.
这确实是他总统任期内的巨大悲剧。
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: I can recall one night on a very long walk with him around the south grounds of the White House where he said that Vietnam was going to be his downfall, that Vietnam was going to give him a role in history that would be very, very negative.
美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书乔治·里迪（George Reedy）：我记得有一天晚上，我和他在白宫南部场地散步时，他说越南将让他垮台，越南将给他在历史上扮演一个非常非常消极的角色。
Vietnam had not figured very prominently in the American press.
越南在美国媒体中的形象并不突出。
Most Americans didn't have the faintest idea where it was or why it was there.
大多数美国人根本不知道它在哪里或为什么在那里。
I know I myself, for instance, when I was a child, I had one of those children's books, Children Around the World.
我知道我自己，例如，当我还是个孩子的时候，我有一本这样的儿童读物，《世界各地的儿童》。
I understood most of it -- a little Dutch boy, a little Dutch girl, a little Chinese boy, a little Chinese girl -- but one page had me baffled.
我读懂了大部分内容——一个荷兰小男孩、一个荷兰小女孩、一个中国小男孩、一个中国小女孩——但其中一页让我感到困惑。
There was a place called Indochina.
有一个地方叫印度支那。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson didn't start the war in Vietnam, he inherited it.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊没有发动越南战争，他继承了越南战争。
Three presidents before him -- Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy -- had sent American "advisers" and weapons to help fight a nationalist uprising led by Communists.
在他之前的三任总统——杜鲁门、艾森豪威尔和肯尼迪——都派出了美国“顾问”和武器来帮助打击共产党领导的民族主义起义。
By 1963, 16,000 American advisers were already there.
到 1963 年，已有 16,000 名美国顾问驻扎在那里。
Vietnam was divided in two.
越南被一分为二。
South Vietnam -- weak, corrupt and dependent on American aid -- was fighting the Vietcong, a guerrilla army that received support from the Communists in the North.
南越——软弱、腐败并依赖美国的援助——正在与得到北方共产党支持的越共游击队作战。
In the North, Johnson would find adversaries with a will as powerful as his own.
在北方，约翰逊会找到与他一样意志强大的对手。
They wanted one Vietnam, not two.
他们想要一个越南，而不是两个。
They had resisted the Japanese and defeated the French.
他们抵抗了日本人并击败了法国人。
They were not afraid of the Americans.
他们并不害怕美国人。
Their leader was a man they called "Uncle Ho."
他们的领袖是一个被他们称为“胡叔叔”的人。
Ho Chi Minh was a soldier, a politician and a dedicated Marxist -- ruthless when necessary, ready to risk everything to unite his country.
胡志明是一名军人、政治家和虔诚的马克思主义者——在必要时冷酷无情，准备冒一切风险来团结他的国家。
To the Vietnamese, Ho Chi Minh was a patriot.
对于越南人来说，胡志明是一位爱国者。
To Lyndon Johnson, he was just another Communist.
对于林登·约翰逊来说，他只是另一个共产党员。
Less than one month before Johnson became President, South Vietnam was on the verge of collapse.
约翰逊就任总统前不到一个月，南越正处于崩溃边缘。
William P.
威廉·P。
Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State: President Johnson inherited a Vietnam situation that was deteriorating.
邦迪，助理国务卿：约翰逊总统接手的越南局势正在恶化。
The political situation was deteriorating, the military situation was deteriorating.
政治局势恶化，军事局势恶化。
I remember vividly that it was about -- oh, it was the Sunday after he was sworn in that he had a meeting in which he said, "We are going to carry on with this." And that was the theme, continuity.
我清楚地记得那是关于——哦，那是他宣誓就职后的周日，他召开了一次会议，他在会上说：“我们将继续这样做。”这就是主题，连续性。
"We are not changing things.
“我们不会改变事情。
We're going to make it work."
我们会让它发挥作用。”
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: His need to fight that war was out of a whole world view that he shared with a majority of the country, that what Vietnam really represented was a huge struggle in the cold war with the Communists and that if you gave an inch somewhere, somehow they would be taking advantage of that.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温（Doris Kearns Goodwin），林登·约翰逊传记作者：他打这场战争的需要是出于他与该国大多数人分享的整个世界观，即越南真正代表的是冷战中与共产党的巨大斗争，如果你在某个地方让步，他们就会以某种方式利用这一点。
Announcer: [U.S. Defense Department Film] The aim of the Communists is to establish control over all of Vietnam and after that, over all of Southeast Asia.
播音员：[美国国防部电影]共产党的目标是控制整个越南，然后控制整个东南亚。
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: People got entranced by maps and great red lines sweeping southward and then westward.
小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.），国家安全委员会工作人员：人们被地图和向南、然后向西延伸的巨大红线所吸引。
This great cartographic fallacy in fact seized the minds of men who should know better at the top.
事实上，这一巨大的制图谬误抓住了那些应该更了解情况的高层人士的思想。
McCullough: [voice-over] Just two days in office, Johnson told an aide, "The Chinese and the fellas in The Kremlin, they'll be taking the measure of us.
麦卡洛：[画外音]上任仅两天，约翰逊就对一名助手说，“中国人和克里姆林宫的家伙们，他们将会衡量我们。
They'll be wondering just how far they could go.
他们会想知道自己能走多远。
They'll think with Kennedy dead, we've lost heart.
他们会认为肯尼迪死了，我们就失去了信心。
They'll think we're yellow and don't mean what we say.
他们会认为我们是黄种人并且言不由衷。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: President Johnson, in one of his more hyperbolic moods, said he felt we had rather face the threat of Communism in Southeast Asia than face it on the West Coast of the United States.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：约翰逊总统以一种更为夸张的情绪表示，他觉得我们宁愿面对东南亚共产主义的威胁，也不愿在美国西海岸面对它。
McCullough: [voice-over] The President turned to Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, "the most competent man I ever knew, the most objective man I ever met," Johnson said.
麦卡洛：[画外音]总统转向国防部长罗伯特·麦克纳马拉，“他是我所认识的最有能力的人，也是我见过的最客观的人，”约翰逊说。
The President affectionately called him, "My lard hair man."
总统亲切地称他为“我的猪油头发人”。
Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense: There's no question in our minds but what the Communists have stepped up their of attack in recent weeks in South Vietnam.
国防部长罗伯特·麦克纳马拉：毫无疑问，共产党最近几周在南越加强了攻击。
McCullough: [voice-over] When McNamara proposed an increase in American advisers and covert commando raids against the North, Johnson agreed.
麦卡洛：[画外音]当麦克纳马拉提议增加美国顾问的数量并对朝鲜进行秘密突击队袭击时，约翰逊同意了。
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: There was a strong sense that Americans were can-do people and that anything we put our mind to we could accomplish and the kind of rural jungle warfare that the Communists were inflicting on us in the Third World -- we could adapt and we could win at it because we were smarter, we had more technology, we had billions of dollars and we would prevail.
小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.），国家安全委员会工作人员：人们强烈地认为，美国人是能干的人，只要我们下定决心，我们就能完成任何事情，就像共产党在第三世界对我们造成的那种农村丛林战争一样——我们可以适应，我们可以赢得胜利，因为我们更聪明，我们拥有更多技术，我们有数十亿美元，我们会取得胜利。
Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense: The government and the people of my country, the United States, stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of yours.
罗伯特·麦克纳马拉，国防部长：我国美国政府和人民与你们人民并肩作战。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson made it McNamara's war.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊让这场战争变成了麦克纳马拉的战争。
"I want them to get off their butts and get out in those jungles and whip hell out of some Communists," he said, "and then I want them to leave me alone because I've got some bigger things to do right here at home."
他说：“我希望他们滚蛋，到丛林里去，把一些共产党人痛打一顿，然后我希望他们别打扰我，因为我在家里还有更重要的事情要做。”
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: And this Administration today, here and now, declares unconditional war on poverty in America.
约翰逊：本届政府今天，此时此地，向美国的贫困宣战。
McCullough: [voice-over] The war against poverty was the war that Johnson really wanted to fight.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊真正想要打的就是反贫困之战。
In his first State of the Union address, he reached back to the populism of his father and grandfather.
在他的第一次国情咨文演讲中，他回顾了他父亲和祖父的民粹主义。
He took a Kennedy anti-poverty proposal and made it his own.
他采纳了肯尼迪的反贫困提案并将其变成了自己的提案。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: It will not be a short or easy struggle, but we shall not rest until that war is won.
约翰逊：这不会是一场短暂或轻松的斗争，但我们不会休息，直到赢得这场战争。
The richest nation on earth can afford to win it.
地球上最富有的国家有能力赢得它。
We cannot afford to lose it.
我们不能失去它。
McCullough: [voice-over] When Lyndon Johnson became President, 35 million Americans were living below the poverty line in the most affluent country in the world.
麦卡洛：[画外音]林登·约翰逊就任总统时，在这个世界上最富裕的国家，有 3500 万美国人生活在贫困线以下。
S.
S。
Douglas Cater: And I said, "But they don't vote.
道格拉斯·卡特：我说，“但他们不投票。
They don't have any organized lobbies.
他们没有任何有组织的游说团体。
How in the world are you going to get any substantial legislation on poverty?
你到底要如何制定关于贫困的实质性立法？
Jack Kennedy couldn't.
杰克·肯尼迪不能。
How are you going to do it?" He leaned back and he said -- and these words are engraved on my memory.
你打算怎么做？”他向后靠去说道——这些话铭刻在我的记忆中。
He said, "I don't know whether I'll pass a single law or get a single dollar appropriated, but before I'm through, no community in America is going to be able to ignore the poverty in its midst."
他说：“我不知道我是否会通过一项法律或获得一美元拨款，但在我通过之前，美国的任何社区都无法忽视其中的贫困。”
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson now turned to the Director of the Peace Corps, Sergeant Shriver.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊现在转向和平队主任施赖弗中士。
Sergeant Shriver, Peace Corps Director: One Saturday morning, he called me up and said that his radio show, which he had every Saturday, was going to go on in a couple of hours and he wanted to announce on that show that I was going to be the new head of the War Against Poverty or the head of the new War Against Poverty.
和平队主任施赖弗中士：一个周六早上，他打电话给我，说他每周六的广播节目将在几个小时后播出，他想在节目中宣布我将成为反贫困战争的新负责人或新反贫困战争的负责人。
I said, "Well, Mr. President, really, you know, I haven't had a chance to speak to my wife.
我说：“嗯，总统先生，真的，你知道，我还没有机会和我的妻子说话。
I haven't had a chance to talk to any of the people in my office.
我还没有机会与办公室里的任何人交谈。
I don't know what they'll think about it in the Peace Corps.
我不知道和平队的人会怎么想。
Couldn't you just postpone that?
你就不能推迟一下吗？
Frankly, I would rather talk to you about it next week." He said, "Well now, Sergeant," he said, "you know, the truth is we've got to get on with that War Against Poverty, so please talk to Eunice now, just talk to her now and I'll call you back."
坦率地说，我宁愿下周再和你谈谈这件事。”他说，“好吧，中士，”他说，“你知道，事实是我们必须继续这场反贫困战争，所以请现在就和尤妮斯谈谈，现在就和她谈谈，我会给你回电话。”
So I put the phone down.
于是我就把电话放下了。
I couldn't believe my ears.
我简直不敢相信自己的耳朵。
The next thing you know, the phone rang again and there was the President on it.
接下来你知道的，电话又响了，是总统的电话。
He said, "Well, what have you decided?" And I had decided -- I said, "Well, Mr. President, it would really be much better for me and my family if we could just talk about this next Monday or Tuesday and see what -- I'll have a better idea of what you want me to do and I'm afraid that if you announce that I'm the head of the War on Poverty, people will ask me what I'm going to do about it and I don't know.
他说：“那么，你决定怎样？”我决定——我说，“好吧，总统先生，如果我们能在下周一或周二讨论这个问题，看看会发生什么，这对我和我的家人来说真的会好得多——我会更好地了解你想让我做什么，我担心如果你宣布我是反贫困战争的负责人，人们会问我要做什么，而我不知道。
And that would be a source of embarrassment to me and maybe not so good for you."
这会让我感到尴尬，也许对你来说不太好。”
He said, "Well, Sarge," he said, "you know, I have this radio program.
他说：“好吧，中士，”他说，“你知道，我有这个广播节目。
It's going on in about an hour," he said, "Let me call you back." So he called me back about 20 minutes later and in a very low voice, a confidential-sounding voice, he said, "Now, listen," he said, "I'm going to announce you and I can't speak about it loud because I have the whole Cabinet here with me, but you just have to understand, Sergeant, this is your President speaking and I'm going to announce you as the head of the War Against Poverty." Boom.
大约一个小时后，”他说，“让我给你回电话。”大约 20 分钟后，他给我回了电话，声音非常低，听起来很机密，他说，“现在，听着，”他说，“我要宣布你的消息，我不能大声谈论这件事，因为我有整个内阁在场，但你必须明白，中士，这是你们的总统在讲话，我将宣布你是内阁的负责人。”反贫困战争。”繁荣。
I turned to my wife and I said, "Looks as if I may be the new head of the War Against Poverty."
我转向我的妻子说：“看来我可能会成为反贫困战争的新负责人。”
Sergeant Shriver, Peace Corps Director: President Johnson's program on poverty is distinguished in at least four ways.
和平队主任施赖弗中士：约翰逊总统的贫困计划至少在四个方面有所不同。
McCullough: [voice-over] In six short weeks, Johnson had come up with his package, but he would let Shriver worry about the details.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在短短的六周内，约翰逊提出了他的方案，但他会让施莱弗担心细节。
Sergeant Shriver, Peace Corps Director: He didn't have to tell me what he desired.
和平队主任施赖弗中士：他不必告诉我他想要什么。
I knew what he desired.
我知道他想要什么。
He wanted to get going big and he wanted to get going with success.
他想要做大，想要取得成功。
He didn't have to tell me that.
他不必告诉我这一点。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson criss-crossed the country, appealing for support for his anti-poverty legislation.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊走遍全国，呼吁支持他的反贫困立法。
Poverty in America had been invisible.
美国的贫困是看不见的。
Johnson put it on the front pages.
约翰逊把它放在了头版。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Our first objective is to free 30 million Americans from the prison or poverty.
约翰逊：我们的首要目标是让 3000 万美国人摆脱监狱或贫困。
Can you help us free these Americans?
你能帮助我们释放这些美国人吗？
And if you can let me hear your voices!
如果你能让我听到你的声音就好了！
McCullough: [voice-over] For Johnson, it was a return to his political past, the old battle cries of the New Deal coming alive again.
麦卡洛：[画外音]对于约翰逊来说，这是对他政治过去的回归，新政的古老战斗口号再次活跃起来。
Donald Malafronte, Aide to Mayor of Newark: : He was the last soldier in the New Deal war, the final expression of everything which had gone on with those boys -- government as mother, father, smothering Lyndon Johnson's big arms around you,"I love you, I want you to do better."
纽瓦克市长助理唐纳德·马拉弗龙特：他是新政战争中的最后一名士兵，是那些男孩身上所发生的一切的最终表达——政府作为母亲、父亲，让林登·约翰逊的大臂窒息地拥抱着你，“我爱你，我希望你做得更好。”
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Do something we can be proud of.
约翰逊：做一些让我们感到自豪的事情。
Help the weak and the meek and lift them up and help them dream and give them an education where they can make their own way instead of having to live off the bounty of our generosity.
帮助弱者和温顺的人，让他们振作起来，帮助他们梦想，给他们提供教育，让他们能够走自己的路，而不是靠我们的慷慨来生活。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: Most people don't actively care about people they don't know, people who are suffering.
罗尼·杜格（Ronnie Dugger），林登·约翰逊传记作者：大多数人不会主动关心他们不认识的人，关心那些正在受苦的人。
It's hard for us to remember those people.
我们很难记住那些人。
Lyndon never really forgot them, I think.
我想，林登从未真正忘记过他们。
I really think he never did.
我真的认为他从来没有这样做过。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: His vision was of helping the disadvantaged to help themselves.
罗伯特·达莱克 (Robert Dallek)，林登·约翰逊传记作者：他的愿景是帮助弱势群体自助。
His hope was that you give them education, you give them opportunity, you give them the chance to come into the mainstream of American middle class economic life and that's as thoroughly American as apple pie.
他的希望是你给他们教育，给他们机会，让他们有机会进入美国中产阶级经济生活的主流，这就像苹果派一样完全美国化。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: We have a right to expect a job to provide food for our families, a roof over their head, clothes for their body and with your help and with God's help, we will have it in America!
约翰逊：我们有权期待一份工作来为我们的家人提供食物、住所、衣服，在你们的帮助和上帝的帮助下，我们将在美国拥有它！
Thank you.
谢谢你。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson would make war on poverty and there would be no casualties.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊将向贫困宣战，而且不会造成人员伤亡。
Everyone would be a winner, even big business.
每个人都将成为赢家，即使是大企业。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: He would tell business people, "Listen, we've got a very abundant country.
罗尼·杜格 (Ronnie Dugger)，林登·约翰逊传记作者：他会告诉商界人士，“听着，我们有一个非常富裕的国家。
We've got the resources to help these people who are right at the bottom.
我们有资源来帮助这些处于底层的人们。
For God's sakes, don't you understand that your interest." In effect, he was arguing, "Your interest as a business leader is the welfare state, because you keep everything stable?"
看在上帝的份上，难道你不明白你的利益吗？”实际上，他是在争论，“作为商业领袖，你的利益是福利国家，因为你让一切保持稳定？”
It must have been a very appealing argument to a corporate executive who is not the right of Atilla the Hun that in a civilized country with such abundance as we have -- astounding abundance compared to the rest of the world -- you can afford to be liberal with the poor.
对于一个不属于匈奴王阿提拉权利的企业高管来说，这一定是一个非常有吸引力的论点：在一个像我们这样富裕的文明国家——与世界其他地方相比，富裕程度惊人——你可以对穷人采取宽容态度。
Sergeant Shriver, Peace Corps Director: We were a generation of people who had been in World War II, so when a War Against Poverty was launched, it was typical of all of us at that time to think of this war, the War Against Poverty, in terms just like the war against Hitler.
和平队主任施赖弗中士：我们这一代人经历过第二次世界大战，所以当反贫困战争发起时，我们当时所有人都典型地认为这场反贫困战争就像反对希特勒的战争一样。
We were accustomed to thinking in terms of the United States being able to do big things.
我们习惯于认为美国能够做大事。
America bestrode the world like a Colossus.
美国像巨人一样横扫世界。
There was nothing in the world equal to the United States of America.
世界上没有任何东西可以与美利坚合众国相媲美。
McCullough: [voice-over] The War on Poverty was just part of Johnson's program for the country.
麦卡洛：[画外音]反贫困战争只是约翰逊国家计划的一部分。
Few anticipated that this coarse and abrasive Texan would propose a series of laws to enrich daily life for all Americans.
很少有人预料到这个粗俗粗鲁的德克萨斯人会提出一系列法律来丰富所有美国人的日常生活。
He called his vision "The Great Society."
他把他的愿景称为“伟大社会”。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: The Great Society is a place where every child can find knowledge to enrich his mind and to enlarge his talent.
约翰逊：伟大的社会是一个每个孩子都可以找到知识来丰富他的思想并扩大他的才能的地方。
It is a place where leisure is a welcome chance to build and reflect, not a feared cause of boredom and restlessness.
在这里，休闲是一个值得建设和反思的机会，而不是令人恐惧的无聊和不安的原因。
It is a place where the city of man serves not only the needs of the body and the demands of commerce, but the desire for beauty and the hunger for community.
在这里，人类之城不仅满足身体的需要和商业的需求，而且满足对美的渴望和对社区的渴望。
McCullough: [voice-over] It was an inflated rhetoric, the kind American leaders seldom use anymore.
麦卡洛：[画外音]这是一种夸张的言辞，美国领导人很少再使用这种言辞。
As one aide described it, "What he meant was a full stomach, yes, but a fuller life, too."
正如一位助手所描述的那样，“他的意思是吃饱了，是的，但也是更充实的生活。”
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: It is a place where men are more concerned with the quality of their goals than the quantity of their goods.
约翰逊：在这个地方，人们更关心目标的质量，而不是商品的数量。
McCullough: [voice-over] His aspirations were enormous.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他的抱负是巨大的。
He wanted to do something for everyone.
他想为大家做点事。
He wanted to be the best father Americans ever had.
他想成为美国人有史以来最好的父亲。
But in 1964, Johnson still thought of himself as standing in John Kennedy's shadow.
但1964年，约翰逊仍然认为自己站在约翰·肯尼迪的阴影下。
He hated that he was merely an accidental president.
他讨厌自己只是一个偶然的总统。
He wanted to be elected President in his own right.
他想凭借自己的权利当选总统。
The Republican Party was going to make it easy.
共和党会让这件事变得容易。
Sen.
参议员。
Barry Goldwater, (R) Arizona: [Republican National Convention, 1964] I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.
亚利桑那州巴里·戈德华特 (R) 巴里·戈德华特 (Barry Goldwater)：[共和党全国代表大会，1964 年] 我想提醒您，捍卫自由的极端主义并不是罪恶。
McCullough: [voice-over] In the middle of July at the Cow Palace in San Francisco, the right wing of the Republican Party triumphed.
麦卡洛：[画外音] 七月中旬，在旧金山牛宫，共和党右翼取得了胜利。
A Major General in the Air Force Reserve, Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, was nominated for President.
空军预备役少将、亚利桑那州参议员巴里·戈德华特被提名为总统候选人。
Goldwater's campaign slogan was, "In Your Heart, You Know He's Right." Some wag appended, "Far Right" and it stuck.
戈德华特的竞选口号是“在你心里，你知道他是对的”。加上一些俏皮话，“极右”，然后就卡住了。
Sen.
参议员。
Barry Goldwater, (R) Arizona: Thank you.
亚利桑那州巴里·戈德华特（R）：谢谢。
I'll say, so that all American people can hear, that the only enemy of peace in their world is Communism and I don't care whether it's Red Chinese Communism or Russian Communism or whose Communism it is, it's Communism.
我要说，让所有美国人民都能听到，他们世界上和平的唯一敌人是共产主义，我不在乎它是红色中国共产主义还是俄罗斯共产主义，或者是谁的共产主义，它就是共产主义。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson watched Goldwater on television, then flicked off the set with a smile.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊在电视上看了戈德华特，然后微笑着离开了电视。
Goldwater had accused the Democrats of being soft on Communism.
戈德华特指责民主党对共产主义态度软弱。
If Johnson could prove he was a staunch as his Republican rival, he would have more than a victory.
如果约翰逊能够证明自己是共和党的坚定对手，那么他将获得的不仅仅是一场胜利。
The 1964 presidential election would be a landslide.
1964 年的总统选举以压倒性优势举行。
Less than three weeks later, close to midnight, Johnson made a dramatic television appearance.
不到三周后，接近午夜时，约翰逊戏剧性地出现在电视上。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: As President, I'm Commander-in-Chief.
约翰逊：作为总统，我是总司令。
It is my duty to the American people to report that renewed hostile actions against United States ships on the high seas in the Gulf of Tonkin have today required me to order the military forces of the United States to take action in reply.
我有责任向美国人民报告，今天北部湾公海上针对美国船只的新的敌对行动要求我命令美国军队采取行动予以回应。
Our response, for the present, will be limited and fitting.
目前我们的回应将是有限且适当的。
McCullough: [voice-over] American bombers striking deep into North Vietnam demonstrated that Johnson was a committed anti-Communist.
麦卡洛：[画外音]美国轰炸机深入北越表明约翰逊是一名坚定的反共分子。
Johnson would use this incident to acquire the power to make war in Vietnam whenever and however he would choose.
约翰逊将利用这一事件获得在越南发动战争的权力，无论何时何地，他都可以选择。
Johnson accused the North Vietnamese of an unprovoked attack, but in fact, for six months, the President had been running covert raids against North Vietnam.
约翰逊指责北越发动无端袭击，但事实上，六个月来，总统一直在对北越进行秘密突袭。
Finally, on August 2, North Vietnamese torpedo boats retaliated.
最终，8月2日，北越鱼雷艇进行了报复。
They fired on the U.S. destroyer Maddox in the Gulf of Tonkin.
他们在北部湾向美国驱逐舰马多克斯号开火。
The Maddox returned the fire, sinking one Vietnamese and crippling two others.
马多克斯号还击，击沉了一名越南人，炸伤了另外两人。
Dean Rusk, Secretary of State: And we took the view, when that occurred, that that might have been the action of trigger-happy local commanders and did not represent a governmental policy on the part of North Vietnam and so we tended to disregard that attack.
国务卿迪恩·腊斯克：当这种情况发生时，我们认为这可能是当地指挥官好战的行为，并不代表北越政府的政策，因此我们倾向于忽视这次袭击。
McCullough: [voice-over] Two days after the first incident, fearing they were once again under attack, anxious sailors on the Maddox fired their weapons into a dark, moonless night.
麦卡洛：[画外音]第一次事件发生两天后，马多克斯号上焦虑的水手们担心自己再次受到攻击，他们向漆黑无月的夜晚开枪。
Their uneasy commander began sending cables back to the Pentagon.
他们不安的指挥官开始向五角大楼发送电报。
Daniel Ellsberg, Defense Department Staff: On August 4, I began reading the kind of cable that one very rarely saw in the Pentagon and that I don't -- I very rarely saw again.
丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格（Daniel Ellsberg），国防部工作人员：8 月 4 日，我开始阅读一份在五角大楼很少见到的电报，而我也很少再看到这种电报。
These were operational cables.
这些是操作电缆。
McCullough: [voice-over] Daniel Ellsberg, his second day on duty in the Pentagon, found himself reading this remarkable series of top secret messages from the Gulf of Tonkin.
麦卡洛：[画外音]丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格在五角大楼执勤的第二天，发现自己正在阅读这一系列来自北部湾的绝密信息。
Daniel Ellsberg, Defense Department Staff: These are operational cables coming in on a flash basis, very special handling, about an operation that was going on at that moment on the other side of the world.
丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格（Daniel Ellsberg），国防部参谋人员：这些是快速送达的作战电报，经过非常特殊的处理，涉及当时在世界另一端正在进行的一项行动。
The cables said, "We are under attack at this moment.
电报称：“我们此时正受到攻击。
We have just successfully evaded one torpedo.
我们刚刚成功躲避了一枚鱼雷。
I am taking evasive action now.
我现在正在采取回避行动。
Two torpedoes.
两枚鱼雷。
Now" -- another cable -- "four torpedoes are in the water.
现在”——另一条电报——“四枚鱼雷在水中。
Six torpedoes are in the water.
六枚鱼雷在水中。
We have 21 torpedoes" -- not all at the same time, but -- "we've had 21 torpedoes coming at us." Apparently, the water was just strewn with torpedoes.
我们有 21 枚鱼雷”——不是全部同时发射，但是——“我们有 21 枚鱼雷向我们袭来。”显然，水面上布满了鱼雷。
McCullough: [voice-over] As soon as the Tonkin cables were relayed to the White House, Johnson prepared to retaliate.
麦卡洛：[画外音]东京电报一转达白宫，约翰逊就准备进行报复。
Daniel Ellsberg, Defense Department Staff: And then, suddenly, cable came in that was a warning bell, said "Reevaluation of the information we're getting here suggests that freak weather effects and an overeager sonar man may have accounted for most of the reports we've been getting.
国防部工作人员丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格：然后，突然，电报传来，这是一个警告，他说：“重新评估我们在这里得到的信息表明，反常的天气影响和过度热切的声纳人员可能是我们收到的大部分报告的原因。
Recommend full evaluation before any action is taken."
建议在采取任何行动之前进行全面评估。”
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: Just as soon as we started to get coherent messages that had been put together, I began to feel a cold chill.
乔治·里迪，美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书：当我们开始收到整合在一起的连贯信息时，我开始感到一阵寒意。
"Hey, wait a minute.
“嘿，等一下。
There's something wrong here."
这里出了点问题。”
McCullough: [voice-over] The commander of the Maddox was still doubtful.
麦卡洛：[画外音]马多克斯号的指挥官仍然心存疑虑。
Were any North Vietnamese boats ever out there that dark night?
那个黑夜里有北越船只吗？
At daybreak, reconnaissance planes scanned the ocean for a slick of oil, a stick of wood, anything that would be evidence of a North Vietnamese attack.
黎明时分，侦察机扫描海洋，寻找浮油、木棍以及任何可能成为北越袭击证据的东西。
Nothing could be found.
什么也找不到。
The evidence was inconclusive, but Johnson went ahead anyway and ordered the first bombing raids on North Vietnam.
证据尚无定论，但约翰逊还是下令对北越进行第一次轰炸袭击。
Retaliation after Tonkin went on for nearly five hours.
东京事件后的报复持续了近五个小时。
One pilot was killed, another captured.
一名飞行员被杀，另一名飞行员被俘。
No one knew how many North Vietnamese were killed.
没有人知道有多少北越人被杀。
The next day, Johnson presented his version of the incident.
第二天，约翰逊提出了他对这一事件的看法。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: On August 2, the United States destroyer, Maddox, was attacked on the high seas in the Gulf of Tonkin.
约翰逊：8月2日，美国驱逐舰马多克斯号在北部湾公海遭到袭击。
McCullough: [voice-over] Facing a huge banner that proclaimed "Syracuse Loves LBJ," the President was careful not to reveal the whole story.
麦卡洛：[画外音]面对一面写着“锡拉丘兹爱林登·约翰逊”的巨大横幅，总统小心翼翼地不透露整个故事。
Daniel Ellsberg, Defense Department Staff: That, too, was a lie.
国防部参谋丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格：这也是一个谎言。
We were running raids against North Vietnam which the North Vietnamese correctly associated with the destroyer patrols.
我们正在对北越进行突袭，北越正确地将其与驱逐舰巡逻联系起来。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson called in congressional leaders for a briefing.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊召集国会领导人通报情况。
J.
J。
William Fulbright, Senate Foreign Relations Committee: Well, as I recall it, he had me and a number of the committee down at the White House and told about this terribly unprovoked attack.
参议院外交关系委员会威廉·富布赖特：嗯，我记得，他让我和委员会的一些成员来到白宫，讲述了这次无端的可怕袭击。
We were very peaceably going about our business and all without provocation, they attack us, sent out these gunboats, you know, and surrounded us and shelling.
我们非常和平地处理我们的事务，一切都没有受到挑衅，他们攻击我们，派出这些炮艇，你知道，包围我们并炮击。
They even had a little shell.
他们甚至还有一个小壳。
This is evidence.
这是证据。
It had fallen on the deck of one of our ships.
它掉在我们一艘船的甲板上。
It didn't occur to me to think he was lying about it or misrepresenting.
我没想到他在这件事上撒谎或歪曲事实。
I swallowed it.
我把它吞下去了。
I -- I mean, it was a year or two before I discovered I had been taken in.
我——我的意思是，过了一两年我才发现自己被骗了。
McCullough: [voice-over] Few Americans questioned the President's version of events.
麦卡洛：[画外音]很少有美国人质疑总统对事件的说法。
What happened on that dark night halfway around the world only became apparent later.
在地球另一边那个漆黑的夜晚发生的事情直到后来才变得清晰起来。
George Ball, Undersecretary of State: Johnson told me in some disgust that those damn sailors were shooting at a lot of flying fish and they ought to know better than that.
乔治·鲍尔，副国务卿：约翰逊有些厌恶地告诉我，那些该死的水手正在向很多飞鱼射击，他们应该更清楚这一点。
He never thought -- well, he believed at first, but then he came to believe that there was nothing in it, that this had been -- they had just been seeing shadows.
他从来没有想过——嗯，一开始他相信，但后来他开始相信里面什么都没有，这一直是——他们只是看到了影子。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson never asked Congress to declare war.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊从未要求国会宣战。
Instead, he used the incident to cut himself loose from congressional control.
相反，他利用这一事件摆脱了国会的控制。
He requested a resolution that would give him the power to expand the war without further authorization.
他要求通过一项决议，赋予他在没有进一步授权的情况下扩大战争的权力。
After deliberating just 40 minutes, the House approved the Tonkin Gulf resolution.
经过仅仅 40 分钟的审议，众议院批准了北部湾决议。
Not a single representative voted no. Over in the Senate, there were just two dissenting votes.
没有一个代表投了反对票。在参议院，只有两票反对。
On August 7, Johnson signed the resolution.
8月7日，约翰逊签署了该决议。
The language was broad, the authority sweeping.
语言广泛，权威广泛。
Johnson was heard to say, "It's like grandmother's nightshirt.
有人听到约翰逊说：“这就像祖母的睡衣。
It covers everything."
它涵盖了一切。”
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: It was about as close to a declaration of war as one could get.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：这几乎是最接近宣战的一次。
That started us down the long road of Vietnam.
这让我们开始了越南漫长的道路。
McCullough: [voice-over] Just three weeks after Johnson signed the Tonkin Gulf resolution, the Democratic Party held its nominating convention in Atlantic City.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊签署北部湾决议后仅三周，民主党在大西洋城举行了提名大会。
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: One has to remember that the candidate running against Lyndon Johnson was Barry Goldwater and I've always thought that the Tonkin Gulf resolution was essentially an election resolution.
司法部长尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫：我们必须记住，与林登·约翰逊竞争的候选人是巴里·戈德华特，我一直认为北部湾决议本质上是一项选举决议。
It was aimed at Goldwater and aimed at the right wing.
瞄准的是戈德华特，瞄准的是右翼。
I think most of the Democratic senators in Congress thought that.
我想国会中的大多数民主党参议员都这么认为。
It was designed to show that Lyndon Johnson was prepared to be as though as anybody could be and therefore take some of the wind out of the sails of the right-wing candidate.
它的目的是表明林登·约翰逊已经准备好成为任何人都可以成为的人，从而削弱右翼候选人的风帆。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: My fellow Americans, I accept your nomination.
约翰逊：我的美国同胞们，我接受你们的提名。
McCullough: [voice-over] When he won his race for the Senate with a tainted 87 votes, he was dogged by the nickname "Landslide Lyndon." When the murder of a beloved president put him in the White House, he was scorned as an accidental president.
麦卡洛：[画外音]当他以 87 票的污点赢得参议院竞选时，他被绰号“山崩林登”所困扰。当一位受人爱戴的总统被谋杀而入主白宫时，他被嘲笑为一位意外的总统。
In November of 1964, Lyndon Johnson wanted a victory to wash all those memories away.
1964 年 11 月，林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 希望通过一场胜利来洗刷所有这些记忆。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: I ask the American people for a mandate, not just to keep things going.
约翰逊：我请求美国人民给予授权，而不仅仅是让事情继续下去。
I ask the American people for a mandate to begin.
我请求美国人民开始授权。
Let us be on our way.
让我们上路吧。
McCullough: [voice-over] From the beginning, Johnson was far ahead and the lead inspired him.
麦卡洛：[画外音]从一开始，约翰逊就遥遥领先，领先地位激励了他。
He excited the crowds and relished their ardor.
他让群众兴奋不已，并享受他们的热情。
"Look at them," he would say, "Just look at them." Here, in the faces of millions of Americans was the love and affection he was always seeking.
“看看他们，”他会说，“就看看他们。”在这里，面对数百万美国人的是他一直在寻求的爱和感情。
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: The great majority felt that Lyndon Johnson was safe, secure.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温（Doris Kearns Goodwin），林登·约翰逊传记作者：绝大多数人认为林登·约翰逊是安全的。
Everybody was with Lyndon Johnson except for, as he could say, "the kooks," who were with Goldwater.
每个人都支持林登·约翰逊，除了他可以说的“怪人”，他们支持戈德华特。
Johnson, I'm not sure, could ever accept that there was a group out there that wasn't going to like him.
我不确定约翰逊能否接受有一群人不会喜欢他。
He wanted to win over everybody if he possibly could.
如果可能的话，他想赢得所有人的支持。
Elizabeth Wickenden, LBJ Family Friend: Underneath it all, he was very insecure, easily hurt or affronted.
伊丽莎白·威肯登（Elizabeth Wickenden），林登·约翰逊的家人朋友：在这一切的背后，他非常没有安全感，很容易受伤或冒犯。
Whenever he ran for office, he broke out in spots.
每当他竞选公职时，他都会爆发。
He had a kind of psychological eczema that he got.
他得了一种心理湿疹。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: I was in the White House one day and Johnson put his arm around me and said, "We need all the help we can get.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：有一天，我在白宫，约翰逊用手臂搂着我说：“我们需要一切能得到的帮助。
I've got -- I need New York.
我有——我需要纽约。
You know people in New York.
你认识纽约的人。
You were raised up in Michigan." How he knew I was raised in Michigan, I'll never know.
你是在密歇根长大的。”他怎么知道我是在密歇根长大的，我永远不会知道。
"I want your help in Michigan and what other states do you know?"
“我需要你在密歇根州的帮助，你还知道其他哪些州吗？”
So, later, I talked to a guy, a Texan whom I knew who was close to Johnson and I described this and I said, "Craig," I said, "We're ahead." I said, "The polls show he's going to destroy Goldwater, so what's he doing this with me for?
所以，后来，我和一个人交谈，一个我认识的德克萨斯人，他与约翰逊关系密切，我描述了这一点，我说，“克雷格，”我说，“我们领先了。”我说：“民意调查显示他要摧毁戈德华特，所以他对我这样做是为了什么？
What does he want?" And Craig looked at me and said, "He wants it all."
他想要什么？”克雷格看着我说：“他想要这一切。”
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson painted his Republican rival as insensitive to the needs of minorities and the poor.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊把他的共和党对手描绘成对少数族裔和穷人的需求麻木不仁的人。
It wasn't hard to make the charges stick.
维持指控并不难。
Sen.
参议员。
Barry Goldwater, (R) Arizona: Minority groups run this country and just face up to it.
巴里·戈德华特 (Barry Goldwater，R) 亚利桑那州：少数群体统治着这个国家，并且正视它。
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.: Well, I must honestly say, I don't see how any Negro or white person with self-respect can vote for Mr. Goldwater.
马丁·路德·金博士：嗯，我必须诚实地说，我不明白任何有自尊的黑人或白人怎么能投票给戈德华特先生。
Ronald Reagan: [1964 Republican Party Campaign Commercial] I'm Ronald Reagan.
罗纳德·里根：[1964 年共和党竞选广告] 我是罗纳德·里根。
Every American should hear what Barry Goldwater really has to say, not what a bunch of distorters of the truth would have you believe.
每个美国人都应该听到巴里·戈德华特真正想说的话，而不是一群歪曲事实的人让你相信的话。
Sen.
参议员。
Barry Goldwater, (R) Arizona: This country, my friends, must always maintain such superiority of strength, such devastating strike-back power --
巴里·戈德华特（R）亚利桑那州：我的朋友们，这个国家必须始终保持如此的力量优势，如此毁灭性的反击力量——
McCullough: [voice-over] Goldwater frightened many Americans with talk about using nuclear weapons.
麦卡洛：[画外音]戈德华特谈论使用核武器吓坏了许多美国人。
Sen.
参议员。
Barry Goldwater, (R) Arizona: The Communists would be creating suicide for themselves and their society if they pushed the button.
巴里·戈德华特（右）亚利桑那州：如果共产党按下按钮，他们就会为自己和社会制造自杀。
Child: [1964 Lyndon Johnson Campaign Commercial] One, two, three --
孩子：[1964 年林登·约翰逊竞选广告] 一、二、三 --
McCullough: [voice-over] The Johnson staff devised a commercial that captured everybody's nightmare.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊的工作人员设计了一个广告，捕捉到了每个人的噩梦。
McCullough: [voice-over] It was so controversial they ran it only one time.
麦卡洛：[画外音]这引起了很大的争议，所以他们只举办了一次。
Coundown Announcer: Ten, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three, two, one, zero.
倒计时播音员：十、九、八、七、六、五、四、三、二、一、零。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: These are the stakes -- to make a world in which all of God's children can live or to go into the darkness.
约翰逊：这些都是赌注——创造一个让所有上帝的孩子都能生活的世界，否则就会陷入黑暗。
We must either love each other or we must die.
我们要么必须彼此相爱，要么就必须死。
Commerical Announcer: Vote for President Johnson on November 3.
商业播音员：11 月 3 日投票选举约翰逊总统。
The stakes are too high for you to stay home.
风险太大，你不能呆在家里。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson presented himself as the peace candidate.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊自称是和平候选人。
He promised he would never send American boys to fight in Vietnam.
他承诺永远不会派美国男孩去越南作战。
He never wanted Vietnam to become a campaign issue.
他从来不希望越南成为竞选问题。
"If you have a mother-in-law with only one eye and she has it in the center of her forehead," he said, "you don't keep her in the living room."
“如果你的婆婆只有一只眼睛，而且她的眼睛长在额头中央，”他说，“你就不要把她留在客厅里。”
On the day of the election, Johnson waited, he said, "for the moment that I have spent my whole life getting ready for."
约翰逊说，选举当天，“等待着我一生都在为之做好准备的那一刻”。
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: He couldn't take any pleasure, obviously, out of becoming President because John Kennedy had died, but now, suddenly, as he saw it, he could picture, he would tell me, everybody going into the voting booth, pulling the lever or writing an X for him and I think he really meant, "They love me."
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温（Doris Kearns Goodwin），林登·约翰逊传记作者：显然，由于约翰·肯尼迪去世，他无法从成为总统中获得任何乐趣，但现在，突然间，正如他所看到的那样，他可以想象，他会告诉我，每个人都进入投票站，拉动操纵杆或为他写一个“X”，我认为他的真正意思是，“他们爱我。”
Lewis Gould, Historian: It wasn't enough to defeat Goldwater by a huge landslide.
历史学家刘易斯·古尔德：以巨大的压倒性优势击败戈德华特还不够。
He couldn't understand if it had been 90 percent to 10 percent why those other 10 percent hadn't been persuaded.
他不明白为什么百分之九十到百分之十的人没有被说服。
McCullough: [voice-over] "Millions and millions of people," he would later say, "each marking my name on their ballot.
麦卡洛：[画外音]“数以百万计的人，”他后来说，“每个人都在选票上标记了我的名字。
Each wanted me as their president.
每个人都希望我担任他们的总统。
For the first time in all my life, I truly felt loved by the American people."
我有生以来第一次真正感受到美国人民的爱。”
Throughout the campaign, Johnson had kept Americans ignorant about Vietnam, but behind closed doors, he and his advisers had been making decisions that would lead the nation deeper and deeper into war.
在整个竞选过程中，约翰逊一直让美国人对越南一无所知，但在幕后，他和他的顾问一直在做出将导致国家越来越深地陷入战争的决定。
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: I was present at the meeting in August '64 with the Secretaries of State, Defense and other with the President, in which the President issued marching orders for what they should be doing while he was out campaigning.
小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.），国家安全委员会工作人员：64 年 8 月，我出席了国务卿、国防部长和其他部长与总统举行的会议，会上总统发布了他们在外出竞选期间应该做什么的行动命令。
What he wanted to have available for him when he returned -- victorious, we hoped -- was as wide a range of options as to how Vietnam should be coped with as possible.
当他回来时（我们希望他能胜利），他希望得到的是关于如何应对越南问题的尽可能广泛的选择。
Daniel Ellsberg, Defense Department Staff: Do we have to escalate the war?
国防部参谋丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格：我们必须让战争升级吗？
Do we have to attack North Vietnam?
我们必须进攻北越吗？
Do we have to send troops?
我们必须出兵吗？
Can this regime in Saigon hold itself together, not totally collapse, not defect in mass?
西贡的这个政权能否团结一致，不至于彻底崩溃，不至于大规模倒戈？
Can we avoid defeat in Vietnam another week, another month?
我们能避免再过一周、再过一个月在越南失败吗？
Can we hold Vietnam together without enlarging the war enormously, till the election?
我们能否在选举之前保持越南团结而不大幅扩大战争？
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: I, Lyndon Baines Johnson, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of the President of the United States.
约翰逊：我，林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊，庄严宣誓，我将忠实地履行美国总统的职责。
McCullough: [voice-over] It was an unprecedented victory -- presidency by more votes than any man ever before.
麦卡洛：[画外音]这是一场史无前例的胜利——以比以往任何人都多的票数当选总统。
The Congress by an overwhelming majority and, with political power, an opportunity to do great things.
国会以压倒性多数当选，并拥有政治权力，有机会做大事。
No longer a scorned and frustrated Vice President, no longer an accidental President, Lyndon Johnson was now one of the most popular presidents of the century.
林登·约翰逊不再是一个被蔑视和沮丧的副总统，也不再是一个偶然的总统，林登·约翰逊现在是本世纪最受欢迎的总统之一。
On the night of his inaugural gala, Johnson told his guests, "Don't stay up late.
在就职典礼当晚，约翰逊告诉客人：“不要熬夜。
We're on our way to the Great Society."
我们正在通往伟大社会的路上。”
On January 20, 1965, there was no hint that Johnson's Great Society was about to be overwhelmed by a full-scale land war in Asia, that Lyndon Johnson had already sown the seeds of his own destruction.
1965年1月20日，没有任何迹象表明约翰逊的伟大社会即将被亚洲全面的陆地战争所压垮，林登·约翰逊已经播下了自己毁灭的种子。
This is the second and concluding installment of David Grubin's political biography, "LBJ." In the last episode, we saw Lyndon Johnson rise from obscurity in Texas in amazing fashion: first to Congress at the age of 28, then on to the Senate to become the most powerful majority leader in history.
这是大卫·格鲁宾的政治传记《林登·约翰逊》的第二部分，也是最后一部分。在上一集中，我们看到林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 以惊人的方式从德克萨斯州的默默无闻崛起：首先在 28 岁时进入国会，然后进入参议院，成为历史上最有权势的多数党领袖。
A politician of irrepressible energy and ambition, Johnson burned to be President in 1960, but settled instead for second place on the Democratic ticket as the running mate of John F.
约翰逊是一位精力充沛、野心勃勃的政治家，他渴望在 1960 年当选总统，但最终作为约翰·肯尼迪的竞选搭档在民主党竞选中排名第二。
Kennedy.
肯尼迪.
Hubert Humphrey, who served with Johnson in the Senate and who later became Johnson's Vice President, had this to say about him: "Just keep in mind that he had all the weaknesses and strengths of a big man.
休伯特·汉弗莱曾与约翰逊一起在参议院任职，后来成为约翰逊的副总统，他这样评价约翰逊：“请记住，他拥有一个大人物的所有弱点和优点。
He was an all-American President.
他是一位全美总统。
He was really the history of this country, with all of the turmoil, the bombast, the sentiments, the passions.
他确实是这个国家的历史，充满了所有的动荡、夸夸其谈、情感和激情。
It was all there, all in one man, and if you liked politics, it was like being at the feet of a giant."
这一切都在那里，都在一个人身上，如果你喜欢政治，那就像是站在巨人的脚下。”
A word about the still pictures used in the film.
关于电影中使用的静态图片的说明。
Many of them -- most of the close-ups -- are the brilliant work of the late Yashi Okimoto, who, as White House photographer, was with Johnson every day and under every kind of circumstance.
其中许多——大部分特写镜头——都是已故冲本矢志的精彩作品，他作为白宫摄影师，每天、在各种情况下都与约翰逊在一起。
He once said that until he met Lyndon Johnson, he never knew anyone could make so much noise eating soup.
他曾经说过，在遇到林登·约翰逊之前，他从来不知道有人能在喝汤时发出如此大的声音。
We pick up the story at the height of the Johnson presidency, just after the 1964 election.
我们在 1964 年大选刚刚结束、约翰逊担任总统的鼎盛时期继续讲述这个故事。
It's a moment when we really thought that with our wealth and our power, that the United States of America could solve any problem -- here, there, anywhere.
在那一刻，我们真正认为，凭借我们的财富和力量，美利坚合众国可以解决任何问题——这里、那里、任何地方。
[voice-over] He promised an America without poverty, where the young would be educated, the old would be cared for, where black Americans would be equal citizens.
[画外音]他承诺建立一个没有贫困的美国，年轻人将受到教育，老年人将得到照顾，美国黑人将成为平等公民。
On the night of his inaugural gala, all his dreams seemed within his grasp.
在他的就职晚会当晚，他所有的梦想似乎都触手可及。
Dark tales were still rumored about his rise to power, but within 100 days, Lyndon Johnson would be compared to Franklin Roosevelt and Abraham Lincoln.
关于林登·约翰逊上台的黑暗故事仍然流传，但在 100 天内，林登·约翰逊将被拿来与富兰克林·罗斯福和亚伯拉罕·林肯相提并论。
Other Presidents had called the White House a prison; Johnson said, "I never felt freer."
其他总统称白宫为监狱；约翰逊说：“我从未感到如此自由。”
Roger Wilkins, Johnson Administration: Lyndon Johnson filled the air.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府：林登·约翰逊充满了空气。
This was his town.
这是他的城镇。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: Sometimes, I would be with him and I would have the feeling that I'd been with a great, hurtling locomotive running down the track.
克拉克·克利福德，总统顾问：有时，我和他在一起，我会感觉自己和一辆伟大的、疾驰的机车一起沿着轨道行驶。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: He was kind, he was cruel, he was a son of a bitch, and yet he could be awfully decent and generous -- you know, everything.
罗尼·达格（Ronnie Dugger），林登·约翰逊传记作者：他很善良，他很残酷，他是个王八蛋，但他也可以非常正派和慷慨——你知道，一切。
A very strange person, because he had it all.
一个很奇怪的人，因为他拥有一切。
J.
J。
William Fulbright, Senate Foreign Relations Committee: Yeah, I think he would have been considered a great President if he hadn't gotten involved in Vietnam.
参议院外交关系委员会威廉·富布赖特：是的，我认为如果他没有卷入越南战争，他会被认为是一位伟大的总统。
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: The tragedy of the war was that it destroyed everything that Johnson had dreamed of.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：战争的悲剧在于它摧毁了约翰逊梦想的一切。
Pres.
新闻。
Lyndon B.Johnson: [1964 Democratic National Convention] My fellow Americans, I accept your nomination.
林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon B.Johnson)：[1964 年民主党全国代表大会] 我的美国同胞们，我接受你们的提名。
McCullough: [voice-over] The 1964 campaign had been an absolute triumph.
麦卡洛：[画外音]1964 年的竞选绝对是胜利。
Johnson had been exhilarated by the enthusiastic crowds.
约翰逊对热情的人群感到兴奋不已。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: I want for every family what my mother wanted for me: the chance for an honest living, an honorable job, a decent future.
约翰逊：我希望每个家庭都有我母亲对我的希望：诚实生活的机会、体面的工作、体面的未来。
McCullough: [voice-over] He had galvanized the nation with his appeal for racial justice and his vision of a Great Society.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他对种族正义的呼吁和对伟大社会的愿景激励了整个国家。
At the same time, he had promised not to send American troops to fight in Vietnam.
同时，他还承诺不会派美军去越南作战。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: I have had advice to load or planes with bombs and to drop them on certain areas that I think would enlarge the war and escalate the war and result in our committing a good many American boys to fighting a war that I think ought to be fought by the boys of Asia to help protect their own land.
约翰逊：我曾建议在飞机上装载炸弹，并将其投掷到某些地区，我认为这会扩大战争并使战争升级，并导致我们让很多美国男孩参加一场我认为应该由亚洲男孩参加的战争，以帮助保护自己的土地。
McCullough: [voice-over] But in Vietnam, the fighting went on.
麦卡洛：[画外音]但在越南，战斗仍在继续。
Even with American advisers, the South Vietnamese Army couldn't win the war themselves.
即使有美国顾问，南越军队也无法独自赢得战争。
Johnson knew they would need more help.
约翰逊知道他们需要更多帮助。
"It's going to hell in a hand-basket out there," Johnson had told an aide.
约翰逊对一名助手说：“手篮里的东西简直就是地狱。”
"The army won't fight.
“军队不会打仗。
The people don't know whose side to be on." For months, his advisers were warning him that if he didn't act, South Vietnam would fall.
人们不知道该站在哪一边。”几个月来，他的顾问一直警告他，如果他不采取行动，南越就会垮台。
Johnson's vision for America was about to converge with a land war in Asia.
约翰逊对美国的愿景即将与亚洲的陆地战争融合在一起。
Daniel Ellsberg, Defense Department Staff: On Election Day, I represented the Defense Department in an inter-agency meeting at State Department under William Bundy, considering, essentially, alternative bombing programs against North Vietnam.
丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格，国防部工作人员：选举日，我代表国防部参加了由威廉·邦迪主持的国务院机构间会议，主要考虑的是针对北越的替代轰炸计划。
We didn't wait 'til the day after the election 'cause Vietnam couldn't wait.
我们没有等到选举后的第二天，因为越南等不及了。
We just barely made it to the election without bombing.
我们刚刚在没有轰炸的情况下勉强参加了选举。
McCullough: [voice-over] "We don't want to get tied down in a land war," Johnson told an aide.
麦卡洛：[画外音]“我们不想陷入陆地战争，”约翰逊告诉一名助手。
The President's advisers gave him three choices.
总统的顾问给了他三个选择。
William P.
威廉·P。
Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State: One was to go on as we were doing, accepting that it might readily be that that simply wouldn't do the trick.
邦迪，助理国务卿：一是继续我们正在做的事情，承认这样做可能根本不起作用。
Then, we had two options that were -- in effect, differed in their pace and their severity: Option B, which would have bombed very heavily or fairly heavily, and Option C, which was a more graduated bombing program.
然后，我们有两个选项，实际上，它们的速度和严重性有所不同：选项 B，它会进行非常猛烈或相当猛烈的轰炸，而选项 C，这是一个更加分级的轰炸计划。
Daniel Ellsberg, Defense Department Staff: We didn't really consider not bombing North Vietnam.
丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格，国防部参谋：我们并没有真正考虑过不轰炸北越。
That possibility was mentioned, but only as a straw man.
有人提到了这种可能性，但只是作为一个稻草人。
There lies defeat; no one is for that.
那里有失败；没有人支持这一点。
Johnson's advisers wanted to get us moving on the bombing, and the President was digging in his feet on that.
约翰逊的顾问希望我们能够继续处理爆炸事件，而总统对此也很坚决。
He had to be convinced that that was worthwhile.
他必须确信这是值得的。
It gave me a very good impression of Johnson.
这让我对约翰逊留下了很好的印象。
I had, in fact, the thought that he was the only sane man at that level of the government, that he was asking the right questions.
事实上，我认为他是该级别政府中唯一理智的人，他提出了正确的问题。
McCullough: [voice-over] On February 6, 1965, Johnson ordered the bombing of North Vietnam in retaliation for a Vietcong attack on an American military outpost.
麦卡洛：[画外音]1965 年 2 月 6 日，约翰逊下令轰炸北越，以报复越共袭击美国军事前哨基地。
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: The option he chose seemed to the President, I'm sure, to be the option of restraint.
小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.），国家安全委员会工作人员：我确信，在总统看来，他选择的选择是克制的选择。
Rather than be cowardly, rather than be a terrible risktaker, he would apply graduated pressures.
他不会变得懦弱，也不会成为一个可怕的冒险者，而是会施加渐进的压力。
Jack Valenti, Special Assistant to the President: Well, it's like the first olive out of a bottle.
总统特别助理杰克·瓦伦蒂：嗯，这就像从瓶子里取出的第一颗橄榄。
Once that happens, the other olives are easy to get out, so once you started bombing, then it became a normality -- always a little bit more, a little bit more, and we can get this war behind us.
一旦发生这种情况，其他橄榄就很容易被取出来，所以一旦你开始轰炸，那就成了常态——总是多一点，多一点，我们就能把这场战争抛在身后。
McCullough: [voice-over] In March, Johnson ordered continuous and massive air assaults against North Vietnam -- Operation Rolling Thunder.
麦卡洛：[画外音]三月份，约翰逊下令对北越进行持续大规模的空中袭击——“滚雷行动”。
"I knew," he later wrote, "that we were at a turning point." Each step was making it more and more difficult for Johnson to turn back.
“我知道，”他后来写道，“我们正处于一个转折点。”每一步都让约翰逊越来越难以回头。
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: I think President Johnson had a unique opportunity to get us out of Vietnam after the election of 1964.
小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.），国家安全委员会工作人员：我认为 1964 年大选后，约翰逊总统有一个独特的机会让我们撤出越南。
Johnson won overwhelmingly.
约翰逊以压倒性优势获胜。
He had promised not to send American boys to die there.
他曾承诺不会将美国男孩送去那里死去。
He had the mandate and he had four years to do it, but he didn't have the courage and he didn't have the confidence and he didn't have the advice.
他有授权，有四年的时间来做这件事，但他没有勇气，没有信心，也没有建议。
McCullough: [voice-over] For every decision, Johnson had had the counsel of the best and the brightest in America, men like Robert McNamara and Dean Rusk, holdovers from the Kennedy era -- "Harvards," Johnson called them.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊的每一个决定都听取了美国最优秀、最聪明的人的建议，比如罗伯特·麦克纳马拉和迪安·腊斯克，他们是肯尼迪时代的遗留物——约翰逊称他们为“哈佛”。
He was a graduate of the Southwest Texas State Teachers College.
他毕业于西南德克萨斯州立师范学院。
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: He labored his life long under the illusion that he was branded for life because he had no formal education.
艾略特·珍妮威（Eliot Janeway），经济学家，约翰逊家族的朋友：他一生都在幻想中劳作，因为他没有受过正规教育，因此一生都被打上烙印。
They had gone to Harvard and on to graduate schools, and here was he, and I don't think he ever finished reading a popular pamphlet past page one.
他们去了哈佛，然后继续读研究生，而他就是这样，我认为他从来没有读过一本流行小册子的第一页。
George Ball, Undersecretary of State: I'm sure the fact that he was getting this information from people with such elegant educations was a great comfort to him.
乔治·鲍尔，副国务卿：我确信，他从受过如此高雅教育的人那里获得这些信息对他来说是一个很大的安慰。
They justified his own decisions.
他们为他自己的决定辩护。
McCullough: [voice-over] The President hoped the bombing would force North Vietnam to the bargaining table.
麦卡洛：[画外音]总统希望这次爆炸能够迫使北越回到谈判桌上。
Johnson had no love for what he called "that bitch of a war." "The woman I really loved," he said, "was the Great Society."
约翰逊并不喜欢他所说的“那场战争”。 “我真正爱的女人，”他说，“是伟大的社会。”
Michael Fitzmaurice, Newsreel Commentator: Mr. Johnson proposes an education program that will ensure every American full development of his mind and skills.
迈克尔·菲茨莫里斯，新闻片评论员：约翰逊先生提出了一项教育计划，该计划将确保每个美国人的思想和技能得到充分发展。
He says the beauty of America must be preserved as a green legacy, with water and air pollution ended.
他说，美国的美丽必须作为绿色遗产得到保护，并消除水和空气污染。
Beauty of mind, too, must be promoted.
心灵之美也必须得到提倡。
Cities should be imaginatively improved, and a broad health program must ensure medical care for the aged and needy.
城市应该得到富有想象力的改善，广泛的卫生计划必须确保为老年人和贫困人口提供医疗服务。
McCullough: [voice-over] It was a legislative avalanche.
麦卡洛：[画外音]这是一场立法雪崩。
No President had ever put so many bills before Congress.
从来没有一位总统向国会提出过如此多的法案。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas: History will prove that he was probably the most effective President we've ever had in the White House.
詹姆斯·皮克尔（D）德克萨斯州：历史将证明他可能是白宫有史以来最有效率的总统。
Whether you liked him or whether you approved of his tactics or what was actually passed, as far as getting things done, Johnson could do it better than anybody.
无论你喜欢他还是赞同他的策略或实际通过的内容，就完成事情而言，约翰逊可以比任何人做得更好。
George Reedy, White House Press Secretary: When he became President, he decided that he had to get everything done at once because he had checked back and he'd discovered that all the things Presidents did, they did during their first couple of years.
乔治·里迪，白宫新闻秘书：当他成为总统时，他决定必须立即完成所有事情，因为他回顾后发现，总统所做的所有事情都是在他们的头几年里做的。
And so he began to pump things out frantically.
于是他开始疯狂地抽出东西。
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: There was a sense in which laws were being written before people even understood the problems, and you had new agencies springing up overnight.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温（Doris Kearns Goodwin），林登·约翰逊传记作者：从某种意义上说，在人们理解问题之前就已经制定了法律，而且新的机构在一夜之间如雨后春笋般涌现。
But I think Johnson was afraid that somehow this consensus was going to go away, so he'd better get as much done as he could and we could straighten things out later.
但我认为约翰逊担心这种共识会以某种方式消失，所以他最好尽可能多地完成工作，我们可以稍后解决问题。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson prepared bill after bill: funds for education, elementary, secondary and college, and, for preschool children, Head Start; funds for conservation, clean air and clean rivers, highway beautification, national parks; funds for consumer protection, truth in labelling and packaging, automobile safety.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊准备了一个又一个法案：小学、中学和大学教育基金，以及针对学龄前儿童的启蒙计划；用于保护、清洁空气和河流、公路美化、国家公园的资金；为消费者保护、标签和包装真实性、汽车安全提供资金。
There was urban renewal and housing, public television, the creation of the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Arts...
有城市更新和住房、公共电视、国家人文艺术基金会的创建……
The list goes on and on.
这样的例子不胜枚举。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: I though he passed too much legislation, and he was passing them on right after the other without adequate hearings, without a basic understanding of what the ultimate costs were going to be and how they were going to be administered.
约翰·康纳利（John Connally），林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：我认为他通过了太多的立法，而且他在没有充分听证的情况下就逐一通过了这些立法，对最终成本是什么以及如何管理这些立法没有基本的了解。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: I have had but one objective -- to be the President of all the people; not just the rich, not just the well-fed, not just the fortunate, but President of all of America.
约翰逊：我的目标只有一个——成为全体人民的总统；不仅仅是富人，不仅仅是吃饱的人，不仅仅是幸运的人，而是全美国的总统。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: He was inordinately proud of all this legislation he passed.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：他对自己通过的所有这些立法感到非常自豪。
Well, I mean, he kept a score card in his pocket -- had a sheet of paper and he listed all the legislation he'd passed.
嗯，我的意思是，他口袋里有一张记分卡——有一张纸，他列出了他通过的所有立法。
He was extremely proud of it.
他为此感到无比自豪。
S.
S。
Douglass Cater, Washington D.C. Reporter; Special Assistant to the President: He wanted to do good things, he wanted to do great things, and he had grown up in a system of government which was the American system, in which you did things by wheeling and dealing and trading.
道格拉斯·卡特，华盛顿特区记者；总统特别助理：他想做好事，他想做伟大的事情，他是在美国的政府体系中长大的，在这种体系中，你通过操纵、交易和交易来做事。
This was the way you did it.
你就是这么做的。
Jack Valenti, Special Assistant to the President: Well, I'm not sure that the government works this way anymore, but when I was in the White House, the President assigned me certain senators and congressmen "to handle."
总统特别助理杰克·瓦伦蒂：嗯，我不确定政府是否会再以这种方式运作，但当我在白宫时，总统指派了我一些参议员和国会议员来“处理”。
And every now and then, Everett Dirksen would call -- he was the Republican leader -- and he said, "Jack -- " you know, he had a voice that was like honey dripping over metal tiles; he'd say, "Jack, I want to see the boss later on today, and maybe we could have a drink and talk about a few things." And I'd say, "Yes, sir, Senator.
埃弗雷特·德克森时不时地打电话来——他是共和党领袖——他说，“杰克——”你知道，他的声音就像蜂蜜滴在金属瓷砖上；他的声音就像蜂蜜滴在金属瓷砖上一样。他会说：“杰克，我今天晚些时候想见老板，也许我们可以喝一杯，谈谈一些事情。”我会说：“是的，先生，参议员。
The President will see you at six o'clock.
总统将于六点钟见你。
How's that?" "Yes, that'd be fine."
怎么样？” “是的，那就好了。”
And then he'd rise in the Senate at about three o'clock in the afternoon and accuse Johnson of every crime that the most depraved mind could be capable of committing, and then at six o'clock he'd show up, and I'd go up with him to the second floor of the mansion, and we'd sit and talk.
然后他会在下午三点左右出现在参议院，指控约翰逊犯下最邪恶的人可能犯下的所有罪行，然后在六点钟他会出现，我会和他一起到豪宅的二楼，我们坐下来交谈。
And the President would say, "Everett, I wouldn't talk about a cur dog the way you did me in the Senate." "Well," he said, "Mr. President, you know I vow to tell the truth, so I had no choice." And then they would laugh, and then they would recount some old, long-fought battles.
总统会说：“埃弗里特，我不会像你在参议院对我那样谈论一只恶狗。” “嗯，”他说，“总统先生，你知道我发誓说实话，所以我别无选择。”然后他们会笑，然后他们会讲述一些古老的、长期的战斗。
And then, finally, the President would say, "Now, Everett, I've got to have three Republican votes, and you know who they are.
最后，总统会说：“现在，埃弗里特，我必须获得三张共和党选票，你知道他们是谁。
I got to have those votes, Everett, and I don't want any beating around the bush about it." And Dirksen would say, "Well, Mr. President," he said, "I happen to have here some names of some likely nominees to the Federal Power Commission and the Federal Communications Commission and a few other commissions." And the President would say, "Well, give their names to Valenti here.
我必须获得这些选票，埃弗雷特，我不想在这件事上受到任何旁敲侧击。”德克森会说，“好吧，总统先生，”他说，“我这里碰巧有联邦电力委员会、联邦通信委员会和其他一些委员会的一些可能提名人的名字。”总统会说：“好吧，把他们的名字告诉瓦伦蒂。
We'll check them out with the FBI, see if they're fit to serve their country." And they'd have another drink.
我们将与联邦调查局核实他们的情况，看看他们是否适合为国家服务。”他们还会再喝一杯。
And there was no summary of the meeting given.
并且没有给出会议摘要。
Each of them knew that Johnson was going to get three Republican votes, and Dirksen knew that he was going to get three nominees to commissions.
他们每个人都知道约翰逊将获得三张共和党选票，德克森也知道他将获得三名委员会提名人。
I don't know if they teach that in Government 101 in any of the schools, but it worked.
我不知道政府 101 学校是否教授这一点，但它确实有效。
The President got done what he needed to have done, but the telephone was his Excalibur, it was his sword, and no congressman was too much of a rookie to be called, nor too powerful a one to be importuned.
总统完成了他需要做的事情，但电话是他的神剑，是他的剑，没有一位国会议员被称为新秀，也没有一位强大而不容纠缠的议员。
S.
S。
Douglas Cater: One morning at five a.m., he woke up a senator and said, "Hi!
道格拉斯·卡特：一天早上五点，他叫醒了一位参议员，说道：“嗨！
What are you doing?" And he said, "Oh, nothing, Mr. President, just lying here, hoping you'd call."
你在做什么？”他说：“哦，没什么，总统先生，只是躺在这儿，希望你能打电话过来。”
Richard Goodwin, Presidential Speechwriter: If a congressman wasn't home, he'd talk to the wife, and if the wife wasn't home, he'd talk to the children and tell them to tell their daddy to support the President.
理查德·古德温，总统演讲撰稿人：如果国会议员不在家，他会与妻子交谈，如果妻子不在家，他会与孩子们交谈并告诉他们告诉他们的爸爸支持总统。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: Part of his demeanor, part of his whole life was that he felt he could convert anybody, that he could convert an enemy into a friend, that he was -- he would work at it assiduously, to court and to convert someone who disliked him into being a friend and a disciple.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：他的举止的一部分，他一生的一部分是，他觉得他可以改变任何人，他可以将敌人变成朋友，他会孜孜不倦地努力，去讨好那些不喜欢他的人，并将他们转变为朋友和门徒。
And many times, it worked.
很多次，它都奏效了。
McCullough: [voice-over] But Johnson couldn't use those same tactics with Ho Chi Minh.
麦卡洛：[画外音]但是约翰逊不能对胡志明使用同样的策略。
Johnson thought the war would be like a filibuster, as he said -- enormous resistance at first, then a steady whittling away, then Ho hurrying to get it over with.
约翰逊认为，正如他所说，这场战争将像一场阻挠议事的战争——一开始遭到巨大阻力，然后逐渐减弱，然后何鸿燊急于结束战争。
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: Ho Chi Minh was a revolutionary.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：胡志明是一位革命者。
Johnson didn't understand that.
约翰逊不明白这一点。
He didn't understand revolutionaries.
他不了解革命者。
A revolutionary in the United States Senate is very different than someone like Ho Chi Minh.
美国参议院的革命者与胡志明这样的人有很大不同。
He didn't understand the history of the Vietnamese people, the Vietnamese culture.
他不了解越南人民的历史、越南文化。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson thought he could force Ho Chi Minh to bargain.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊认为他可以迫使胡志明讨价还价。
"I saw our bombs as political resources for negotiating peace," he said.
“我将我们的炸弹视为和平谈判的政治资源，”他说。
But Ho couldn't be pushed.
但何不能被推倒。
Their positions were irreconcilable.
他们的立场是不可调和的。
He called the Americans "invaders".
他称美国人为“侵略者”。
Johnson called North Vietnam the aggressor, waging war on a peaceful neighbor.
约翰逊称北越为侵略者，对和平邻国发动战争。
Johnson wanted two countries, a North and a South Vietnam.
约翰逊想要两个国家，一个北越和一个南越。
Ho wanted one.
何想要一个。
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: Ho Chi Minh and the Communists had no intention whatsoever of ever allowing a peace treaty to separate their country.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：胡志明和共产党无意允许和平条约分裂他们的国家。
Time was on their side.
时间站在他们一边。
They could certainly wait out Lyndon Johnson.
他们当然可以等待林登·约翰逊下台。
He understood Ho Chi Minh to be like any other political adversary who he could broker with, he could deal with, that Ho Chi Minh had a price and he would find that price.
他明白胡志明就像任何其他政治对手一样，他可以与之斡旋，可以打交道，胡志明有一个价格，他会找到这个价格。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Well, what do the people of North Vietnam want?
约翰逊：那么，北越人民想要什么？
Food for their hunger, health for their bodies.
食物可以满足他们的饥饿，健康可以帮助他们的身体。
I will ask the Congress to join in a billion-dollar American investment to replace despair with hope, and terror with progress.
我将要求国会加入美国数十亿美元的投资，以希望取代绝望，以进步取代恐惧。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson would bully and bargain.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊会欺凌和讨价还价。
On April 7, he offered Ho what sounded like a Great Society program.
4 月 7 日，他向何提出了听起来像是“伟大社会”计划。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: The vast Mekong River can provide food and water and power on a scale to dwarf even our own TVA.
约翰逊：浩瀚的湄公河可以提供食物、水和电力，其规模甚至使我们自己的TVA相形见绌。
The wonders of modern medicine can be spread through villages where thousands die every year.
现代医学的奇迹可以在每年有数千人死亡的村庄传播。
Schools can be established to train people with skills --
可以建立学校来培养有技能的人——
Jack Valenti, Special Assistant to the President: I remember one time I trailed him into his office, and he leaned back in his chair and put his hand on his head like this, and he said, "Oh, God, how can we get out of this war?" He said, "If I could just sit in a room with Ho Chi Minh and talk to him, I think we could cut a deal."
总统特别助理杰克·瓦伦蒂：我记得有一次我跟着他走进他的办公室，他靠在椅子上，把手放在头上，他说：“哦，上帝，我们怎样才能摆脱这场战争呢？”他说：“如果我能与胡志明坐在一个房间里与他交谈，我想我们可以达成协议。”
Demonstrators: [singing] "We shall overcome, we shall overcome/We shall overcome some day"
示威者：[唱]“我们一定会克服，我们一定会克服/有一天我们一定会克服”
McCullough: [voice-over] At the same time Johnson was challenging Ho, the civil rights movement was continuing to challenge the South.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在约翰逊挑战胡志明的同时，民权运动也在继续挑战南方。
Despite Johnson's historic Civil Rights Act of 1964 that had put an end to segregation, the web of local laws continued to deny black Americans the right to vote.
尽管约翰逊 1964 年历史性的民权法案结束了种族隔离，但当地法律网络继续剥夺美国黑人的投票权。
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.: About a 192 Negroes were registered, on the average, a month in the State of Mississippi; all over the state, 192 a month.
马丁·路德·金博士：密西西比州平均每月约有 192 名黑人登记；全州各地，每月192。
Now, on the basis of this rate of registration, it would take exactly 135 years for half of the Negroes eligible to vote in Mississippi to become registered.
现在，按照这个登记率，密西西比州一半有资格投票的黑人需要整整 135 年才能登记。
McCullough: [voice-over] Early in 1965, Martin Luther King met with Lyndon Johnson in the White House.
麦卡洛：[画外音] 1965 年初，马丁·路德·金在白宫会见了林登·约翰逊。
Andrew Young, Civil Rights Activist, Southern Christian Leadership Conference: Martin made the case [that] we were going to continue to have serious problems in racial violence until we got the vote, and that the right to vote was something that we could not afford to wait on.
南方基督教领袖会议民权活动家安德鲁·杨（Andrew Young）：马丁指出，在我们获得投票之前，我们将继续面临严重的种族暴力问题，而投票权是我们不能等待的事情。
President Johnson said that there could not be a civil rights act in '65 because there had just been a civil rights act in '64, it was just not in the cards, that you couldn't have back-to-back civil rights bills.
约翰逊总统表示，65 年不可能有民权法案，因为 64 年才刚刚出台民权法案，只是不可能出现背靠背的民权法案。
But we felt like there was no choice, and so we told him then that we would be going to Selma to begin non-violent demonstrations to try to dramatized the need for the right to vote, and that we would stay in touch with him.
但我们觉得别无选择，所以我们当时告诉他，我们将前往塞尔玛开始非暴力示威，试图戏剧化地强调投票权的必要性，并且我们将与他保持联系。
McCullough: [voice-over] Determined to force Johnson's hand, King, working with other civil rights groups, organized a series of demonstrations in Alabama, climaxing in a march from Selma to the state capital in Montgomery.
麦卡洛：[画外音]金决心迫使约翰逊屈服，他与其他民权组织合作，在阿拉巴马州组织了一系列示威活动，从塞尔玛到州首府蒙哥马利的游行达到了高潮。
Alabama State Troopers brutally attacked the unarmed marchers while television cameras recorded the event for a stunned national audience.
阿拉巴马州警察残酷地袭击了手无寸铁的游行者，而电视摄像机则为震惊的全国观众记录下了这一事件。
It was called "Bloody Sunday".
这被称为“血腥星期日”。
Johnson was outraged.
约翰逊非常愤怒。
With the rest of the country, he saw it all on television, but he refused to send federal troops to protect the marchers.
与全国其他地区一样，他在电视上看到了这一切，但他拒绝派遣联邦军队来保护游行者。
Richard Goodwin, Presidential Speechwriter : There was enormous pressure on Johnson to send down federal troops.
理查德·古德温，总统演讲撰稿人：约翰逊面临着派遣联邦军队的巨大压力。
He said the last thing he wanted to do was to send the federal army into the South.
他说他最不想做的就是派遣联邦军队进入南方。
He said it would be like Reconstruction all over again.
他说这就像重建一样。
He said, "I would lose every southerner."
他说：“我会失去每一个南方人。”
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson said he was afraid to play into the hands of the popular segregationist governor of Alabama, George Wallace, who had turned the State Troopers loose on the marchers; but the civil rights movement was forcing Johnson to action.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊说，他害怕落入受欢迎的种族隔离主义阿拉巴马州州长乔治·华莱士的下怀，乔治·华莱士让州警对游行者进行了镇压；但民权运动迫使约翰逊采取行动。
Demonstrators all over the country demanded that Johnson provide federal protection so that the march could go forward.
全国各地的示威者要求约翰逊提供联邦保护，以便游行能够继续进行。
Dr. Martain Luther King, Jr.: Now, they've been slow to do anything about it.
马丁·路德·金博士：现在，他们对此采取行动的速度很慢。
They always find ways to get over to you that it can be done.
他们总是想方设法告诉你这是可以做到的。
It's still strange to us, though, how millions of dollars can be spent every day to hold troops in South Vietnam and our country cannot protect the rights of Negroes in Selma, Marion, Alabama.
但我们仍然感到奇怪的是，每天要花费数百万美元在南越驻军，而我们的国家却无法保护阿拉巴马州塞尔玛、马里昂的黑人权利。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson was stunned by the pressure, but refused to be pushed.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊对压力感到震惊，但拒绝被推动。
"I was hurt, deeply hurt, but I was determined not to be shoved into hasty action."
“我受伤了，深深地受伤了，但我决心不被迫采取仓促行动。”
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: People were demonstrating all over the country.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：全国各地的人们都在示威。
It was just a general uprising.
这只是一场普遍的起义。
The President was very unhappy.
总统非常不高兴。
And during that week, I was in the White House, and again we meet him.
那一周，我在白宫，我们再次见到了他。
And he just looked at me; he stared at me as if, "I never saw this person.
他只是看着我；他盯着我，仿佛在说：“我从来没有见过这个人。
Where did he come from?
他从哪里来？
I am furious that he is in my sight." It was really frightening.
我很生气他出现在我的视线里。”实在是太可怕了。
I mean, he looked like -- I hadn't done anything to him, you know?
我是说，他看上去——我没有对他做任何事，你知道吗？
He looked like he was -- and I said, "Hello, Mr. President." And he looked at me and he said, "These demonstrations, what are they all about?" And I said, "People really want to vote, Mr. President.
他看上去就像——我说：“你好，总统先生。”他看着我说：“这些示威活动到底是为了什么呢？”我说：“总统先生，人们真的想投票。
We really need a voting rights act." And I kind of trembled.
我们确实需要一项投票权法案。”我有点颤抖。
"Rrrr." He just -- I mean, it was "Rrrr," and he just left.
“呃呃。”他只是——我的意思是，只是一声“Rrrrr”，然后他就离开了。
I mean, he did not -- there was no word.
我的意思是，他没有——没有任何消息。
No words came out, just "Rrrr."
没有说话，只是“嗯嗯”。
Richard Goodwin, Presidential Speechwriter : At that very precise moment, fortunately, Wallace sent a telegram to the White House, saying he'd like to meet with the President to discuss the situation.
理查德·古德温，总统演讲撰稿人：幸运的是，就在那一刻，华莱士给白宫发了一封电报，表示他想与总统会面讨论这一情况。
Johnson said, "Well, you just come right ahead."
约翰逊说：“好吧，你就来吧。”
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: That was the most amazing conversation I've ever been present at, because here was Lyndon Johnson, the consummate politician, and George Wallace didn't know what was going on at that meeting.
尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫（Nicholas Katzenbach），司法部长：这是我参加过的最令人惊奇的谈话，因为这里有林登·约翰逊，一位完美的政治家，而乔治·华莱士不知道那次会议上发生了什么。
Richard Goodwin, Presidential Speechwriter : Wallace is about five-four and Johnson is about six-four, so he leads Wallace in and he sits him down on the couch -- Wallace sinks down so he's now about three feet tall -- and Johnson sits on the edge of the rocking chair, leaning over him.
理查德·古德温，总统演讲撰稿人：华莱士大约是五英尺四英寸，约翰逊大约是六英尺四英寸，所以他领着华莱士进去，让他坐在沙发上——华莱士沉下去，所以他现在大约有三英尺高——约翰逊坐在摇椅的边缘，靠在他身上。
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: "George," he said, "Do you see all of those demonstrators out in front of the White House?" "Oh, yes, Mr. President, I saw them." He said, "Wouldn't it be just wonderful if we could put an end to all those demonstrations?" "Oh, yes, Mr. President, that would be wonderful." He said, "Well, why don't you and I go out there, George, with all those television cameras -- do you see those television cameras?" "Oh, yes, I saw them." He says, "Let's you and I go out there and let's announce that you've decided to integrate every school in Alabama."
司法部长尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫：“乔治，”他说，“你看到白宫前的所有示威者了吗？” “哦，是的，总统先生，我看到了他们。”他说：“如果我们能够结束所有这些示威活动，那不是很棒吗？” “哦，是的，总统先生，那就太好了。”他说：“乔治，为什么你和我不带着那些电视摄像机出去——你看到那些电视摄像机了吗？” “哦，是的，我看到他们了。”他说：“让你和我出去宣布，你们已经决定整合阿拉巴马州的每所学校。”
Richard Goodwin, Presidential Speechwriter : And his southern voice always deepened when he spoke to other southerners.
总统演讲撰稿人理查德·古德温：当他与其他南方人交谈时，他的南方声音总是低沉。
He says, "Now, you agree the Negroes got the right to vote, don't you?" He says, "Oh, yes, there's no quarrel with that." He says, "Well, then, why don't you let them vote?" And he said, "Well, you know," he said, "I don't have that power.
他说：“现在，你同意黑人有投票权，不是吗？”他说：“哦，是的，这没有什么可争论的。”他说：“那么，你为什么不让他们投票呢？”他说，“嗯，你知道，”他说，“我没有那种权力。
That belongs to the country registrars in the state of Alabama."
这属于阿拉巴马州的国家登记机构。”
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: And Johnson leaned back and he says, "George," he said, "don't you shit me as to who runs Alabama."
司法部长尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫：约翰逊向后靠了靠，说道：“乔治，”他说，“别跟我说谁是阿拉巴马州的统治者。”
Richard Goodwin, Presidential Speechwriter : And Wallace insisted; no, he didn't have the legal authority, he said.
理查德·古德温，总统演讲撰稿人：华莱士坚持认为；不，他没有法定权力，他说。
He said, "Well, why don't you persuade them, George?" He said, "Well, I don't think I could do that." He said, "Now, don't shit me about your persuasive power, George." He says, "You know, I sit down in bed in the morning when I get up, and I got three TV sets lined one right out back of the other.
他说：“乔治，你为什么不说服他们呢？”他说：“好吧，我想我做不到。”他说：“现在，别拿你的说服力来嘲笑我了，乔治。”他说：“你知道，我早上起床时坐在床上，我看到三台电视机，一台排在另一台后面。
And I got a little button I can press, and I click it whenever I see something I'm interested in.
我有一个可以按下的小按钮，每当我看到我感兴趣的东西时我都会点击它。
I press the button and the sound goes on.
我按下按钮，声音响起。
And I had it on this morning, and I saw you, and I pressed the button and you were talking," he said, "and you were attacking me, George." He says, "Oh, I wasn't attacking you, Mr. President.
今天早上我戴着它，我看到了你，我按下了按钮，你就在说话，”他说，“你在攻击我，乔治。”他说：“哦，我没有攻击你，总统先生。
I was attacking the whole principle of states' rights." He says, "You was attacking me, George." He says, "And you were so damn persuasive, I almost changed my mind."
我正在攻击国家权利的整个原则。”他说：“你在攻击我，乔治。”他说：“你太有说服力了，我差点就改变主意了。”
Well, this goes on for half an hour or more, and then, finally, he turns to Wallace.
好吧，这持续了半个小时或更长时间，然后，最后，他转向华莱士。
He says, "George, you and I shouldn't be thinking about 1964.
他说：“乔治，你和我不应该想起 1964 年。
We should be thinking about 1984.
我们应该想想1984年。
We'll both be dead and gone then," he said.
那时我们都会死掉，”他说。
"Now, you've got a lot of poor people down there in Alabama, a lot of ignorant people.
“现在，阿拉巴马州有很多穷人，很多无知的人。
A lot of people need jobs.
很多人需要工作。
A lot of people need a future." He said, "You could do a lot for them." He says, "Now, in 1984, George, what do you want left behind?" He said, "You want a great big marble monument that says, 'George Wallace: He Built', or do you want a little piece of scrawny pine laying there along that hot Caliche soil that says, 'George Wallace: He Hated'?"
很多人都需要未来。”他说：“你可以为他们做很多事情。”他说：“现在，已经是 1984 年了，乔治，你想留下什么？”他说：“你想要一座巨大的大理石纪念碑，上面写着‘乔治·华莱士：他建造了’，还是想要一块瘦骨嶙峋的松树沿着炎热的卡利切土壤铺设，上面写着‘乔治·华莱士：他憎恨’？”
McCullough: [voice-over] In the end, Wallace agreed to ask the President to mobilize the National Guard to protect the marchers.
麦卡洛：[画外音]最后，华莱士同意要求总统动员国民警卫队保护游行者。
The Governor was reported to have said afterwards, "If I hadn't left when I did, he'd have had me coming out for civil rights." Two days later, on national television, Johnson presented a tough voting rights bill to a joint session of Congress.
据报道，州长事后表示，“如果我当时没有离开，他就会让我出来争取民权。”两天后，约翰逊在国家电视台向国会联席会议提出了一项严厉的投票权法案。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over.
约翰逊：但即使我们通过了这项法案，战斗也不会结束。
What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and state of America.
塞尔玛发生的事情是一场规模更大的运动的一部分，该运动遍及美国的每个地区和州。
It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life.
这是美国黑人为自己获得美国生活的全部幸福而做出的努力。
Their cause must be our cause, too, because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice.
他们的事业也必须是我们的事业，因为不仅是黑人，而且实际上我们所有人都必须克服偏执和不公正的严重后果。
And we shall overcome.
我们一定会克服的。
McCullough: [voice-over] With the protection of the federal government, the marchers assembled in the heart of the Old South to claim their rights as American citizens.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在联邦政府的保护下，游行者聚集在老南方的中心地带，要求他们作为美国公民的权利。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: You felt that the pent-up needs and desires of your people over the generations were going to be achieved in your lifetime -- enormous, when you thought of your ancestors who were slaves.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：当你想到你的祖先是奴隶时，你会觉得你的人民几代人被压抑的需求和愿望将在你的一生中得到实现——这是巨大的。
Well, at that point, I was, like, bonded to him.
好吧，在那一刻，我就和他结下了不解之缘。
I mean, my transformation as a human being had been complete.
我的意思是，我作为一个人的转变已经完成。
I believed by then that he was truly the civil rights President that we wanted and needed.
那时我相信他确实是我们想要和需要的民权总统。
Bomber Pilot: Bomb doors open at thirty TG, coming up on thirty TG.
轰炸机飞行员：炸弹门在 30 TG 时打开，即将到 30 TG。
Bomber Pilot: Roger.
轰炸机飞行员：罗杰.
That target's now coming up.
这个目标现在即将实现。
Stand by to release.
等待释放。
Ready, ready, now.
准备好了，准备好了，现在。
McCullough: [voice-over] All through early 1965, bombs continued to fall on North Vietnam.
麦卡洛：[画外音]整个 1965 年初，炸弹不断落在北越。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson had hoped that the massive air strikes by the B-52s would halt the flow of supplies from North to South, but the bombs seemed only to stiffen the resolve of Ho and the North Vietnamese.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊曾希望 B-52 的大规模空袭能够阻止从北越到南越的物资流动，但这些炸弹似乎只是坚定了胡志明和北越人的决心。
The war was acquiring a momentum of its own and a desperate sense of inevitability.
战争正在形成自己的势头和一种绝望的不可避免感。
On March 8, Johnson ordered the first American fighting troops into Vietnam.
3月8日，约翰逊下令第一批美国作战部队进入越南。
Their mission was officially defensive: to protect the planes that were bombing North Vietnam.
他们的任务正式是防御性的：保护轰炸北越的飞机。
Reporter: When the Marines were first landed at Danang, we were told that the objective was to defend the air base.
记者：当海军陆战队第一次登陆岘港时，我们被告知目标是保卫空军基地。
How do you resolve that, sir, with your statements in Saigon that their objective is to kill the Vietcong?
先生，您在西贡发表声明说他们的目标是杀死越共，您如何解决这个问题？
Military Officer: You can't defend a place like that by sitting on your ditty box.
军官：你不能靠坐在小调盒上来保卫这样的地方。
You've got to get out and aggressively patrol, and that's what our people are doing.
你必须出去积极巡逻，这就是我们的人民正在做的事情。
And the one thing I emphasized to them while I was out there was to find these Vietcong and kill them.
当我在外面时，我向他们强调的一件事就是找到这些越共并杀死他们。
1st Helicopter Pilot: We have some people running along the dikes.
第一直升机飞行员：我们有一些人沿着堤坝奔跑。
Actually, the canal is perpendicular to the one you're attacking now.
事实上，运河与你现在攻击的运河是垂直的。
They have on black uniforms.
他们穿着黑色制服。
I estimate approximately three-zero.
我估计大约是三零。
Do you have them in sight?
你看到他们了吗？
Over.
超过。
2nd Helicopter Pilot: This is two-three, roger, we have them in sight.
第二名直升机飞行员：这是二三，罗杰，我们看到了他们。
We're engaged at the present time.
我们现在订婚了。
3rd Helicopter Pilot: Good job.
第三名直升机飞行员：干得好。
I saw you splatter one right in the back with a rocket.
我看到你用火箭朝后背打了一枪。
McCullough: [voice-over] The logic of war was relentless.
麦卡洛：[画外音]战争的逻辑是无情的。
Advisers had led to bombing.
顾问们导致了爆炸事件。
Bombing now led to troops.
轰炸现在引来了军队。
By early 1965, thousands of American soldiers were in Vietnam, and still the South Vietnamese Army was losing.
到 1965 年初，数千名美国士兵在越南，但南越军队仍在不断失败。
On March 15, Johnson met with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and General Harold K.
3月15日，约翰逊会见了参谋长联席会议和哈罗德·K·布什将军。
Johnson made a prediction that sent a shock wave through the room.
约翰逊做出的预测在整个房间引起了震动。
"To win the war," he said, "it could take five years and 500,000 men."
“要赢得战争，”他说，“可能需要五年时间和五十万人。”
Now Johnson knew the stakes.
现在约翰逊知道其中的利害关系。
To keep South Vietnam from falling, he might have to commit hundreds of thousands of American boys to a full-scale land war in Asia.
为了防止南越陷落，他可能不得不让数十万美国男孩在亚洲发动全面的陆地战争。
He was face-to-face with the decision he had been dreading.
他面临着他一直害怕的决定。
"If I don't go in now and they show later I should have gone, then they'll be all over me in Congress.
“如果我现在不进去，而他们稍后表明我应该去，那么他们就会在国会里对我进行攻击。
They won't be talking about my Civil Rights Bill or education or beautification.
他们不会谈论我的民权法案、教育或美化。
No, sir.
不，先生。
They'll be pushing Vietnam up my ass every time -- Vietnam, Vietnam, Vietnam."
他们每次都会把越南推到我的屁股上——越南，越南，越南。”
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: How would Johnson explain to the American people that a country that John Kennedy had promised to defend, that Dwight Eisenhower had promised to defend, wasn't worth defending any longer?
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：约翰逊如何向美国人民解释约翰·肯尼迪曾承诺保卫、德怀特·艾森豪威尔承诺保卫的国家不再值得保卫？
Had the people changed?
人变了吗？
Had our commitment to freedom changed?
我们对自由的承诺改变了吗？
Or was it the fact that we couldn't defeat the North Vietnamese?
还是我们无法击败北越的事实？
McCullough: [voice-over] Every Tuesday, Johnson had lunch with his principal advisers.
麦卡洛：[画外音]每周二，约翰逊都会与他的主要顾问共进午餐。
"If you can show me any reasonable out, I'll grab it," he told them, "but to give in would be a sign of weakness." The lessons of World War II were always in the back of their minds -- stop aggression when it begins, never reward a bully.
“如果你们能向我展示任何合理的东西，我就会抓住它，”他告诉他们，“但屈服将是软弱的表现。”第二次世界大战的教训始终铭记在心——侵略一开始就停止，绝不奖励欺凌者。
And the real bullies behind Ho and the North Vietnamese, they believed, were the Russians and the Chinese.
他们认为，胡志明和北越人背后真正的恶霸是俄罗斯人和中国人。
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: The men at the top did not want to be bothered with rethinking of assumptions; and most of what a dissenter might offer -- namely, that Chinese Communism was no mortal threat to us and was very different from the Soviet form of Communism, and that Hanoi posed no major threat to us and was different itself from Moscow and Peking -- this kind of thing, this kind of challenge to the assumptions underlying a policy, was regarded as troublemaking.
小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.），国家安全委员会工作人员：高层人士不想为重新思考假设而烦恼；持不同政见者可能提出的大部分观点——即中国共产主义对我们没有致命的威胁，与苏联形式的共产主义有很大不同，河内对我们没有构成重大威胁，并且与莫斯科和北京不同——这种事情，这种对政策基础假设的挑战，被认为是制造麻烦。
McCullough: [voice-over] Of all his advisers, only one was ready to be a troublemaker, to challenge the conventional wisdom that Johnson had no choice but to send in troops: Undersecretary of State George Ball.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在他所有的顾问中，只有一位愿意成为麻烦制造者，挑战约翰逊别无选择只能派兵的传统观念：副国务卿乔治·鲍尔。
George Ball, Undersecretary of State: But I thought that the balloon was going up much too fast, so I spent a few nights preparing a memorandum which was 75 pages or so, which is now in the public domain, in which I challenged every assumption of our war in Vietnam and came to the conclusion that it wasn't a war we could win.
乔治·鲍尔，副国务卿：但我认为气球上升得太快了，所以我花了几个晚上准备了一份大约 75 页的备忘录，该备忘录现已公开，我在备忘录中挑战了我们在越南战争中的每一个假设，并得出了这样的结论：这不是一场我们能够获胜的战争。
And the next morning, I got a call.
第二天早上，我接到电话。
He said, "Damn you, George, you've kept me awake all night.
他说：“该死的，乔治，你让我整晚都睡不着。
I read that thing three times.
那句话我读了三遍。
Why didn't you ever get to me before?
为什么你之前从来没有来找过我？
Get over here in the morning and we'll discuss it if it takes all day."
早上过来，如果需要一整天的话我们会讨论一下。”
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: George Ball is telling Johnson, "Look, you're going to lose in Vietnam.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：乔治·鲍尔告诉约翰逊，“看，你将在越南失败。
You're going to end up with a protracted war that will divide America.
最终将导致一场旷日持久的战争，从而分裂美国。
At the end of three or four or five years, you're going to be in Vietnam with 500,000 American troops and you're not going to accomplish your political objective." He's advising Johnson to let the government fall, let the government of South Vietnam fall and walk away.
三、四年或五年后，你将在越南部署 50 万美军，而你将无法实现你的政治目标。”他建议约翰逊让政府垮台，让南越政府垮台然后走开。
And it must be shocking to him; I mean, what if George Ball's right?
这一定让他感到震惊；我的意思是，如果乔治·鲍尔是对的呢？
Now, from his military advisers he hears the same thing: it's going to be a long, protracted war in the jungles of Vietnam -- four, five years, 500,000 troops, 600,000 troops.
现在，他从他的军事顾问那里听到了同样的事情：越南丛林将是一场旷日持久的战争——四年、五年，50万、60万军队。
This must have been extraordinary pressure on this man at this one period.
这对这个时期的男人来说，一定是一种非同寻常的压力。
"What do I do?
“我该怎么办？
Is George Ball right?
乔治·鲍尔说得对吗？
Are the military commanders right?
军事指挥官们说得对吗？
Is this going to be a quagmire?"
难道这里会陷入泥潭吗？”
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson still clung to the idea that the South Vietnamese Army could win the war themselves.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊仍然坚信南越军队可以自己赢得战争。
He told his advisers, "Get every South Vietnamese man under 40 years and get it done.
他告诉他的顾问，“让每一位 40 岁以下的南越男子来完成这项任务。
Fight 'em, kill 'em.
与他们战斗，杀死他们。
Get off that gold-watch Phi Beta Kappa key.
取下那把金表 Phi Beta Kappa 钥匙。
Let's get going."
我们走吧。”
At the end of March, Ho Chi minh vowed that he was ready to fight another 20 years if that's what it took to win.
3月底，胡志明发誓，如果要赢得胜利，他准备再战20年。
Johnson grew more and more grim.
约翰逊的表情越来越严肃。
"Everything I knew about history," he said, "told me that if I got out of Vietnam and let Ho Chi Minh run through the streets of Saigon, then I'd be doing exactly what they did in World War II.
“我所知道的关于历史的一切，”他说，“告诉我，如果我离开越南，让胡志明在西贡的街道上奔跑，那么我就会像他们在第二次世界大战中所做的那样。
I'd be giving a big fat reward to aggression."
我会对侵略行为给予丰厚的奖励。”
The war was careening out of control.
战争正在失控。
South Vietnam was about to fall.
南越即将沦陷。
Johnson could hesitate no longer.
约翰逊不能再犹豫了。
He would have to decide: escalate or withdraw.
他必须做出决定：升级还是撤回。
At the end of July, he invited his advisers to a remarkable series of meetings that lasted all week.
七月底，他邀请顾问们参加了一系列持续一周的精彩会议。
The issues would be aired one last time.
这些问题将最后一次播出。
"I don't want to make any snap judgments," Johnson told them.
“我不想做出任何仓促的判断，”约翰逊告诉他们。
"I want to consider all our options." Once again, Ball argued his case -- "We cannot win, this war will be long and protracted"; and once again, Ball was shot down -- "If the Communist world finds out we will not pursue our commitment to the end, I don't know where they will stay their hand."
“我想考虑我们所有的选择。”鲍尔再次论证了他的观点——“我们赢不了，这场战争将是漫长而持久的”；鲍尔再次被击落——“如果共产主义世界发现我们不会将我们的承诺贯彻到底，我不知道他们会把手放在哪里。”
Dean Rusk, Secretary of State: How we reacted in Vietnam would be looked upon by other governments as a sign as to how we would react under other treaties, such as NATO and the Rio Pact.
国务卿迪恩·腊斯克：我们在越南的反应将被其他政府视为我们将如何根据其他条约（例如北约和里约条约）做出反应的标志。
In other words, this was a -- the reputation of the United States for fidelity to its security treaties is not just a simple question of face and prestige.
换句话说，美国忠诚于其安全条约的声誉不仅仅是一个简单的面子和威望问题。
It's a real pillar of peace in the world.
它是世界和平的真正支柱。
McCullough: [voice-over] Secretary of Defense McNamara agreed with Rusk.
麦卡洛：[画外音]国防部长麦克纳马拉同意腊斯克的观点。
He assured the President that we could win within two and a half years; there was no risk of a catastrophe.
他向总统保证我们可以在两年半内获胜；不存在发生灾难的风险。
But Ball continued to argue: "Take what precautions we can, Mr. President.
但鲍尔继续辩称：“总统先生，我们要采取尽可能的预防措施。
Take our losses, negotiate, discuss," knowing full well there will be a probable takeover by the Communists.
接受我们的损失，谈判，讨论”，我们完全知道共产党可能会接管。
William P.
威廉·P。
Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State: It would have been terribly difficult to do what George Ball urged, which was straight withdrawal.
邦迪，助理国务卿：乔治·鲍尔所敦促的直接撤军是非常困难的。
It would have been, I think, very damaging to the country.
我认为这会对国家造成很大损害。
It would have been very divisive.
这会引起很大的分歧。
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: Withdrawal is not what a big, commanding Texan ever does.
小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.），国家安全委员会工作人员：撤军并不是一个强大的德克萨斯人会做的事情。
On the other hand, he was one of the world's great deal-makers.
另一方面，他是世界上最伟大的交易撮合者之一。
He just didn't know how to do it overseas, especially when Communism was involved and when the White House appeared to be at stake.
他只是不知道如何在海外做到这一点，特别是当涉及共产主义并且白宫似乎处于危险之中时。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: I have a great sympathy with the man for what he went through with reference to the war.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德（Clark Clifford）：我对他在战争中所经历的事情深表同情。
I don't know whether any other President would have done it any differently.
我不知道其他总统是否会采取不同的做法。
If you analyze it with great care, as he did, and you line up all those in favor of going on with it and those who were opposed, it's 10, 15, 20 to one.
如果你像他那样仔细分析，然后将所有赞成继续实施的人和反对的人排列起来，那么比例就是 10、15、20 比一。
McCullough: [voice-over] After months of doubt, the President made his decision.
麦卡洛：[画外音]经过几个月的怀疑，总统做出了决定。
He had inherited a limited war; now he chose to expand it.
他继承了一场有限的战争；现在他选择扩大它。
On July 28, 1965, he addressed reporters at an afternoon press conference.
1965年7月28日，他在下午的新闻发布会上向记者发表讲话。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: I have today ordered to Vietnam the air mobile division and certain other forces which will raise our fighting strength from 75,000 to 125,000 men almost immediately.
约翰逊：我今天已向越南下令派遣空中机动师和某些其他部队，这将使我们的战斗力几乎立即从 75,000 人增加到 125,000 人。
Additional forces will be needed later, and they will be sent as requested.
稍后需要额外的部队，我们将按要求派遣。
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: This was it.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：就是这样。
The war was Americanized.
战争美国化了。
We were committed.
我们很坚定。
We were committed to not losing Vietnam.
我们致力于不失去越南。
Daniel Ellsberg, Defense Department Staff: Most people have always imagined -- and because, in part, they've been told -- that a President like Johnson could only have gotten us into this if he had been unaware, if he had been deceived, lied to.
丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格，国防部工作人员：大多数人一直想象——部分原因是他们被告知——像约翰逊这样的总统只有在不知情、被欺骗、撒谎的情况下才可能让我们陷入困境。
Now, that was untrue.
现在，那是不真实的。
He had been told he was heading into a catastrophe, but I think he found it in himself that he might get away with it, and that possibility, I think, drew him on into this sea of devastation.
有人告诉他他将陷入一场灾难，但我认为他发现自己可能逃脱惩罚，我认为这种可能性把他带入了这片灾难的海洋。
McCullough: [voice-over] The President never asked for a declaration of war, but on July 28, 1965, Lyndon Johnson went to war in Vietnam.
麦卡洛：[画外音]总统从未要求宣战，但 1965 年 7 月 28 日，林登·约翰逊在越南参战。
He kept the risks and costs of war hidden from the American people.
他向美国人民隐瞒了战争的风险和代价。
He never told them he'd been warned that hundreds of thousands of soldiers might be needed, never prepared them for the struggle he knew might lie ahead.
他从未告诉他们，他已被警告可能需要数十万士兵，也从未让他们为他知道可能面临的斗争做好准备。
Reporter: Does the fact that you're sending additional forces imply any change in the existing policy of relying mainly on the South Vietnamese to carry out offensive operations?
记者：增派兵力是否意味着现行主要依靠南越实施进攻的政策会发生变化？
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: It does not imply any change of policy whatever.
约翰逊：这并不意味着政策有任何变化。
It does not imply any change of objective.
这并不意味着目标有任何改变。
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: He doesn't tell the American people what's really going on because he fears that if he moves ahead and escalates the war in Vietnam and mobilizes and does all of his actions, that's the end of the Great Society.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：他没有告诉美国人民到底发生了什么，因为他担心如果他继续前进并升级越南战争并动员并采取所有行动，那就是伟大社会的终结。
That's the end of the one thing he cares about more than anything.
他最关心的一件事就这样结束了。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: This nation is mighty enough, its society is healthy enough, its people are strong enough to pursue our goals in the rest of the world while still building a Great Society here at home.
约翰逊：这个国家足够强大，它的社会足够健康，它的人民足够强大，可以在世界其他地方追求我们的目标，同时仍在国内建设一个伟大的社会。
McCullough: [voice-over] Just two days after his decision to commit Americans to a land war in Asia, he traveled to Independence, Missouri and signed into law Medicare.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在他决定让美国人参加亚洲的陆地战争两天后，他前往密苏里州独立市并签署了医疗保险法。
Newsreel Announcer: Mr. Johnson chose to sign the bill here as a tribute to former President Truman.
新闻片播音员：约翰逊先生选择在这里签署该法案，是为了向前总统杜鲁门致敬。
The former President campaigned for Medicare 20 years ago, but it took two decades for his proposal to become law.
这位前总统二十年前就曾为医疗保险竞选，但他的提案花了二十年才成为法律。
The new bill expands the 30-year-old Social Security program to provide hospital care, nursing-home care, home-nursing services and outpatient treatment for those over 65.
新法案扩大了已有30年历史的社会保障计划，为65岁以上的老年人提供医院护理、疗养院护理、家庭护理服务和门诊治疗。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson continued to pass legislation.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊继续通过立法。
Only the President knew that his Great Society was in jeopardy.
只有总统知道他的伟大社会正处于危险之中。
He hid the costs of the war from Congress and signed more bills.
他向国会隐瞒了战争的费用，并签署了更多法案。
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: When he got into that Great Society mode, he looked at every problem in the society and felt, "I'm going to make it better." He had this desire to perfect everything and to have his stamp on everything.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温 (Doris Kearns Goodwin)，林登·约翰逊传记作者：当他进入“伟大社会”模式时，他审视了社会中的每一个问题，并感到：“我会让它变得更好。”他渴望完美一切，并在一切上留下自己的印记。
So he saw handicapped people, he was going to make things better for them; retarded people, he was going to make things better for them.
所以他看到残疾人，他要让他们的生活变得更好；弱智的人，他会让他们的生活变得更好。
Whatever it was, he wanted to make things better.
不管是什么，他都想让事情变得更好。
He liked to make everybody feel good.
他喜欢让每个人都感觉良好。
R.
R。
Sargent Shriver, Jr., Office of Economic Opportunity: You could see the progress which was being made for poor people.
萨金特·施莱弗 (Sargent Shriver, Jr.)，经济机会办公室：您可以看到为穷人所取得的进展。
You could see the transformation of young men and women who were in the Upward Bound program.
你可以看到参加向上发展计划的年轻男女的转变。
You could see them going to universities when they never had anybody in their family ever went [sic] to a college in their whole life.
你可以看到他们去上大学，而他们的家人从来没有人在他们的一生中上过大学。
You could see that.
你可以看到这一点。
You could see what was happening to the mothers -- not just to the children, but to the mothers of the children in the Head Start program.
你可以看到母亲们的遭遇——不仅是孩子们的遭遇，还有启蒙计划中孩子们的母亲们的遭遇。
You had mothers who were illiterate and never been to school suddenly starting to learn themselves because they were learning simultaneously with their child who was in Head Start.
有些文盲、从未上过学的母亲突然开始自学，因为她们和参加启蒙计划的孩子同时学习。
You could see people 16 to 21 who were in the Job Corps actually graduating and going out and getting jobs and beginning to lead useful lives.
你可以看到就业团中 16 到 21 岁的人实际上毕业了，出去寻找工作，开始过上有意义的生活。
People were coming out of poverty, and we could see it.
人们正在摆脱贫困，我们可以看到这一点。
Donald Malafronte, Aide to Mayor of Newark: It's like largesse, it's like a miracle.
纽瓦克市长助理唐纳德·马拉弗龙特：这就像慷慨，就像一个奇迹。
Something comes from the sky.
有东西从天上来。
There's a bunch of bills that say, "We understand your problem and we're going to send you a ton of money, 'cause it's the right and the American way."
有一堆账单上写着：“我们理解你的问题，我们将给你寄一大笔钱，因为这是正确的、美国的方式。”
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: I want economic opportunity to be spread across this land -- north, south, east and west, to all people, whatever their race, wherever they work, wherever they live.
约翰逊：我希望经济机会遍布这片土地——无论是北方、南方、东方还是西方，给所有人，无论他们的种族、工作地点、居住地。
Donald Malafronte, Aide to Mayor of Newark: Television wasn't fair to Johnson.
纽瓦克市市长助理唐纳德·马拉弗龙特：电视对约翰逊不公平。
He looked funny with those big ears and all that sort of stuff, but in person, he was really a handsome guy -- big, tall, handsome man.
他的大耳朵和诸如此类的东西看起来很有趣，但就他本人而言，他确实是一个英俊的小伙子——又高又大，英俊的男人。
And he came and he puts an arm right on -- I was kind of just a city aide, you know, happy to be looking on, and then he puts his arm around you and says, "You're doing a great job, son." Well, that's pretty heady stuff.
他来了，他伸出一只手臂——我只是一名城市助手，你知道，很高兴能在一旁观看，然后他用手臂搂住你说，“你做得很好，儿子。”嗯，这真是令人兴奋的事情。
You just loved the guy.
你只是爱那个家伙。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: This is not a time for timid souls and trembling spirits.
约翰逊：现在不是胆怯和精神颤抖的时候。
Donald Malafronte, Aide to Mayor of Newark: [audio interrupt] "...about people programs," he said.
纽瓦克市长助理唐纳德·马拉弗龙特：[音频中断]“……关于人员计划，”他说。
"People.
“人们。
I'm talking about people.
我说的是人。
I mean, p-e-e-p-u-l.
我的意思是，p-e-e-p-u-l。
I'm talking folks!"
我说的是人家！”
Rebecca Doggert, Newark Head Start: Yeah, it was an exciting time.
Rebecca Doggert，纽瓦克 Head Start：是的，那是一个激动人心的时刻。
We were being challenged by the President of the United States to go into our local communities and make a change.
美国总统要求我们深入当地社区并做出改变。
And not only was it rhetoric, there were dollars coming into local communities to make it happen.
不仅仅是言辞，还有资金流入当地社区来实现这一目标。
Lyndon Johnson was saying that this is something that has to be done, and we believed it could be done.
林登·约翰逊说这是必须要做的事情，我们相信这是可以做到的。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Washington should not be telling your home town what to do to solve its problems of poverty.
约翰逊：华盛顿不应该告诉你的家乡如何解决贫困问题。
You ought to be telling us what we can do to help you carry out your plans.
您应该告诉我们我们可以做些什么来帮助您执行您的计划。
Sergeant Shriver, Peace Corps Director: It was an attempt to energize and empower poor people.
和平队主任施赖弗中士：这是一次为穷人注入活力和赋权的尝试。
That's rarely, if ever, done by an elected government.
民选政府很少（如果有的话）这样做。
Donald Malafronte, Aide to Mayor of Newark: It had a galvanizing effect on a lot of community persons who might not have been involved in government and in politics and the American life in the way that the poverty program committed them to do, and that was great.
纽瓦克市长助理唐纳德·马拉弗龙特：这对许多社区人士产生了激励作用，他们可能没有按照贫困计划承诺的方式参与政府、政治和美国生活，这很好。
Rebecca Doggert, Newark Head Start: Certainly, this was a great opportunity for minorities, for women who, up till then, had really not had a chance to play a significant role in running a large organization.
Rebecca Doggert，纽瓦克 Head Start：当然，对于少数族裔和女性来说，这是一个绝佳的机会，而在此之前，她们还没有机会在管理大型组织中发挥重要作用。
So I very early had an opportunity to become an administrator of a very large corporation, a multimillion-dollar corporation, which, of course, was really unique in those days.
所以我很早就有机会成为一家非常大的公司的管理者，一家价值数百万美元的公司，这在当时确实是独一无二的。
We were young, we were gifted, we were black, and we saw resources there, we saw national will there, and then there was certainly this local energy of people who wanted to make a change in their lives.
我们很年轻，我们有天赋，我们是黑人，我们在那里看到了资源，我们在那里看到了国家意愿，而且当然也有当地人们想要改变自己生活的能量。
And it came together all at the same time.
它同时聚集在一起。
Ed Herlihy, Newsreel Announcer: In the same room where President Lincoln signed the first emancipation order in 1961, President Johnson sighed the 1965 Voter Registration Act and pledged to millions of Americans a new chance to find a political voice.
新闻片播音员艾德·赫利希 (Ed Herlihy)：在 1961 年林肯总统签署第一个解放令的同一个房间里，约翰逊总统感叹了 1965 年的选民登记法案，并承诺为数百万美国人提供一个寻找政治声音的新机会。
McCullough: [voice-over] The crowning achievement of the Johnson presidency was the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊总统任期内的最高成就是 1965 年的投票权法案。
One hundred years after the end of the Civil War, with a stroke of his pen, Lyndon Johnson guaranteed black Americans the right to vote.
内战结束一百年后，林登·约翰逊大笔一挥，保证了美国黑人的投票权。
But the sense of triumph and accomplishment was short-lived.
但胜利和成就感是短暂的。
Just five days after Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act, riots erupted in Watts, a black neighborhood in Los Angeles.
约翰逊签署投票权法案仅仅五天后，洛杉矶黑人社区瓦茨就爆发了骚乱。
Five days of rioting left 34 people dead.
五天的骚乱造成 34 人死亡。
Johnson was shattered.
约翰逊心碎了。
As one aide described him, "He just wouldn't accept it.
正如一位助手描述他的那样，“他就是不接受。
he refused to look at the cables from Los Angeles describing the situation.
他拒绝查看来自洛杉矶的描述情况的电报。
He refused to take the calls from the generals.
他拒绝接听将军们的电话。
They needed decisions from him, but he simply wouldn't respond."
他们需要他做出决定，但他就是不回应。”
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: He reacted very badly.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：他的反应非常糟糕。
How would you react?
你会如何反应？
You're sitting there in the White House, you're in charge of the country and people think you have all this power, and the country starts burning up.
你坐在白宫里，你负责这个国家，人们认为你拥有所有这些权力，整个国家开始燃烧。
Johnson had a good heart, but he wasn't a civil rights expert.
约翰逊心地善良，但他不是民权专家。
He knew Texas, but he didn't know big-city guys.
他了解德克萨斯州，但不了解大城市的人。
He wanted black people to be grateful.
他希望黑人心存感激。
"I did this," and he'd pull out a bill and he would tell what he did on it, "and I did this," and he'd pull another bill and tell, "and I did this, I'm doing this.
“我做了这个，”他会拿出一张钞票，告诉他他做了什么，“我做了这个，”然后他又拿出了另一张钞票，并告诉他，“我做了这个，我正在做这个。
How can they do this to me?" And people would try to tell him, and it was hard to tell him.
他们怎么可以这样对我？”人们会试图告诉他，但很难告诉他。
Harry McPherson, U.S. Senate Staff, Special Assistant to the President: American racism was still there.
美国参议院工作人员、总统特别助理哈里·麦克弗森：美国种族主义仍然存在。
The laws had not suddenly eliminated how people really felt.
法律并没有突然消除人们的真实感受。
Donald Malafronte, Aide to Mayor of Newark: I think the gap between the expectations of the early Johnson years and the ability of the government to perform created a potential explosion in every city in America.
纽瓦克市市长助理唐纳德·马拉弗龙特：我认为约翰逊早期的期望与政府的执行能力之间的差距造成了美国每个城市的潜在爆发。
People were disappointed and angry, and responded by attacking whatever was handy.
人们感到失望和愤怒，并以攻击任何方便的东西作为回应。
McCullough: [voice-over] "How is it possible," Johnson asked, "after all we've accomplished?
麦卡洛：[画外音]“这怎么可能，”约翰逊问道，“毕竟我们已经取得了成就？
How could it be?"
怎么可能？”
Speaker: [meeting] Is it too much to ask you to grant us human dignity?
演讲者：[会议]要求您给予我们人类尊严是不是太过分了？
Should we be put down and shot to death for this request?
我们应该因为这个要求而被镇压并枪杀吗？
If so, you can aim your guns.
如果是这样，你可以瞄准你的枪。
What the hell do you think we care about dying if you're going to deny us the right to live?
如果你拒绝我们生存的权利，你认为我们还关心死亡吗？
James Farmer, civil rights Activist, Congress of Racial Equality: Lyndon Johnson could not understand that the civil rights movement had changed its class content.
詹姆斯·法默，民权活动家，种族平等大会：林登·约翰逊无法理解民权运动改变了其阶级内容。
Johnson felt particularly uncomfortable with this new group of poorer blacks from the inner cities of the North.
约翰逊对这群来自北方内城的新贫困黑人感到特别不舒服。
They were not like the poor blacks and Mexican-Americans that he had had contact with down in Texas.
他们不像他在德克萨斯州接触过的贫穷黑人和墨西哥裔美国人。
These were different.
这些是不同的。
They were raucous people, they were angry people, they were belligerent folk.
他们是喧闹的人，他们是愤怒的人，他们是好战的人。
They did not see Lyndon Johnson as a friend.
他们没有将林登·约翰逊视为朋友。
They saw Lyndon Johnson as a white man.
他们将林登·约翰逊视为白人。
Stokely Carmichael: We want black power.
斯托克利·卡迈克尔：我们想要黑人权力。
We want black power.
我们想要黑人权力。
We want black power.
我们想要黑人权力。
We want black power.
我们想要黑人权力。
McCullough: [voice-over] Integration was no longer the battlecry.
麦卡洛：[画外音]整合不再是战斗口号。
"Too little, too late," is what new black voices were saying about Johnson's achievements.
“太少了，太晚了”，这是新黑人声音对约翰逊成就的评价。
The civil rights movement as Johnson knew it was over.
约翰逊所知道的民权运动已经结束了。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: He never understood it, black consciousness.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：他从来不理解黑人意识。
He did not understand that the generations of heaping inferiority into our souls needed to be purged, and if you're going to put that awful stuff into people, when people begin to expel it it's not coming out pretty.
他不明白，一代代人在我们的灵魂中堆积的自卑感需要被净化，如果你要把这些可怕的东西放进人们的心里，当人们开始驱逐它时，结果就不太好了。
You're not going to stand up and preach pretty sermons.
你不会站起来讲漂亮的布道。
You're going to say some ugly things, which people did.
你会说一些难听的话，人们也这么做了。
Stokely Carmichael: You go sit in front of your television set and listen to LBJ tell you that "Violence never accomplishes anything, my fellow Americans." But, you see, the real problem with violence is that we have never been violent.
斯托克利·卡迈克尔：你坐在电视机前，听林登·约翰逊告诉你“暴力永远不会取得任何成果，我的美国同胞们”。但是，你看，暴力的真正问题在于我们从来没有暴力过。
We have been too non-violent, too non-violent.
我们太非暴力了，太非暴力了。
McCullough: [voice-over] The optimism of the civil rights movement had gone up in flames.
麦卡洛：[画外音]民权运动的乐观情绪已经熊熊燃烧。
Justice, fairness, the war on poverty had been too long delayed in America's ghettos.
正义、公平、反贫困之战在美国的贫民窟里被拖延了太久。
Not even a politician of Johnson's genius would be able to hold the country together.
即使是约翰逊这样的天才政治家也无法让国家团结起来。
In times of stress and tension in his life, Johnson was often struck down by illness.
在生活充满压力和紧张的时候，约翰逊经常被疾病击倒。
In 1965, he entered Bethesda Navy Hospital for surgery.
1965年，他进入贝塞斯达海军医院接受手术。
With ten doctors and three Secret Servicemen in attendance, Johnson had his gallbladder and a kidney stone removed.
在十名医生和三名特勤人员的陪同下，约翰逊切除了胆囊和肾结石。
After a two-hour operation, Johnson went right back to work.
经过两个小时的手术后，约翰逊立即回到工作岗位。
He was never shy about conducting the nation's business from the most unlikely places.
他从不羞于在最不可能的地方开展国家事务。
He could be earthy and crude, even vulgar.
他可能很朴实、很粗俗，甚至很粗俗。
After his operation, he couldn't resist showing reporters his foot-long scar.
手术后，他忍不住向记者展示了他一英尺长的伤疤。
One cartoonist transformed the scar into a map of Vietnam.
一位漫画家将伤疤变成了越南地图。
Johnson had gambled his political future and the lives of tens of thousands of men that he could win a quick victory, that when he sent American troops in force, Ho would turn tail and run, but the North Vietnamese refused to quit.
约翰逊拿自己的政治前途和数以万计的人的生命作为赌注，赌上他能快速获胜，当他派出美军时，胡志明会掉头逃跑，但北越人拒绝放弃。
Ho resisted Johnson's escalation with an escalation of his own, matching him soldier for soldier.
何先生以自己的升级来抵制约翰逊的升级，并以士兵对士兵的方式与他相匹配。
Four months after Johnson's agonizing decision to send the troops, he received an ominous private report from the man who had argued most fervently for the land war in Asia.
约翰逊痛苦地决定出兵四个月后，他收到了一份不祥的私人报告，来自这位最热衷于亚洲陆地战争的人。
Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara had begun to have second thoughts.
国防部长罗伯特·麦克纳马拉开始重新考虑。
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: In late 1965, we have minutes of meetings in which the Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara tells Lyndon Johnson that "We've been too optimistic.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：1965 年末，我们有会议纪要，其中国防部长罗伯特·麦克纳马拉告诉林登·约翰逊“我们过于乐观了。
The war can't be won in the period of time that we thought."
战争不可能在我们想象的时间内获胜。”
McCullough: [voice-over] Even with 600,000 men, McNamara told him, the odds were 50/50 that after a year or more there would be a military standoff.
麦卡洛：[画外音]麦克纳马拉告诉他，即使有 60 万士兵，一年或更长时间后出现军事对峙的可能性也是 50/50。
Larry Berman, Vietnam Historian: And I think the evidence is overwhelming that Johnson did not want to hear what the Secretary of Defense had to say, and from that moment on, the relationship between the two men deteriorated and was never the same.
拉里·伯曼，越南历史学家：我认为有压倒性的证据表明约翰逊不想听国防部长不得不说的话，从那一刻起，两人之间的关系恶化并且再也不像以前那样了。
George Ball, Undersecretary of State: He wanted desperately to be told that things were going well, and he wasn't necessarily getting that advice.
乔治·鲍尔，副国务卿：他迫切希望被告知一切进展顺利，但他不一定得到这样的建议。
Well, I think it shook him a great deal, and I think that he felt that he had gotten a -- he was riding a tiger and he couldn't get off.
嗯，我认为这对他震动很大，我认为他感觉自己骑在老虎身上，无法下车。
McCullough: [voice-over] The White House could keep these internal debates hidden, but there was no hiding what was happening in Vietnam.
麦卡洛：[画外音]白宫可以隐藏这些内部辩论，但无法隐藏越南正在发生的事情。
Morley Safer, CBS Evening News: This is what the war in Vietnam is all about -- the old and the very young.
莫利·萨弗 (Morley Safer)，哥伦比亚广播公司晚间新闻：这就是越南战争的全部内容——老年人和年轻人。
The Marines have burned this old couple's cottage because fire was coming from here.
海军陆战队烧毁了这对老夫妇的小屋，因为火是从这里发出的。
We're on the outskirts of the village of Cam Ny with elements of the 1st Battalion, 9th Marines.
我们在 Cam Ny 村的郊区，那里有第 9 海军陆战队第 1 营的人员。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson bridled at what he saw.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊对他所看到的感到愤怒。
he knew the power of television and worried about how Americans would react to watching the war in their living rooms night after night.
他知道电视的力量，并担心美国人在客厅里夜复一夜地观看战争会有什么反应。
Morley Safer, CBS Evening News: Today's operation is the frustration of Vietnam in miniature.
哥伦比亚广播公司晚间新闻的莫利·萨弗（Morley Safer）：今天的行动是越南挫败感的缩影。
There is little doubt that American firepower can win a military victory here, but to a Vietnamese peasant whose home is a -- that means a lifetime of backbreaking labor.
毫无疑问，美国的火力可以在这里赢得军事胜利，但对于一个家乡的越南农民来说，这意味着一生的艰苦劳动。
It will take more than presidential promises to convince him that we are on his side.
要让他相信我们站在他一边，需要的不仅仅是总统的承诺。
McCullough: [voice-over] Americans began to question the conduct of the war.
麦卡洛：[画外音]美国人开始质疑战争的进行。
At first, their numbers were small and Johnson dismissed them, but he could not ignore what was happening in the Senate.
起初，他们的人数很少，约翰逊解雇了他们，但他不能忽视参议院正在发生的事情。
Sen.
参议员。
Frank Church: I still think these principles upon which we rest our policy are subject to very serious questions.
弗兰克·丘奇：我仍然认为我们政策所依据的这些原则受到非常严重的质疑。
Sen.
参议员。
William Fulbright: Well, I wish -- all I am asking for is clarification of what our objective is in this struggle.
威廉·富布赖特：嗯，我希望——我所要求的只是澄清我们在这场斗争中的目标是什么。
McCullough: [voice-over] February 1966.
麦卡洛：[画外音]1966 年 2 月。
Senator William Fulbright began to hold televised hearings.
参议员威廉·富布赖特开始举行电视听证会。
Fulbright had guided the Tonkin Gulf resolution through an obedient Congress on behalf of the President.
富布赖特代表总统通过服从的国会指导了北部湾决议。
Now he was leading Senate liberals in an anti-war revolt against the White House.
现在，他正在领导参议院自由派人士发起针对白宫的反战反抗。
Sen.
参议员。
Church: You can look at the war in Vietnam as a covert invasion of the South by the North, or you can look at it as basically an indigenous war.
丘奇：你可以将越南战争视为北方对南方的秘密入侵，也可以将其视为基本上一场本土战争。
But either way you look at it, it's a war between Vietnamese to determine what the ultimate kind of government is going to be for Vietnam.
但无论你怎么看，这都是越南人之间的一场战争，目的是决定越南最终的政府类型。
Now, when I went to school, that was a civil war.
现在，当我上学时，那是一场内战。
ABC Announcer: We'll be back with more of the stormy Senate hearings when ABC's Cope continues in just a moment.
ABC 播音员：当 ABC 的 Cope 节目稍后继续时，我们将带来更多风雨飘摇的参议院听证会。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson was furious.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊很愤怒。
He began referring to Fulbright as "half-bright" and cut him off entirely.
他开始称富布赖特为“半聪明”，并完全切断了他的联系。
Their 20-year friendship was over.
他们20年的友谊结束了。
He placed Fulbright and several other Senate liberals under FBI surveillance.
他将富布赖特和其他几位参议院自由派人士置于联邦调查局的监视之下。
Johnson ridiculed his critics.
约翰逊嘲笑他的批评者。
He called them "cut-and-run people with no guts".
他称他们为“没有胆量的跑路之人”。
"They're rather fight me than the enemy." he was beginning to hunker down, isolating himself from dissent.
“他们宁愿与我作战，也不愿与敌人作战。”他开始退缩，将自己与异见隔离开来。
Tom Paxton: [singing "Lyndon Johnson Told the Nation"] "I got a letter from LBJ/It said, 'This is your lucky day/Time to put your khaki trousers on/We've got a job for you to do/Dean Rusk has caught the Asian flu/And we are sending you to Vietnam." Lyndon Johnson told the nation/ "Have no fear of escalation/I'm trying everyone to please/Though it isn't really war/We're sending fifty thousand more/To help save Vietnam from Vietnamese"
汤姆·帕克斯顿：[唱着“林登·约翰逊告诉全国”]“我收到了林登·约翰逊的一封信/上面写着，‘这是你的幸运日/穿上卡其色裤子的时候了/我们有一份工作要你做/迪恩·腊斯克感染了亚洲流感/我们要送你去越南。"林登·约翰逊告诉全国/“不要担心升级/我正在努力取悦每个人/尽管这不是真正的战争/我们将再派遣五万人/帮助从越南人手中拯救越南”
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson had taken the country into war and kept the American people in the dark.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊将国家带入战争，并让美国人民蒙在鼓里。
Now, as the fighting escalated, many began to challenge the morality of the war.
现在，随着战斗升级，许多人开始挑战战争的道德。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: I didn't fully understand why I was opposed to the war in Vietnam.
罗尼·杜格（Ronnie Dugger），林登·约翰逊传记作者：我并不完全明白为什么我反对越南战争。
I just knew that it was wrong for a great, proud, abundant nation, technologically superior to anything in the world, going in and crushing a peasant society.
我只知道，对于一个伟大、自豪、富裕、技术优于世界上任何国家的国家来说，进入并摧毁农民社会是错误的。
In my opinion, it was like a decision to release the furies.
在我看来，这就像释放愤怒的决定。
I think the thing that the anti-war movement probably didn't understand is that once he had made it, he wasn't going to draw back.
我认为反战运动可能不明白的是，一旦他成功了，他就不会后退。
Johnson actively argued with me that he was trapped, that he had tried to do everything to bring peace.
约翰逊积极地与我争辩说他被困住了，他已尽一切努力来带来和平。
"I don't want people to think I'm a coward," he would often say.
“我不想让人们认为我是个胆小鬼，”他经常说。
"I don't want to be the first President who's lost a war." Well, what does it matter if he's the first President who's lost a war that shouldn't be fought anyway?
“我不想成为第一个输掉战争的总统。”好吧，如果他是第一位输掉一场本来不应该打的战争的总统，那又有什么关系呢？
Anti-War Demonstrations: [chanting] End the war in Vietnam!
反战示威：[高呼]结束越南战争！
Bring the troops home!
把部队带回家！
End the war in Vietnam!
结束越南战争！
Bring the troops home!
把部队带回家！
McCullough: [voice-over] By the summer of 1966, hundreds of thousands of Americans were in Vietnam.
麦卡洛：[画外音]到 1966 年夏天，已有数十万美国人在越南。
Still, his generals kept asking for more.
尽管如此，他的将军们仍然要求更多。
Thousands were dead, Johnson's dream of a Great Society was in danger, and the end was nowhere in sight.
数千人死亡，约翰逊的伟大社会梦想陷入危险，而且还看不到结局。
McCullough: [voice-over] It was called "the Golden Chalice", the marriage of the President's younger daughter, Luci Baines Johnson.
麦卡洛：[画外音]这桩婚姻被称为“金杯”，是总统小女儿露西·贝恩斯·约翰逊的婚姻。
One reporter said, "Nobody was invited except the immediate country." It was August 6, 1966.
一位记者表示，“除了本国以外，没有人被邀请。”那是 1966 年 8 月 6 日。
There was war in Vietnam and riots in the streets, but there was still more Johnson hoped to do.
越南发生了战争，街头发生了骚乱，但约翰逊仍然希望做更多的事情。
What he wanted was time -- time to build his Great Society.
他想要的是时间——建设他的伟大社会的时间。
"We can't quit now," he told an aide.
“我们现在不能退出，”他告诉助手。
"This may be the last chance we have." But time was running out.
“这可能是我们最后的机会。”但时间已经不多了。
Over four long, hot summers, riots had become a brutal fact of American life.
在四个漫长而炎热的夏天里，骚乱已成为美国生活的残酷事实。
Johnson looked helplessly on as more than 150 cities went up in flames.
约翰逊无助地看着 150 多个城市被大火吞噬。
Detroit was the worst -- 43 dead, 7,000 arrested, 1,300 buildings destroyed.
底特律的情况最为严重——43 人死亡、7,000 人被捕、1,300 座建筑物被毁。
Johnson dispatched army paratroopers and prepared to send his own task force to investigate.
约翰逊派遣了陆军伞兵，并准备派出自己的特遣部队前往调查。
As part of the task force, Roger Wilkins was there as the President issued his final instructions.
作为特别工作组的一员，罗杰·威尔金斯在总统发布最后指示时也在场。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: And he started in a low key.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：他一开始很低调。
"I don't want any bullets in those guns.
“我不想要那些枪里有子弹。
You hear me?
你听到了吗？
I don't want any bullets in those guns!
我不想要那些枪里有子弹！
You hear me, gentlemen?
先生们，你们听到了吗？
I don't want any bullets in those guns.
我不想要那些枪里有子弹。
I don't want it known that any one of my men shot a pregnant nig -- " and he looked at me and his face got red.
我不想让别人知道我的手下射杀了一名怀孕的黑人——”他看着我，脸涨得通红。
I was the only black in the room.
我是房间里唯一的黑人。
"Well, I don't -- I just -- no bullets in those guns." But he was clearly embarrassed, and everybody in the room was embarrassed.
“嗯，我不——我只是——那些枪里没有子弹。”但他显然很尴尬，房间里的每个人都很尴尬。
So then he told us to go home and pack and get an Air Force plane to go to Detroit.
然后他告诉我们回家收拾行李并乘坐空军飞机前往底特律。
And as we're leaving, he called me and he said, "Come in here, Roger," and I went into his office with him.
当我们离开时，他打电话给我，他说：“进来吧，罗杰。”然后我和他一起走进了他的办公室。
And he didn't say anything.
他什么也没说。
I mean, I knew he wanted to say, "I didn't mean to say 'nigger'," but he meant to say 'nigger'.
我的意思是，我知道他想说，“我不是想说‘黑鬼’，”但他想说的是‘黑鬼’。
And I knew he wanted to say, "I apologize." He didn't know how to say it.
我知道他想说：“我道歉。”他不知道该怎么说。
And so he walked me over to the French doors that went out to the Rose Garden, and it's the area where Eisenhower had his putting green.
于是他带我走到通向玫瑰园的法式门，这里是艾森豪威尔的果岭区。
And he looked out, and he looked at me, and he looked down, looked out, looked down.
他向外看，看着我，然后低头看，向外看，低头看。
There were pockmarks on the floor where Eisenhower's golf shoes had hit the floor.
地板上有艾森豪威尔高尔夫球鞋接触过的坑痕。
And he finally looked at me, and he looked at the floor, and he said, "Look what that son of a bitch did to my floor!" And then he patted me on the back and said, "Have a nice trip." And that was his way of apologizing.
最后他看着我，看着地板，他说：“看看那个王八蛋对我的地板做了什么！”然后他拍拍我的背说：“旅途愉快。”这就是他道歉的方式。
It was very human, I thought.
我想，这很人性化。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: We will not tolerate lawlessness.
约翰逊：我们不会容忍无法无天的行为。
We will not endure violence.
我们不会忍受暴力。
It matters not by whom it is done or under what slogan or banner.
由谁来完成、以什么口号或旗帜来完成并不重要。
It will not be tolerated.
这是不会容忍的。
Pillage, looting, murder and arson have nothing to do with civil rights.
掠夺、抢劫、谋杀和纵火与公民权利无关。
They are criminal conduct.
它们是犯罪行为。
Donald Malafronte, Aide to Mayor of Newark: The anti-poverty program evaporated in the rioting of '66-'67 and with the pressure on Johnson to establish order in the streets.
纽瓦克市市长助理唐纳德·马拉弗龙特 (Donald Malafronte)：反贫困计划在 66 年至 67 年的骚乱中消失了，而且约翰逊面临建立街头秩序的压力。
This was not the man in front of Congress, saying, "We've got to do more"; it was a man concerned and upset and maybe worried about his political future and on the phone to the governor, saying, "Damn it, crack down on those people." What happened was, we were all overwhelmed by the times.
这不是那个在国会面前说“我们必须做得更多”的人；而是那个在国会面前说“我们必须做得更多”的人。这是一个忧心忡忡、心烦意乱的人，也许还担心自己的政治前途，他在电话里给州长说：“该死，镇压那些人。”发生的事情是，我们都被时代压垮了。
So was he.
他也是。
McCullough: [voice-over] The mood of the country had changed.
麦卡洛：[画外音]整个国家的气氛已经改变。
Many Americans began talking about law and order.
许多美国人开始谈论法律和秩序。
Johnson was accused of forcing racial equality and neglecting the needs of middle-class white Americans.
约翰逊被指控强迫种族平等并忽视美国中产阶级白人的需求。
He was caught between the civil rights movement and a growing backlash of fear and resentment.
他夹在民权运动和日益强烈的恐惧和怨恨之间。
Andrew Young, Civil Rights Activist, Southern Christian Leadership Conference: The country began to get out of control, and President Johnson was no longer in control of the Congress.
安德鲁·杨，民权活动家，南方基督教领袖会议：国家开始失控，约翰逊总统不再控制国会。
The economy was creating problems for him, the war in Vietnam was being lost, and unfortunately, I'm afraid that instead of blaming all those forces, he tended to blame us.
经济给他带来了问题，越南战争正在失败，不幸的是，我担心他不会责怪所有这些力量，而是倾向于责怪我们。
And the irony of it was that we were probably the best friends he had.
讽刺的是，我们可能是他最好的朋友。
McCullough: [voice-over] On January 5, 1967, Lady Bird Johnson wrote in her diary, "A miasma of trouble hangs over everything." American planes had already struck most of the important targets in North Vietnam by the end of 1967.
麦卡洛：[画外音]1967 年 1 月 5 日，伯德·约翰逊夫人在日记中写道：“麻烦的瘴气笼罩着一切。”到 1967 年底，美国飞机已经袭击了北越的大部分重要目标。
Several times, Johnson ordered a halt in the bombing and waited for a response from Ho.
约翰逊多次下令停止轰炸并等待何的回应。
None came.
没有人来。
Johnson's generals thought he was too cautious, staying their hand, preventing them from using America's enormous firepower to force a victory.
约翰逊的将军们认为他过于谨慎，阻止了他们的行动，阻止他们利用美国的强大火力取得胜利。
But Johnson was tormented by a persistent nightmare -- the fear of triggering World War III.
但约翰逊一直被噩梦所折磨——担心引发第三次世界大战。
"In the dark at night," he said, "I would lay awake, picturing my boys flying around North Vietnam, asking myself, 'What if one of those targets you picked today triggers off Russia or China?'" Johnson spent many hours personally selecting where the bombs should fall.
“在漆黑的夜晚，”他说，“我会醒着，想象我的孩子们在北越飞行的情景，问自己，‘如果你今天选择的其中一个目标触发了俄罗斯或中国怎么办？’”约翰逊花了很多时间亲自选择炸弹应该落下的地点。
William P.
威廉·P。
Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State: He got more upset about things and more worried about constantly following it, getting the latest statistics, unreliable as we knew they were.
邦迪，助理国务卿：他对事情感到更加不安，并且更加担心不断地跟踪它，获取最新的统计数据，而我们知道它们是不可靠的。
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: I remember once, in a meeting where the Defense Department was briefing him, and the figures didn't seem to jive to me at all.
乔治·里迪（George Reedy），美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书：我记得有一次，在国防部向他通报情况的一次会议上，这些数字似乎根本不让我高兴。
It sounded to me as though they'd killed ten times as many people as had lived in Vietnam over a period of two centuries.
在我看来，两个世纪以来，他们杀害的人数是越南的十倍。
And I slipped him a note, you know, to ask a couple of questions, a practice that we'd been engaging in ever since I worked for him.
我给他塞了一张纸条，你知道，问了几个问题，自从我为他工作以来，我们就一直在这样做。
Boy, I got the dirtiest look.
男孩，我的表情最肮脏。
"No more of this." That was the last time I tried it, 'cause I realized it was hopeless.
“别再这样了。”那是我最后一次尝试，因为我意识到这是无望的。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: And since our commitment of major forces in July '65, the proportion of the population living under Communist control has been reduced to well under 20 percent.
约翰逊：自从我们在 65 年 7 月投入主要力量以来，生活在共产党控制下的人口比例已经减少到远低于 20%。
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: I am not sure that he didn't think he was telling the truth.
司法部长尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫：我不确定他是否认为自己说的是实话。
He had a capacity for self-deception about facts that was ten times the capacity of anybody else I've ever met.
他对事实的自欺欺人能力是我见过的其他人的十倍。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: And in the contested areas, the tide continues to run with us.
约翰逊：在有争议的地区，潮流继续伴随着我们。
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: Everything would come around into his way he felt comfortable looking at it, whether that had any relationship to what went on or not.
尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫（Nicholas Katzenbach），司法部长：一切都会以他认为舒服的方式发生，无论这与所发生的事情是否有任何关系。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: The campaigns of the last year drove the enemy from many of their major interior bases.
约翰逊：去年的战役将敌人赶出了许多主要的内陆基地。
McCullough: [voice-over] When Johnson continued to insist that America was making progress, fewer and fewer people believed him.
麦卡洛：[画外音]当约翰逊继续坚称美国正在取得进步时，相信他的人越来越少。
No one directly accused the President of lying; they called it "the credibility gap".
没有人直接指责总统撒谎；他们称之为“信誉差距”。
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: He was so used to using words as a means of persuasion to get somebody to do something, so used to talking to seven different people telling them seven different things so that they would all come together to do what he wanted, that lying and persuasion were all part of the same thing for him.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温（Doris Kearns Goodwin），林登·约翰逊传记作者：他太习惯用语言作为说服别人做某事的手段，太习惯与七个不同的人交谈，告诉他们七件不同的事情，这样他们就会聚集在一起做他想做的事，撒谎和说服对他来说都是同一件事的一部分。
And I don't think he even knew the truth.
我认为他甚至不知道真相。
Truth was the action, the product; the means didn't matter, how you got there.
真理就是行动、产品；手段并不重要，重要的是你如何到达那里。
But when you're President and you make statements, and those statements are then picked up and they're put on television, you're not just talking to seven different southerners and northerners who will never speak to one another.
但是，当你担任总统并发表声明，然后这些声明被收录并播放到电视上时，你不仅仅是在与七个永远不会互相交谈的不同南方人和北方人交谈。
Suddenly, you get this credibility gap 'cause people hold you to your statements.
突然间，你会发现这种可信度差距，因为人们坚持你的陈述。
McCullough: [voice-over] Vietnam has become Lyndon Johnson's war, and the demonstrations turned personal.
麦卡洛：[画外音]越南已经成为林登·约翰逊的战争，示威活动变成了针对个人的战争。
Rally Speaker: As Verne stumbled out of that bunker, dazed, with blood on him, he didn't mumble, "Those bastard Vietcong." He didn't mumble, "Those bastard Communists." He didn't mumble, "Those slope-eyed bastards." He mumbled only one thing over and over, "That bastard Johnson.
集会发言人：当凡尔纳跌跌撞撞地走出那个掩体时，他头晕目眩，浑身是血，他没有咕哝道：“那些混蛋越共。”他没有嘟哝：“那些混蛋共产党人。”他没有嘟囔道：“那些斜眼混蛋。”他一遍又一遍地只咕哝着一件事：“那个混蛋约翰逊。
That bastard Johnson."
约翰逊那个混蛋。”
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: He didn't understand it.
美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书乔治·里迪：他不明白。
He was totally and completely baffled by it.
他对此完全感到困惑。
For one thing, the White House was loaded with very young people, and he would always see them correctly dressed, perfectly groomed, proper.
一方面，白宫里挤满了年轻人，他总是会看到他们穿着得体、修饰得体、得体。
And to him, this must be American youth, and therefore he didn't know who those people were outside the gates.
而对他来说，这肯定是美国年轻人，因此他不知道门外的那些人是谁。
You know, were they extraterrestrial?
你知道，他们是外星人吗？
Where did they come from?
他们从哪里来？
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: I think he would have been astounded if he had known, when they marched on Washington, that a bunch of kids were sleeping in my house on the floor and a bunch of kids were sleeping in Bob McNamara's house on the floor.
司法部长尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫：我想，当他们向华盛顿游行时，如果他知道一群孩子睡在我房子的地板上，而一群孩子睡在鲍勃·麦克纳马拉房子的地板上，我想他一定会感到惊讶。
We never told the President that our children felt as they did about the war in Vietnam, and he probably wouldn't have understood it.
我们从未告诉总统，我们的孩子对越南战争有同样的感受，他可能不会理解。
But I think he probably suspected left-wing plots, that sort of thing.
但我认为他可能怀疑左翼阴谋之类的事情。
George Ball, Undersecretary of State: He said, "George, don't pay any attention to all these kids on the campus.
乔治·鲍尔，副国务卿：他说，“乔治，不要关注校园里的所有这些孩子。
They'll stomp around and make a lot of noise.
他们会跺脚并发出很大的噪音。
What really matters, what is the great black beast that we have to fear, is the right wing."
真正重要的是右翼，我们必须害怕的黑色巨兽。”
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: He was frustrated because he couldn't end it and because he thought he couldn't win it.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：他很沮丧，因为他无法结束它，因为他认为自己无法赢得它。
And I kept trying to plead with him to end it, to win it -- to end by winning it.
我一直试图恳求他结束这一切，赢得它——以赢得它来结束。
And I said, "You ought to -- if you have to blow Hanoi off the face of the earth, blow it off the face of the earth." He said, "I can't do that.
我说，“如果你必须把河内从地球表面上吹走，你应该——把它从地球表面上吹走。”他说：“我不能那样做。
I can't do that.
我不能那样做。
They tell me we're winning.
他们告诉我我们赢了。
We're going to win this thing.
我们会赢得这件事。
I can't use ultimate power." I said, "Why can't you?" And I said, "I don't care what advice you're getting from whom." I said, "It's too slow.
我无法使用终极力量。”我说：“你为什么不能？”我说：“我不在乎你从谁那里得到什么建议。”我说：“太慢了。
The war's too slow.
战争进展太慢了。
You're not winning the war, you're losing the battle at home, and it's going to destroy you."
你没有赢得战争，你正在输掉国内的战斗，这会摧毁你。”
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: There were no good choices that anybody could devise as to how you were going to get out Vietnam and still have an honorable peace or something of that kind.
司法部长尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫（Nicholas Katzenbach）：对于如何离开越南并仍然享有光荣的和平或类似的东西，任何人都无法做出好的选择。
The choices that you had were all skewed towards, "Do I send in more troops?", "Do I keep the same troops in there?", "Do I do more bombing?", "Do I put on more pressure?", "In what kind of cheap way can I put it on?", "What are the risks of China coming in?", "Should I bomb in Cambodia?" They were all hawkish choices, because there really wasn't anything on the other side that you could devise.
你的选择都偏向于“我要派更多的军队吗？”、“我要保留同样的部队吗？”、“我要不要进行更多的轰炸？”、“我要施加更多的压力吗？”、“我可以以什么样的廉价方式施加压力？”、“中国进来有什么风险？”、“我应该轰炸柬埔寨吗？”它们都是鹰派的选择，因为对方确实没有什么可以设计的。
We have more than half a million men there.
我们那里有超过五十万人。
How are you going to get them out?
你要怎么把他们救出来？
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.: The bombs in Vietnam explode at home.
马丁·路德·金博士：越南的炸弹在家里爆炸。
They destroy the dream and possibility for a decent America.
他们摧毁了一个体面的美国的梦想和可能性。
It is estimated that we spend $322,000 for each enemy we kill in Vietnam, while we spend, in the so-called War On Poverty in America, only about $53 for each person classified as poor.
据估计，我们在越南每杀死一个敌人就要花费 322,000 美元，而在美国所谓的反贫困战争中，我们只为每个被归类为穷人的人花费大约 53 美元。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: I argued with him a great deal.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：我和他争论了很多。
I said, "You know, you're wrong.
我说：“你知道，你错了。
You're telling the American people that they can have guns and butter, and," I said, "that's wrong.
你告诉美国人民他们可以拥有枪支和黄油，”我说，“这是错误的。
This war is costing an awful lot of money, and you can't have, you shouldn't have guns and butter."
这场战争花费了大量金钱，你不能、也不应该拥有枪支和黄油。”
Sergeant Shriver, Peace Corps Director: The War Against Poverty was killed by the war in Vietnam -- first of all, because of the lack of money; secondly, it stopped because of preoccupation with the shooting war and the killing fields of that war.
和平队主任施赖弗中士：反贫困战争被越南战争扼杀了——首先是因为缺钱；其次是因为缺钱。其次，它的停止是因为人们对战争和战争的杀戮场的关注。
Death and destruction and bombing and all that captures the public imagination much more than creating something that's good.
死亡、破坏、轰炸以及所有这些比创造美好事物更能激发公众的想象力。
Birth is never dramatized like death.
出生从来不像死亡那样被戏剧化。
McCullough: [voice-over] The raids over North Vietnam continued until more tons of bombs were dropped on Vietnam than had been dropped during all of World War II.
麦卡洛：[画外音]对北越的袭击一直持续到越南投下的炸弹数量比整个二战期间投下的炸弹还要多。
Still, Ho resisted.
尽管如此，何先生还是拒绝了。
"Hanoi and other cities may be destroyed," Ho told his countrymen, "but the Vietnamese people will not be intimidated."
“河内和其他城市可能会被摧毁，”何先生告诉他的同胞，“但越南人民不会被吓倒。”
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: The Vietnamese, had we bombed them to the Stone Age, would have gone back into the jungle, waited us out.
小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.），国家安全委员会工作人员：如果我们把越南人炸到石器时代，他们就会回到丛林里，等着我们出去。
They knew something that we also knew but didn't acknowledge, and that was that someday we would go home and they could come back and rebuild what we had destroyed.
他们知道一些我们也知道但不承认的事情，那就是有一天我们会回家，他们可以回来重建我们所摧毁的一切。
Sec.
秒。
Rusk: I think I made two mistakes in judgment.
腊斯克：我认为我在判断上犯了两个错误。
One was that I underestimated the tenacity of the North Vietnamese, and I think I overestimated the patience of the American people.
一是我低估了北越人的顽强，我想我高估了美国人民的耐心。
McCullough: [voice-over] By the end of 1967, a grim sense of siege was settling over the White House.
麦卡洛：[画外音]到 1967 年底，一股严峻的围困感笼罩着白宫。
The President dug in.
总统挖了坑。
He had spent a lifetime climbing to the pinnacle of power; his whole political life now hung on only one issue -- Vietnam.
他花了一生的时间攀登权力的顶峰；他的整个政治生涯现在只围绕一个问题——越南。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: He decided to call in the men whom he respected most.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：他决定召集他最尊敬的人。
They became known as "the Wise Men." There were about ten of them.
他们被称为“智者”。他们大约有十个人。
If you put the total service, those men must have had 250 to 300 years of government service.
如果算上总服务时间，这些人一定有 250 到 300 年的政府服务经验。
McCullough: [voice-over] These were the architects of American foreign policy -- Dean Acheson, John McCloy, Averell Harriman.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他们是美国外交政策的缔造者——迪恩·艾奇逊、约翰·麦克洛伊、艾夫里尔·哈里曼。
"Contain Communism, don't let it spread" had been their advice to every President since Truman.
“遏制共产主义，不要让它蔓延”是他们自杜鲁门以来对每一位总统的建议。
William P.
威廉·P。
Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State: The picture that was given to them was that we are making slow, grinding progress and we thought we could see, at some point, a break, with the other side really starting to really weaken and go downhill.
邦迪，助理国务卿：他们得到的画面是，我们正在取得缓慢而艰难的进展，我们认为我们可以在某个时候看到突破，而另一方确实开始真正衰弱并走下坡路。
McCullough: [voice-over] Dean Acheson said later, "I told him he was wholly right on Vietnam, that he had no choice except to press on."
麦卡洛：[画外音]迪恩·艾奇逊后来说，“我告诉他，他在越南问题上的看法完全正确，除了继续前进之外，他别无选择。”
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: They voted unanimously for him to go on with his course.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：他们一致投票支持他继续他的路线。
He was greatly comforted by that.
对此，他感到极大的安慰。
William P.
威廉·P。
Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State: The advice they gave was, "Look, the country doesn't see it the way you're describing it.
邦迪，助理国务卿：他们给出的建议是，“听着，这个国家并不像你描述的那样看待它。
You've got to develop a way to make your assessments of the situation more credible."
你必须找到一种方法，让你对局势的评估更加可信。”
George Ball, Undersecretary of State: Well, they gave him perfectly silly advice.
乔治·鲍尔，副国务卿：嗯，他们给了他完全愚蠢的建议。
They were sensible people, and why they were so silly, I don't know.
他们都是明智的人，但为什么他们这么傻，我不知道。
Their main advice was, "Well, you ought to improve your public relations." Well, after the meeting, I spoke to Dean Acheson and John Coles and Arthur Dean, and I said, "You old bastards, you ought to be ashamed of yourselves.
他们的主要建议是：“好吧，你应该改善你的公共关系。”好吧，会后，我和迪恩·艾奇逊、约翰·科尔斯和阿瑟·迪恩谈过，我说：“你们这些老混蛋，你们应该为自己感到羞耻。
You're like a lot of vultures sitting on the fence and sending the young men out to die." And I walked out of the room.
你们就像一群秃鹰，坐在栅栏上，把年轻人送出去送死。”我走出了房间。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson had expanded the war in secret.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊秘密扩大了战争范围。
Now he set out to sell it to the American people.
现在他开始把它卖给美国人民。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: We are making progress.
约翰逊：我们正在取得进展。
We are pleased with the results that we're getting.
我们对所获得的结果感到满意。
I think we're moving more like this and I think they're moving more like this, instead of straight up and straight down.
我认为我们的移动方式更像是这样，我认为他们的移动方式也更像是这样，而不是直线上升和直线下降。
McCullough: [voice-over] He called home the commander of U.S. forces in Vietnam, General William Westmoreland, for a round of well-publicized meetings and press conferences.
麦卡洛：[画外音]他给驻越南美军司令威廉·威斯特摩兰将军打电话回家，参加了一轮广为人知的会议和新闻发布会。
Gen.
将军
William Westmoreland: The enemy is being progressively weakened.
威廉·威斯特摩兰：敌人正在被逐渐削弱。
The Vietnamese armed forces and the government as a whole is being strengthened.
越南武装部队和整个政府正在得到加强。
Lee Williams, Aide to Senator Fulbright: The glowing reports always came back from the Pentagon.
李·威廉姆斯，参议员富布赖特的助手：五角大楼总是传来热情洋溢的报告。
"Hey, just a little more!
“嘿嘿，再多一点吧！
We're winning this war, it's almost over, we can see the light at the end of the tunnel."
我们正在赢得这场战争，它即将结束，我们可以看到隧道尽头的曙光。”
McCullough: [voice-over] In the middle of December, with reporters and television cameras in tow, the President took off across the Pacific.
麦卡洛：[画外音]12月中旬，总统带着记者和电视摄像机飞越太平洋。
Johnson was inspired by the photo opportunity, but he was also moved by America's fighting men.
约翰逊受到这次拍照机会的启发，但他也被美国战士所感动。
"We're not going to yield," he told them, "and we're not going to shimmy."
“我们不会屈服，”他告诉他们，“我们也不会摇摆不定。”
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: The enemy is not beaten, but he knows that he had met his master in the field.
约翰逊：敌人没有被打败，但他知道他在战场上遇到了他的主人。
He is trying to buy time, hoping that our nation's will does not match his will.
他试图争取时间，希望我们国家的意志与他的意志不符。
McCullough: [voice-over] After just a few hours in Vietnam, the President was on his way to Pakistan and then Rome.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在越南待了几个小时后，总统就启程前往巴基斯坦，然后前往罗马。
It was like a campaign tour of old.
这就像过去的一次竞选之旅。
Johnson paid a surprise visit to the Vatican, where he assured Pope Paul VI of his desire for peace.
约翰逊突然访问梵蒂冈，向教皇保罗六世表达了他对和平的渴望。
His Holiness presented the President with a 14th century painting.
尊者向总统赠送了一幅 14 世纪的画作。
The President reciprocated with a foot-high plastic bust of himself.
总统以一英尺高的塑料半身像作为回报。
The 2,700 mile, four-day journey had buoyed Johnson's hopes.
四天 2,700 英里的旅程让约翰逊燃起了希望。
He wanted desperately to believe that America had turned the corner in Vietnam, that there was light at the end of the tunnel.
他拼命地相信美国在越南战争中已经渡过难关，隧道尽头有曙光。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: And then Tet came.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：然后春节来了。
Tet, to me, was the roof falling in.
对我来说，春节就是屋顶塌陷。
McCullough: [voice-over] America watched as South Vietnam exploded.
麦卡洛：[画外音]美国目睹了南越的爆炸。
On the first day of the Vietnamese holiday known as Tet, the North Vietnamese and Vietcong caught American forces by surprise.
在越南节日“春节”的第一天，北越和越共让美军措手不及。
Five of the six largest cities and nearly a quarter of the district capitals came suddenly under attack.
六大城市中的五座以及近四分之一的区首府突然遭到攻击。
The illusion of progress was shattered.
进步的幻想破灭了。
U.S. Marine: Find out where they are, that's the worst thing.
美国海军陆战队：找出他们在哪里，这是最糟糕的事情。
You ride around, they run into sewers, in the gutters, anywhere.
你骑着车到处跑，它们会跑进下水道、阴沟里，任何地方。
They could be anywhere.
他们可能在任何地方。
You just hope you stay alive from day to day.
你只希望自己能日复一日地活着。
I just want to go back home and go to school.
我只想回家去上学。
That's about it.
就是这样。
U.S. Marine: Quite a few.
美国海军陆战队：相当多。
We lost one the other day.
前几天我们失去了一个。
The whole thing stinks, really.
整个事情真的很臭。
McCullough: [voice-over] The Tet offensive went on for more than three weeks.
麦卡洛：[画外音]春节攻势持续了三周多。
When it was over, the Vietcong had lost thousands of experienced soldiers and failed to provoke a popular uprising; but by now, Johnson had misled the American people so often that when he told the truth, few believed him.
当战争结束时，越共损失了数千名经验丰富的士兵，并且未能激起民众起义；但到目前为止，约翰逊已经多次误导美国人民，以至于当他说出真相时，很少有人相信他。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: The biggest fact is that the stated purposes of the general uprising -- a military victory or a psychological victory -- have failed.
约翰逊：最大的事实是，总起义的既定目的——军事胜利或心理胜利——已经失败。
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: : There is an instance where the credibility gap really hurt, because I think everybody was convinced that Tet had been a very serious defeat for North Vietnam and for the Vietcong and there was just no way you could persuade the American public that that was the fact.
尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫（Nicholas Katzenbach），司法部长：有一个例子，可信度差距确实很严重，因为我认为每个人都相信春节对北越和越共来说是一次非常严重的失败，而你根本无法说服美国公众这就是事实。
Walter Cronkite, CBS Evening News: Well, it seems now more certain than ever that the bloody experience of Vietnam is to end in a stalemate.
沃尔特·克朗凯特，哥伦比亚广播公司晚间新闻：嗯，现在似乎比以往任何时候都更加确定，越南的血腥经历将以僵局结束。
This summer's almost-certain standoff will either end in real give-and-take negotiations or terrible escalation.
今年夏天几乎肯定的对峙要么以真正的让步谈判结束，要么导致可怕的升级。
McCullough: [voice-over] Walter Cronkite, the veteran newscaster who'd been called "the most trusted man in America", once supported the war.
麦卡洛：[画外音]沃尔特·克朗凯特，一位被称为“美国最值得信赖的人”的资深新闻播音员，曾经支持战争。
Tet changed his mind.
泰特改变了主意。
Walter Cronkite: And for every means we have to escalate, the enemy can match us, and that applies to invasion of the North, the use of nuclear weapons, or the mere commitment of a 100,000 or 200,000 or 300,000 more American troops to the battle.
沃尔特·克朗凯特：无论我们采取何种手段升级，敌人都可以与我们匹敌，这适用于入侵朝鲜、使用核武器，或者仅仅承诺增加 100,000 或 200,000 或 300,000 名美军参战。
And with each escalation, the world comes closer to the brink of cosmic disaster.
随着每一次升级，世界都更接近宇宙灾难的边缘。
McCullough: [voice-over] Johnson felt more and more alone.
麦卡洛：[画外音]约翰逊感到越来越孤独。
Many of those closest to him had resigned -- his Press Secretary, his Special Assistant, his personal aides and advisers.
许多与他最亲近的人都辞职了——他的新闻秘书、他的特别助理、他的私人助手和顾问。
And now, the aide he had called "the most competent man I ever knew, the most objective man I ever met", one of the original architects of the war, Robert McNamara, was leaving.
现在，被他称为“我所认识的最有能力的人、我所见过的最客观的人”的助手、战争的最初策划者之一罗伯特·麦克纳马拉即将离开。
On February 28, exhausted and disillusioned, Johnson's Secretary of Defense said goodbye.
2 月 28 日，约翰逊的国防部长疲惫不堪、幻想破灭，道别。
Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense: Mr. President, I cannot find words to express what lies in my heart today, and I think I'd better respond on another occasion.
罗伯特·麦克纳马拉，国防部长：总统先生，我无法用言语来表达我今天的心里话，我想我最好在另一个场合做出回应。
McCullough: [voice-over] "The pressure got so great Bob couldn't sleep at night," the President said later.
麦卡洛：[画外音]“压力变得如此之大，鲍勃晚上无法入睡，”总统后来说。
"I loved him and I didn't want to let him go, but he was just short of cracking.
“我爱他，我不想让他离开，但他还没有崩溃。
Two months before, he felt he was a murderer and didn't know how to extricate himself.
两个月前，他感觉自己就是一个杀人犯，不知道如何自拔。
I never felt like a murderer.
我从来没有觉得自己像个杀人犯。
That's the difference." March 1, 1968, Clark Clifford replaced McNamara as Secretary of Defense.
这就是区别。” 1968 年 3 月 1 日，克拉克·克利福德接替麦克纳马拉担任国防部长。
Half a million Americans were already in Vietnam, and Westmoreland wanted 200,000 more.
越南已经有 50 万美国人，威斯特摩兰还想再增加 20 万美国人。
Clifford confronted the Pentagon.
克利福德与五角大楼对质。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: I'd say, "Are we nearing the end of the war in Vietnam?" "We do not know." "Do we have enough men in Vietnam now?" "We do not know." "Is the bombing being effective?" "Well, in a limited way." I got down finally when I said, "Now, what is the plan for victory in Vietnam?" You know what?
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：我想说，“越南战争已经接近结束了吗？” “我们不知道。” “现在我们在越南有足够的人手吗？” “我们不知道。” “轰炸有效吗？” “嗯，以有限的方式。”当我说：“现在，在越南取得胜利的计划是什么？”我终于放下心来。你知道吗？
We didn't have any?
我们没有吗？
It's probably the first time in the career of any of them that we'd ever fought a war in the jungles of that kind.
这可能是他们职业生涯中第一次在丛林中进行这样的战争。
Firepower didn't mean anything.
火力没有任何意义。
I remember hearing a general who said, "Damn them, they wouldn't come out and fight."
我记得听到一位将军说：“该死的，他们不会出来战斗。”
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Well, make no mistake about it.
约翰逊：好吧，别搞错了。
I don't want a man in here to go back home thinking otherwise.
我不希望这里的人带着其他想法回家。
We are going to win.
我们会赢。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: He was going through an agonizing period.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：他正在经历一段痛苦的时期。
We met daily.
我们每天都见面。
I felt it was my task to do everything in my power to persuade the President to change our policy in Vietnam.
我觉得我的任务是尽我所能说服总统改变我们的越南政策。
I needed time to make every effort to reverse the process that had been going on since 1965, you see.
你看，我需要时间尽一切努力扭转自 1965 年以来一直在发生的过程。
It's like a great train: you just can't suddenly put it in reverse.
这就像一列伟大的火车：你只是不能突然让它倒车。
You have to kind of bring it to a stop, starting in at these meetings and, bit by bit by bit, pointing out the disappointments, one after another, that had occurred, the reports that we were prevailing when it turned out that we weren't, and each time hacking away.
你必须让事情停下来，从这些会议开始，一点一点地指出发生过的一次又一次令人失望的事情，指出我们占了上风的报道，但事实证明我们没有，而且每次都放弃。
And by that time, maybe we'd lost 20,000 men out there, had spends tens of billions of dollars of our country's treasure.
到那时，也许我们已经失去了两万名士兵，花费了我们国家数百亿美元的财富。
It's almost beyond human capacity, at that time, to say, "We've been wrong."
当时，说“我们错了”几乎超出了人类的能力。
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: Suppose that you are the President of the United States, and you give some orders and some men get killed.
乔治·里迪，美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书：假设你是美国总统，你发出一些命令，一些人被杀。
You aren't going to say to yourself -- I mean to yourself, late at night -- "Those men are dead because I was a damn slob and gave some silly answers." What you're going to say is, "My God, those men died in a noble cause, and we've got to see they didn't die in vain." So you send more men to vindicate their death.
你不会对自己说——我是说在深夜对自己说——“那些人都死了，因为我是个该死的懒汉，给出了一些愚蠢的答案。”你要说的是，“天哪，那些人为崇高的事业而死，我们必须确保他们没有白白牺牲。”所以你派了更多的人来为他们的死辩护。
McCullough: [voice-over] "Every night when I fell asleep," Johnson said, "I would see myself tied to the ground in the middle of a long open space.
麦卡洛：[画外音]“每天晚上，当我睡着时，”约翰逊说，“我都会看到自己被绑在一个长长的空地中央的地上。
In the distance, I could hear the voices of thousands of people.
远处，我能听到成千上万人的声音。
They were all shouting at me and running toward me: 'Coward, traitor, weakling.' They kept coming closer.
他们都对我大喊大叫，并向我跑过来：“胆小鬼、叛徒、弱者。”他们不断靠近。
They began throwing stones.
他们开始扔石头。
At exactly that moment, I would wake up."
就在那一刻，我就会醒来。”
George Reedy, U.S. Senate Staff, White House Press Secretary: Around midnight, one o'clock, two o'clock, the casualty reports would start coming in.
美国参议院工作人员、白宫新闻秘书乔治·里迪：午夜、一点、两点左右，伤亡报告将开始收到。
He would wake up automatically and call the Situation Room, or sometimes wander down there, where he could get the direct figures.
他会自动醒来并打电话给战情室，或者有时到那里闲逛，在那里他可以得到直接的数字。
And the man became haunted by it.
这个男人被它困扰了。
S.
S。
Douglas Cater: We were working, it was around nine-thirty at night, and suddenly the President came into the room.
道格拉斯·卡特：我们正在工作，当时是晚上九点三十分左右，总统突然走进房间。
And we all stood up, and he said a very strange thing.
我们都站了起来，他说了一件很奇怪的话。
He said, "Where are you sitting?" Well, he had never asked that question before.
他说：“你坐在哪里？”嗯，他以前从来没有问过这个问题。
He would sit down in any chair that he wanted to, and we would reseat ourselves to accommodate where he was sitting.
他会坐在他想要的任何椅子上，我们会重新坐下以适应他坐的位置。
But we found a seat for him and he sat down, and he just looked, like, sunk.
但我们为他找到了一个座位，他坐下了，他看起来就像是沉了下去。
And he said, "I don't know what to do.
他说：“我不知道该怎么办。
If I put in more boys, there'll be more killing.
如果我投入更多的男孩，就会有更多的杀戮。
If I take out boys, there'll be more killing.
如果我干掉男孩，就会有更多的杀戮。
Anything I do, there's going to be more killing." And he just sat there and then he got up and left.
无论我做什么，都会有更多的杀戮。”他就坐在那里，然后起身离开。
Demonstrators: [chanting] Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?
示威者：[高喊]嘿，嘿，林登·约翰逊，你今天杀了多少孩子？
Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?
嘿，嘿，林登·约翰逊，你今天杀了多少个孩子？
Jack Valenti, Special Assistant to the President: The presidency became a burden that each day became more difficult to bear.
总统特别助理杰克·瓦伦蒂：总统职位成为一种负担，一天天变得更加难以承受。
The furrows in the face were deeper.
脸上的皱纹更深了。
The eyes were sadder.
眼神更加悲伤。
And it was almost visibly apparent that this war was breaking this extraordinary, formidable man who had never been broken before.
几乎可以明显看出，这场战争正在摧毁这个以前从未被摧毁过的非凡而强大的人。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: With the turning of the country against him, his entrapment in the war, his inability to win it without simply wiping Vietnam off the map, I thought Johnson had become somewhat unstable.
罗尼·达格（Ronnie Dugger），林登·约翰逊传记作者：随着国家转向反对他，他陷入战争，他无法在不简单地将越南从地图上抹去的情况下赢得战争，我认为约翰逊已经变得有些不稳定。
Demonstrators: [chanting] Hell, no, we won't go!
示威者：[高喊]天啊，不，我们不会去！
Hell, no, we won't go!
见鬼，不，我们不会去！
Sec.
秒。
Rusk: In 1968, it became apparent to us that an awful lot of people at the grass roots had finally decided that if we could not tell them when the war was going to be over, we might as well chuck it.
腊斯克：1968 年，我们清楚地意识到，很多草根阶层最终决定，如果我们不能告诉他们战争何时结束，我们不妨放弃它。
McCullough: [voice-over] In the midst of his despair over Vietnam, Johnson was forced to cope with the 1968 presidential election.
麦卡洛：[画外音]在对越南的绝望之中，约翰逊被迫应对 1968 年的总统选举。
Sen.
参议员。
Robert F.
罗伯特·F.
Kennedy: I am announcing today my candidacy for the presidency of the United States.
肯尼迪：我今天宣布竞选美国总统。
I do not run for the presidency merely to oppose any man, but to propose new policies.
我竞选总统不仅仅是为了反对任何人，而是为了提出新的政策。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: The thing that the President really hated was the idea that he would be the mistake between the Kennedys, that he would be viewed as the mistake between the Kennedys.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：总统真正讨厌的是他会成为肯尼迪家族之间的错误，他会被视为肯尼迪家族之间的错误。
He truly hated Bob Kennedy.
他真的很讨厌鲍勃·肯尼迪。
I mean, he really hated him.
我的意思是，他真的很讨厌他。
McCullough: [voice-over] "The thing I feared from the first day of my presidency was actually coming true.
麦卡洛：[画外音]“我从就任总统第一天起就担心的事情实际上变成了现实。
Robert Kennedy had openly announced his intention to reclaim the throne in the memory of his brother."
罗伯特·肯尼迪公开宣布他打算夺回王位以纪念他的兄弟。”
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: Always paranoid, always insecure.
艾略特·珍妮威（Eliot Janeway），经济学家，约翰逊家族朋友：总是偏执，总是没有安全感。
His insecurity had grown into a disease, and the insecurity was asserting itself in proclamations and assertions.
他的不安全感已经发展成一种疾病，并且这种不安全感在宣言和主张中得到体现。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: We seek not victory of conquest, but we do seek the triumph of justice.
约翰逊：我们不寻求征服的胜利，但我们确实寻求正义的胜利。
McCullough: [voice-over] In spite of growing opposition to his war policies, warnings from his political advisers, with over 20,000 Americans dead, Johnson remained adamant.
麦卡洛：[画外音]尽管越来越多的人反对他的战争政策，他的政治顾问也发出警告，导致超过 20,000 名美国人死亡，但约翰逊仍然态度坚决。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: We seek that right, and we will -- make no mistake about it -- win.
约翰逊：我们寻求这一权利，毫无疑问，我们将会获胜。
McCullough: [voice-over] By the middle of March, Clark Clifford despaired of ever changing the President's mind.
麦卡洛：[画外音]到三月中旬，克拉克·克利福德对改变总统的想法感到绝望。
Only one group of Americans might be able to influence him -- those foreign-policy experts called "the Wise Men".
只有一群美国人可能能够影响他——那些被称为“智者”的外交政策专家。
Five months before, the Wise Men had cheered Johnson with their support.
五个月前，智者们用他们的支持为约翰逊欢呼。
Now, Clifford encouraged the President to meet with them one more time.
现在，克利福德鼓励总统再次与他们会面。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: Although it might sound somewhat conspirational, I thought it wise to contact a good many of them first, so I did.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：虽然这听起来有点阴谋，但我认为首先联系他们中的很多人是明智的，所以我这样做了。
I knew them all, I'd known them all for years, and I got a feeling from them.
我认识他们所有人，我已经认识他们很多年了，我从他们身上得到了一种感觉。
I made four, five or six contacts and found that in each instance, Tet had changed their minds.
我进行了四次、五次或六次联系，发现每一次，泰特都改变了主意。
They all came back; we went through the same process -- reading cables, getting briefed; then we met with the President.
他们都回来了；我们经历了同样的过程——阅读电报、听取简报；然后我们会见了总统。
They had all turned around.
他们都转过身来。
The impact was profound -- so profound that he thought something had gone wrong, and he used the expression "I think somebody has poisoned the well."
影响是深远的——深远到他认为出了什么问题，他用了“我认为有人在井里下了毒”这样的表达方式。
Richard Goodwin: He had picked these old Cold Warriors that were still fighting the battle of containment, and he listened to their advice, and as long as they stayed with him, he felt that he must be doing the right thing.
理查德·古德温：他选择了这些仍在打遏制战的老冷战战士，他听取了他们的建议，只要他们留在他身边，他就觉得自己一定在做正确的事情。
Then, finally, at the end, they left him.
然后，最后，最后，他们离开了他。
They all said, "It's not working," and they walked out of the room, and there was Lyndon Johnson all alone with his war, the last believer.
他们都说，“这不起作用”，然后他们走出了房间，林登·约翰逊独自一人在他的战争中，他是最后的信徒。
McCullough: [voice-over] March 31, 1968, five days after meeting with the Wise Men, Johnson appeared unusually calm as he rehearsed his speech on Vietnam.
麦卡洛：[画外音]1968 年 3 月 31 日，即与智者会面五天后，约翰逊在排练有关越南的演讲时显得异常平静。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: ...to discuss the means of bringing this war to an end.
约翰逊：……讨论结束这场战争的方法。
Now, let's have Walt outline the three or four steps we want to ask these folks to do.
现在，让沃尔特概述一下我们希望这些人执行的三到四个步骤。
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: A week before he was to deliver that speech, he called and said he wanted me to sit in from then on with those who were preparing the speech.
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：在他发表演讲的前一周，他打电话说他希望我从那时起就和准备演讲的人一起坐在一起。
But when I got there, the first line of the speech was, "My friends, I wish to speak to you tonight about the war in Vietnam."
但当我到达那里时，演讲的第一句话是：“我的朋友们，今晚我想和你们谈谈越南战争。”
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Gosh, this is hard to read, Jim.
约翰逊：天哪，这很难读，吉姆。
You have no idea.
你不知道。
It's just marked up, every word, nearly.
几乎每个字都被标记了。
You see?
你看？
Clark Clifford, Presidential Adviser: On the evening of Sunday, March thirty-first, the first line was, "My friends, I wish to speak to you tonight about peace in Vietnam."
总统顾问克拉克·克利福德：3 月 31 日星期日晚上，第一句话是：“我的朋友们，今晚我想和你们谈谈越南的和平。”
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Good evening, my fellow Americans.
约翰逊：晚上好，我的美国同胞们。
Tonight, I want to speak to you of peace in Vietnam and Southeast Asia.
今晚，我想向大家谈论越南和东南亚的和平。
McCullough: [voice-over] At first, the speech seemed like many others -- one more pause in the bombing, one more gesture toward negotiations.
麦卡洛：[画外音]起初，这次演讲看起来和其他许多演讲没什么两样——轰炸中又出现了一次停顿，又一个倾向于谈判的姿态。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Tonight, I have ordered our aircraft and our naval vessels to make no attacks on North Vietnam except in the area north of the demilitarized zone, where the continuing enemy buildup directly threatens our --
约翰逊：今晚，我已命令我们的飞机和海军舰艇除了非军事区以北地区外，不再对北越发动攻击，在那里，敌人的持续集结直接威胁着我们——
Harry McPherson, U.S. Senate Staff: The day before he made the speech, we had an all-day meeting, and he said, "Have you seen the last part of the speech?" And I said, "No. I think I know what's in it." And he said, "What do you think about that?" I said, "I'm very sorry." And he said, "Well, OK.
哈里·麦克弗森，美国参议院工作人员：他发表演讲的前一天，我们开了一整天的会议，他说：“你看过演讲的最后部分吗？”我说：“不。我想我知道里面有什么。”他说：“你对此有何看法？”我说：“非常抱歉。”他说：“好吧，好吧。
So long, partner."
再见，伙伴。”
Nicholas Katzenbach, Attorney General: He had said, on many occasions, that he might not run again, and I always interpreted this as meaning that he would.
司法部长尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫（Nicholas Katzenbach）：他曾在很多场合说过，他可能不会再次参选，而我总是将这理解为他会参选。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: With our hopes and the world's hopes for peace in the balance every day, I do not believe that I should devote an hour or a day of my time to any personal, partisan causes --
约翰逊：我们的希望和世界对和平的希望每天都在平衡之中，我认为我不应该将一个小时或一天的时间投入到任何个人的、党派的事业上——
S.
S。
Douglas Cater: And I remember being torn, literally, 50/50, half of me hoping he would do it -- that is, announce his withdrawal -- and half of me hoping he wouldn't do it.
道格拉斯·卡特：我记得当时我的心情是五十分一的，一半希望他会这么做——也就是说，宣布他退出——另一半希望他不会这么做。
William P.
威廉·P。
Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State: And when he got to what I knew was the end, I got up and said, "Well, let's turn it off and talk about it." And I moved toward the set, and then came the sayonara.
邦迪，助理国务卿：当他讲到我知道的结局时，我站起来说：“好吧，让我们把它关掉，谈谈它。”我走向片场，然后是再见。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: I shall not seek and I will not accept the nomination of my party for another term as your President.
约翰逊：我不会寻求也不会接受我的政党的连任总统提名。
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: I was surprised.
约翰·康纳利，林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：我很惊讶。
I was surprised because I didn't think he'd ever really do it then.
我很惊讶，因为我当时认为他不会真的这么做。
Here was a man whose whole life had been politics, everything -- to the exclusion of everything else, really.
这个人的一生都是政治，一切都是政治——实际上，排除了其他一切。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: I -- I couldn't believe it.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：我——我简直不敢相信。
It was like a -- it was like a percussion grenade going off in that room, and I was stunned.
就像——就像一枚打击手榴弹在那个房间里爆炸，我惊呆了。
James Thomson, Jr., National Security Council Staff: I was overwhelmed with exhilaration.
国家安全委员会工作人员小詹姆斯·汤姆森（James Thomson, Jr.）：我兴奋不已。
It was as if someone had told me I'd won the Nobel Prize.
就好像有人告诉我我获得了诺贝尔奖一样。
There was hope, suddenly.
突然间，有了希望。
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: It just broke me in two, because I knew what it meant to him to say it and I couldn't stand it.
詹姆斯·皮克尔 (D) 德克萨斯州、林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：这让我心碎成两半，因为我知道他说这句话对他意味着什么，但我无法忍受。
And three men and I were in a car, and we all began to just openly cry, because it was tearing our heart apart and, of course, we knew what it meant to him.
我和三个男人在车里，我们都开始公开哭泣，因为这让我们心碎，当然，我们知道这对他意味着什么。
McCullough: [voice-over] Surrounded by his family, Lyndon Johnson withdrew as a candidate for President of the United States.
麦卡洛：[画外音]林登·约翰逊在家人的簇拥下退出了美国总统候选人的竞选。
Three days later, Ho Chi Minh responded.
三天后，胡志明做出回应。
North Vietnam was ready to talk, but the war would go on for another seven years.
北越准备谈判，但战争还要持续七年。
Johnson would remain in office 10 more months, a lame-duck President, helplessly watching as the country drifted closer to anarchy than at any time since the Civil War.
约翰逊将继续执政 10 个月，他是一位跛脚鸭总统，无助地看着这个国家比内战以来任何时候都更接近无政府状态。
On April 4, he learned that Martin Luther King, Jr. was shot and killed.
4月4日，他得知马丁·路德·金被枪杀。
Two months later, Robert Kennedy was assassinated.
两个月后，罗伯特·肯尼迪遇刺身亡。
In August, police battled anti-war demonstrators at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.
八月，警察在芝加哥民主党全国代表大会上与反战示威者发生冲突。
And then, in November, Richard Nixon, the Republican who said he represented the forgotten Americans, the non-shouters, was elected President.
然后，在 11 月，共和党人理查德·尼克松 (Richard Nixon) 当选总统，他自称代表了被遗忘的美国人、不喊叫的人。
"I sometimes felt," Johnson said, "that I was living in a continuous nightmare."
“有时我觉得，”约翰逊说，“我生活在一场持续不断的噩梦中。”
Rep.
代表。
James Pickle, (D) Texas, LBJ Campaign Worker: You knew it was the end of the road for that presidency and all the good things that you had enjoyed, the challenges you'd had and the opportunity to do something, and maybe had done something, for your country.
詹姆斯·皮克尔 (D) 得克萨斯州、林登·约翰逊竞选工作人员：你知道这是总统任期的终点，你也知道你曾享受过的所有美好事物、你所遇到的挑战以及为你的国家做一些事情的机会，也许已经做了一些事情。
For those of us who were part of the Johnson team, that broke our hearts.
对于我们这些约翰逊团队的成员来说，这让我们心碎。
Roger Wilkins, Attorney, Johnson Administration: My feelings were so mixed about the man.
罗杰·威尔金斯，约翰逊政府律师：我对这个人的感情非常复杂。
Well, there was a part of me that never stopped loving him and there was a part of me that hated him, so I didn't know how to respond.
好吧，我的一部分从未停止爱他，而我的一部分则恨他，所以我不知道如何回应。
And it was mainly sadness, I guess.
我猜这主要是悲伤。
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: Only he, with all of his remarkable gifts and knowledge, could have had a realistic appreciation of the extent of his opportunity and of the extent of both his achievement and his failure.
艾略特·珍妮威，经济学家，约翰逊家族朋友：只有他拥有非凡的天赋和知识，才能现实地认识到他的机会以及他的成就和失败的程度。
Robert Dallek, LBJ Biographer: The liberal impulse that went back to the New Deal is challenged, and what you get, beginning in '68, I believe, with Richard Nixon's election, is an era of conservatism.
罗伯特·达莱克 (Robert Dallek)，林登·约翰逊传记作者：新政时期的自由主义冲动受到了挑战，我相信，从 68 年理查德·尼克松当选开始，你所看到的是一个保守主义时代。
And the irony is, Johnson presides over the extraordinary achievement of liberalism, reaching its zenith, reaching its heights, and then, within three years' time, plunges to its depth from which it still hasn't recovered in the year 1990.
具有讽刺意味的是，约翰逊领导的自由主义取得了非凡的成就，达到了顶峰，达到了顶峰，然后，在三年的时间里，又跌入了谷底，到了1990年仍然没有恢复过来。
Donald Malafronte, Aide to Mayor of Newark: What he wanted was people to love him, and what he wanted to do was to solve everybody's problems himself.
纽瓦克市长助理唐纳德·马拉弗龙特：他想要的是人们爱他，他想做的是亲自解决每个人的问题。
And for Johnson, he had no other vocabulary, no other way of thinking about how to help people, other than to have involvement of government in a big way.
对于约翰逊来说，除了让政府大力参与之外，他没有其他词汇，没有其他思考如何帮助人们的方式。
"Give them a lot of money, put your arms around 'em and love 'em." He was the last soldier in the New Deal war.
“给他们很多钱，拥抱他们并爱他们。”他是新政战争中的最后一名士兵。
McCullough: [voice-over] Congressman, Senator, Vice President, President -- Washington had been his life for over 30 years.
麦卡洛：[画外音]国会议员、参议员、副总统、总统——三十多年来，华盛顿一直是他的生活。
Now he was going home to the Texas hill country, where, as his father told him, "The people know when you're sick and care when you die."
现在他要回到德克萨斯州山区的家中，正如他父亲告诉他的那样，“人们知道你什么时候生病，什么时候关心你去世。”
John Connally, LBJ Campaign Aide, LBJ Advisor: The basic, sedentary life that he was relegated to was not the type of life that he enjoyed or had ever known.
约翰·康纳利（John Connally），林登·约翰逊竞选助手、林登·约翰逊顾问：他所过的基本的、久坐不动的生活并不是他所享受或曾经了解的生活类型。
His life had been enormously active, had been centered around politics.
他的生活非常活跃，一直以政治为中心。
All of a sudden, he had nothing to be active about, and the politics was gone.
突然之间，他没有什么可活动的了，政治也消失了。
Doris Kearns Goodwin, LBJ Biographer: Now he was left to this ranch, but he had to have staff meetings in the morning or else he would have gone crazy.
多丽丝·卡恩斯·古德温 (Doris Kearns Goodwin)，林登·约翰逊传记作者：现在他被留在了这个牧场，但他必须在早上召开员工会议，否则他会发疯的。
But they might have only been three or four Mexican field hands, and he was telling them which tractors, and which eggs were going to be laid by which hens, almost.
但他们可能只是三四个墨西哥田间工人，而他几乎是在告诉他们哪些拖拉机，以及哪些母鸡将下哪些鸡蛋。
And at night, he literally couldn't go to sleep unless he had reports, just as he had always had in the White House, but now it would be how many eggs had been laid by these hens.
到了晚上，他真的无法入睡，除非有报告，就像他在白宫一直做的那样，但现在要的是这些母鸡下了多少鸡蛋。
And it was almost as if the monarchy had been reduced to this small ranch but the habits had to stay the same.
就好像君主政体已经沦落到这个小牧场，但习惯必须保持不变。
And as all of that sadness set in, then there was a certain frenzy of wondering, would history remember him well?
当所有的悲伤袭来时，人们会疯狂地想，历史会好好记住他吗？
And then, I think, his whole mood began to change.
然后，我想，他的整个情绪开始发生变化。
Elizabeth Wickenden, LBJ Family Friend: He was extremely depressed, and he wouldn't talk about anything in the last 25 years.
伊丽莎白·威肯登 (Elizabeth Wickenden)，林登·约翰逊的家人朋友：他极度抑郁，在过去的 25 年里他什么也不说。
He would talk about the early days; he wouldn't talk about anything in the subsequent years.
他会谈论早期的日子；在接下来的几年里他不会谈论任何事情。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: He was -- he had this long white hair, and it's all curled - you know, it kind of curled to the back of his hair, and he looked like a hippie.
罗尼·杜格 (Ronnie Dugger)，林登·约翰逊传记作者：他有一头长长的白发，而且都是卷曲的，你知道，有点卷曲到他的头发后面，他看起来像个嬉皮士。
I think he chose to look like a hippie because he contained everything.
我认为他选择看起来像个嬉皮士，因为他拥有一切。
He looked like he was identifying with the kids who'd been demonstrating against the war.
他看起来像是在认同那些参加反战示威的孩子们。
Maybe he was trying to say to them, "Hey, I understand.
也许他是想对他们说：“嘿，我明白。
If I'd have been young, I might have done the same thing."
如果我年轻的话，我可能也会做同样的事情。”
Eliot Janeway, Economist, Johnson Family Friend: I think he drank himself to death, knowing that he shouldn't have drunk, shouldn't have smoked, shouldn't got overweight.
艾略特·珍妮威，经济学家，约翰逊家族朋友：我认为他喝死了，因为他知道自己不应该喝酒，不应该抽烟，不应该超重。
He had the heart problem.
他的心脏有问题。
He always said that men in the Johnson family didn't live long, and I think he just asked for it and just waited for it to happen.
他总是说约翰逊家族的男人活不长，我想他只是自找的，只是等待它发生。
McCullough: [voice-over] On a cold day in the winter of 1972, Johnson left the seclusion of his ranch and traveled to Austin to speak about civil rights for the last time.
麦卡洛：[画外音] 1972 年冬天一个寒冷的日子，约翰逊离开了僻静的牧场，前往奥斯汀最后一次谈论民权。
Mrs. Johnson: He got up out of his bed from a bad angina attack, just put a pocketful of those little nitroglycerine pills in.
约翰逊夫人：他从严重的心绞痛发作中起床，只是放了一口袋的硝化甘油小药丸进去。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: Now, let me make it plain that when I say "black," as I do a good many times in this little statement, I also mean brown and yellow and red and all other people who suffer discrimination.
约翰逊：现在，让我明确表示，当我说“黑人”时，正如我在这个小声明中多次说过的那样，我还指的是棕色人种、黄色人种、红色人种以及所有其他遭受歧视的人。
Harry McPherson, U.S. Senate Staff: His heart was really hurting, and he -- I remember seeing him pop a nitroglycerine pill.
哈里·麦克弗森，美国参议院工作人员：他的心真的很痛，而且他——我记得看到他吞下一颗硝化甘油药丸。
Pres.
新闻。
Johnson: We know how much still remains to be done; and if our efforts continue, and if our will is strong, and if our hearts are right, and if courage remains our constant companion, then, my fellow Americans, I am confident we shall overcome.
约翰逊：我们知道还有多少工作要做；如果我们继续努力，如果我们的意志坚强，如果我们的心是正确的，如果勇气始终伴随着我们，那么，我的美国同胞们，我相信我们一定会取得胜利。
McCullough: [voice-over] This would be the last speech he would ever give.
麦卡洛：[画外音]这将是他发表的最后一次演讲。
Within six weeks, on January 22, 1973, Lyndon Johnson's heart stopped beating.
六周内，即 1973 年 1 月 22 日，林登·约翰逊的心脏停止了跳动。
He was 64 years old.
他今年 64 岁。
Five days later, the Vietnam War ended for America in a peace treaty signed in Paris.
五天后，美国在巴黎签署和平条约，结束了越南战争。
Ronnie Dugger, LBJ Biographer: He was just interesting as hell.
罗尼·杜格 (Ronnie Dugger)，林登·约翰逊传记作者：他非常有趣。
I mean, you know, compared to most people who kind of go through life vainly, making their dreadful moral points of condemning this or hoping for that or scratching the back of their head, Lyndon really moved.
我的意思是，你知道，与大多数徒劳地度过一生的人相比，他们用可怕的道德观点来谴责这一点，希望那样，或者挠头，林登真的很感动。
He was moving all the time.
他一直在移动。
The few times I was with him, it was -- he was just fun to be around.
我和他在一起的几次，和他在一起很有趣。
And you liked him.
而你喜欢他。
You liked him.
你喜欢他。
I liked him when I was with him more than I did when I was thinking about him.
当我和他在一起时，我比当我想念他时更喜欢他。
Protests against the Vietnam War turned personal for President Johnson.
反对越南战争的抗议活动变成了约翰逊总统的个人抗议。
To Lyndon B.
致林登 B.
Johnson, the essence of leadership lay in building consensus among diverse groups.
约翰逊认为，领导力的本质在于在不同群体之间建立共识。
President Johnson took on the economy by waging a "war on poverty."
约翰逊总统通过发动“向贫困宣战”来应对经济。
Lady Bird became the "perfect political wife" for LBJ.
伯德夫人成为林登·约翰逊的“完美政治妻子”。
In 1964, American bombers in Vietnam demonstrated that LBJ was a committed anti-Communist.
1964 年，美国轰炸机在越南的表现表明林登·约翰逊是一名坚定的反共分子。
In 1954, Lyndon Johnson became the youngest Majority Leader ever, at 46 years old.
1954 年，46 岁的林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 成为有史以来最年轻的多数党领袖。
In 1964, American bombers in Vietnam demonstrated that LBJ was a committed anti-Communist.
1964 年，美国轰炸机在越南的表现表明林登·约翰逊是一名坚定的反共分子。
LBJ announces that Sunday, April 7, 1968 will be a national day of mourning.
林登·约翰逊宣布 1968 年 4 月 7 日星期日为全国哀悼日。
Presidential candidate George C.
总统候选人乔治 C.
Wallace denounces the Civil Rights Act.
华莱士谴责《民权法案》。
LBJ expresses solidarity with the civil rights struggle and asks Congress to pass the Civil Rights Act.
林登·约翰逊表示声援民权斗争，并要求国会通过《民权法案》。
The historic law that promoted equality for all Americans.
促进所有美国人平等的历史性法律。
Johnson lays out his policy for equal employment for all, specifying rules and penalties.
约翰逊制定了人人平等就业的政策，具体规定了规则和处罚措施。