The Gilded Age

Narration: A vicious cold snap hit New York in the first week of February, 1897, but nothing could slow the preparations for the impending revelry.

旁白：1897 年 2 月的第一周，一场猛烈的寒流袭击了纽约，但没有什么可以减缓即将到来的狂欢的准备工作。

The city’s wealthiest citizens were readying themselves for one of the most anticipated balls in the nation’s history – an extravagant exclamation point on what would come to be known as The Gilded Age.

这座城市最富有的公民正在为这个国家历史上最受期待的舞会之一做好准备——这是对后来被称为“镀金时代”的一个奢侈的感叹号。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: During the Gilded Age Americans feel quite certainly that they are the vanguard of civilization and progress.

历史学家丽贝卡·爱德华兹：在镀金时代，美国人确信自己是文明和进步的先锋。

This is an enormous period of opportunity, and possibility, and hope.

这是一个充满机遇、可能性和希望的巨大时期。

Narration: No group felt more confident about the future than the guests who would gather for the party at the luxurious Waldorf Hotel.

旁白：没有哪个团体比聚集在豪华华尔道夫酒店参加聚会的客人对未来更有信心了。

The evening’s total price tag, according to newspaper reports, was enough to feed nearly a thousand working class families for a full year.

据报纸报道，当晚的总价足以养活近千个工人阶级家庭一整年。

Defenders noted that the ball stood to benefit the entire city.

防守者指出，这个球将使整个城市受益。

Critics begged to differ.

批评者们纷纷提出不同意见。

“With all the people,” warned one minister, “who have to lie awake nights contriving to spend their time and their money, and all the others who lie awake wondering how they may get food, there is danger in the air.”

一位部长警告说：“对于那些不得不彻夜难眠地花费时间和金钱的人们，以及所有其他彻夜难眠想知道如何获得食物的人来说，空气中弥漫着危险。”

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: It was a fractious time in which a sense of desperation amidst growing wealth was emerging.

历史学家陈国伟：那是一个暴躁的时代，在财富不断增长的情况下出现了一种绝望感。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: Increasingly workers begin to say, “If I as, as a member of this society lack the ability to pay my bills, and to feed my family then I am not a free citizen of a healthy republic.

历史学家奥唐纳：越来越多的工人开始说：“如果我作为这个社会的一员缺乏支付账单和养家糊口的能力，那么我就不是一个健康共和国的自由公民。

I’m something, something else, something that the Founding Fathers would not recognize.”

我是某种东西，某种别的东西，是开国元勋们不会承认的东西。”

Richard John, Historian: The magnitude of the late 19th century transformation of American society is hard to exaggerate.

历史学家理查德·约翰：19 世纪末美国社会变革的规模很难被夸大。

It was as if you woke up in one country and went to bed in another.

就好像你在一个国家醒来，却在另一个国家入睡。

Narration: Thirty years after the Civil War, America had transformed into an economic powerhouse.

旁白：内战三十年后，美国已成为经济强国。

But the transformation had created stark new divides in wealth, standing and opportunity.

但这种转变在财富、地位和机会方面造成了全新的鸿沟。

Steve Fraser, Historian: It’s shocking for people to see a country developing before them

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽：人们看到一个国家在他们面前发展是令人震惊的

that is increasingly clearly divided into the haves and have-nots.

富人和穷人的划分越来越清晰。

Nell Irvin Painter, Historian: Gilded is not golden.

内尔·欧文 (Nell Irvin) 画家、历史学家：镀金不是金色。

Gilded has the sense of a patina covering something else.

镀金有一种铜绿覆盖其他东西的感觉。

It’s the shiny exterior and the rot underneath.

这是闪亮的外表和腐烂的内部。

Narration: By the time New York’s elite gathered at the Waldorf ballroom, the richest four thousand families in the country — less than one percent of all Americans — had scooped up nearly as much treasure as the other 11.6 million families combined.

旁白：当纽约的精英聚集在华尔道夫宴会厅时，全国最富有的 4000 个家庭（不到所有美国人的百分之一）所获得的财富几乎相当于其他 1160 万个家庭的总和。

“We are the rich,” one partygoer remarked.

“我们是富人，”一位参加派对的人说道。

“We own America; we got it, God knows how, but we intend to keep it if we can.”

“我们拥有美国；我们得到了它，天知道如何，但如果可以的话，我们打算保留它。”

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: There is this fight over what is America’s collective self-identity.

历史学家布兰兹：关于什么是美国的集体自我认同存在着一场争论。

Who are we?

我们是谁？

Are we two nations, the poor and the wealthy, or are we one nation where everybody has a chance to succeed?

我们是贫穷和富有的两个国家，还是每个人都有成功机会的国家？

AERIALS AND SCENICS OF VARIED AMERICAN LANDSCAPES

各种美国风景的航拍和风景

David Nasaw, Historian: When this nation comes out of the Civil War we are still a nation divided by regions.

历史学家大卫·纳索：当这个国家走出内战时，我们仍然是一个被地区分裂的国家。

There’s very little national market.

国内市场很少。

If you need a pair of shoes you don’t get it from a factory 100 miles away.

如果你需要一双鞋，你不可能从 100 英里外的工厂买到。

You get it from the local shoemaker.

你可以从当地的鞋匠那里得到它。

Nell Irvin Painter, Historian: Life was much, much more local, much more what was going on right around you, what your neighbors were doing, what your friends were doing, what your enemies were doing and how you were doing on a day-to-day basis.

内尔·欧文·画家、历史学家：生活更加本地化，​​更加本地化，​​更多的是你周围发生的事情，你的邻居在做什么，你的朋友在做什么，你的敌人在做什么，以及你每天是如何做的。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: America had been founded, its political system had been founded for a country of farmers but it was becoming a nation of industrialists.

历史学家布兰兹：美国已经成立，它的政治制度是为一个农民国家而建立的，但它正在成为一个工业家国家。

It was becoming a nation of urban workers.

它正在成为一个城市工人的国家。

It was becoming a nation of cities.

它正在成为一个城市国家。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: Railroads knit the entire country together in a way that hadn’t existed before.

品牌、历史学家：铁路以前所未有的方式将整个国家联系在一起。

So now merchants, manufacturers, industrialists can think nationally.

所以现在商人、制造商、实业家可以在全国范围内思考。

You don’t have to think simply in terms of your local market.

您不必简单地考虑当地市场。

If you have a good idea, if you have a good procedure for producing something you can think of selling your goods all over the country.

如果你有一个好主意，如果你有一个好的生产程序，你可以考虑将你的产品销往全国各地。

Narration: By the early 1880s the nation’s largest corporation, the Pennsylvania Railroad, carried more than two million tons of industrial and consumer goods every year.

旁白：到 1880 年代初，美国最大的公司宾夕法尼亚铁路每年运送超过 200 万吨工业和消费品。

Steel left mills in Pittsburgh for destinations around the country; so too did refined oil from Cleveland, factory-made furniture from Cincinnati, and harvesters from Chicago.

钢铁从匹兹堡工厂运往全国各地；来自克利夫兰的精炼油、来自辛辛那提的工厂制造的家具以及来自芝加哥的收割机也是如此。

Railroads moved coal from Wyoming, timber from Oregon, silver from Nevada and Colorado, and copper from Montana.

铁路从怀俄明州运送煤炭，从俄勒冈州运送木材，从内华达州和科罗拉多州运送白银，从蒙大拿州运送铜。

Tens of thousands of young men and women from farm families could hop on the train to go where the jobs were: the newly industrializing cities.

数万名来自农村家庭的年轻男女可以跳上火车前往工作地点：新兴工业化城市。

Former slaves and their children joined the urban migration, bound for new opportunities in Memphis, Atlanta, Richmond, or as far north as Philadelphia and New York.

前奴隶和他们的孩子加入了城市移民，前往孟菲斯、亚特兰大、里士满，甚至北至费城和纽约寻找新的机会。

Paula Giddings, Writer: The hope is for equality, and for first class citizenship, and to be a part of what is happening in terms of progress and change.

保拉·吉丁斯（Paula Giddings），作家：希望是平等和一流公民，并成为进步和变革中正在发生的事情的一部分。

They’re trying to make the democracy and the country work for them.

他们试图让民主和国家为他们服务。

Steve Fraser, Historian: Progress is part of the American credo and has been almost from the beginning of the nation.

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽：进步是美国信条的一部分，几乎从建国之初就如此。

Americans prided themselves on their inventiveness, their ingenuity, their entrepreneurial get-up-and-go.

美国人为自己的创造力、独创性和创业精神感到自豪。

Paula Giddings, Writer: Progress is thought of as inevitable.

Paula Giddings，作家：进步被认为是不可避免的。

It’s divinely inspired.

这是神圣的灵感。

There’s a pastor who talked about these technological innovations as God’s tools to make a more perfect society.

有一位牧师谈到这些技术创新是上帝创造一个更完美社会的工具。

And so it becomes almost a spiritual idea, this industrial spirit.

因此，它几乎成为一种精神理念，这种工业精神。

N arration: One of the most innovative entrepreneurs of the day was Andrew Carnegie.

解说：安德鲁·卡内基是当今最具创新精神的企业家之一。

He owned a stable full of fine-blooded horses and enjoyed taking long rides through Central Park.

他拥有一个充满良种马的马厩，喜欢在中央公园长途骑行。

In the spring of 1881 he was a man in the saddle in all ways, having just consolidated his growing manufacturing enterprises under a single banner: Carnegie Brothers & Company.

1881 年春天，他在各个方面都已是一个骑在马鞍上的人，刚刚将他不断发展的制造企业整合到一个旗帜下：卡内基兄弟公司。

Some days Carnegie would ride out of the park and head north on upper Broadway.

有时，卡内基会骑马走出公园，沿着上百老汇向北行驶。

Other days he would ride all the way to the High Bridge, where traffic loosened and he could open up to a gallop along the banks of the Harlem River.

其他时候，他会一路骑行到高桥，那里交通畅通，他可以沿着哈莱姆河岸驰骋。

In the few hours he was out riding through New York his blast furnaces 300 miles to the west produced more than sixty tons of steel .

在他骑马穿越纽约的几个小时内，他位于西边 300 英里的高炉生产了 60 多吨钢铁。

.

。

.

。

and earned him about as much as the average American made in a year.

他的收入相当于美国人平均一年的收入。

This remarkable and novel fact made 45-year-old Andrew Carnegie the emblem of a new kind of American dream.

这一引人注目且新颖的事实使 45 岁的安德鲁·卡内基成为新型美国梦的象征。

Like John D.

就像约翰·D.

Rockefeller in the oil refining business…

洛克菲勒的炼油业务……

and Cornelius Vanderbilt in railroads, Carnegie was riding a wave of industrialization — using new technology and mass production to secure enormous personal wealth.

和铁路领域的科尼利厄斯·范德比尔特一样，卡内基正乘着工业化浪潮——利用新技术和大规模生产来确保巨额个人财富。

David Nasaw, Historian: What’s important to realize is that these men they have visions.

历史学家大卫·纳索：重要的是要认识到这些人有远见。

Carnegie, Rockefeller, the railroad barons they don’t invent anything.

卡内基、洛克菲勒、铁路大亨他们什么也没发明。

They’re managers.

他们是经理。

Jackson Lears, Historian: Carnegie is one of the few American millionaires of this era of any other who can genuinely call himself a self-made man.

历史学家杰克逊·李尔斯：卡内基是这个时代为数不多的能够真正称自己为白手起家的美国百万富翁之一。

He really does come from humble origins.

他确实出身卑微。

Narration: Andrew Carnegie was born in 1835, in a small town in Scotland.

旁白：安德鲁·卡内基1835年出生于苏格兰的一个小镇。

His father, William, supported the family as a respected weaver of fine clothes and linens, until the spread of more efficient mechanized looms began to cut into his business.

他的父亲威廉作为一名受人尊敬的精美服装和亚麻布织工养家糊口，直到更高效的机械化织机的普及开始影响他的生意。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: William Carnegie literally cannot provide for his family.

奥唐纳，历史学家：威廉·卡内基确实无法养活他的家人。

They were hungry, and poor, and there’s no future at this point for them and so they are forced to make really an incredible decision, which is to uproot themselves from this town in Scotland where they’ve lived for generations and go to some strange place called Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

他们又饿又穷，现在没有未来，所以他们被迫做出一个令人难以置信的决定，那就是离开这个他们世世代代居住的苏格兰小镇，来到一个陌生的地方，名叫宾夕法尼亚州匹兹堡。

Narration: Andrew Carnegie and the city of Pittsburgh came of age together.

旁白：安德鲁·卡内基和匹兹堡市一起成长。

Steam-powered machine shops and iron factories drew workingmen to the city in the 1840s.

1840 年代，蒸汽动力机械车间和钢铁厂吸引了工人来到这座城市。

The first railroads arrived in the 1850s, not long after the first telegraph wires.

第一条铁路于 1850 年代建成，紧接着第一条电报线出现后不久。

There was opportunity on every coal-dusted block, especially for a go-getter like Carnegie, who became his family’s main provider when he was still a teenager.

每个充满煤尘的街区都有机会，特别是对于像卡内基这样的积极进取的人来说，他在十几岁的时候就成为了家里的主要经济来源。

Jackson Lears, Historian: Carnegie has a number of talents that get him noticed early.

杰克逊·李尔斯，历史学家：卡内基有许多才能很早就引起了人们的注意。

He is a smooth operator, which is a term that was used for guys that worked for Western Union who could tap out Morse code very smoothly.

他是一个流畅的接线员，这是一个术语，用于形容那些在西联汇款工作的人，他们可以非常顺利地敲出摩尔斯电码。

Narration: Young Andrew rose quickly, from telegraph operator to trusted assistant of a powerful railroad manager, to a manager himself.

旁白：年轻的安德鲁迅速崛起，从电报员到一位有权有势的铁路经理的信任助手，再到一名经理本人。

But he was not content with a salaried job – no matter how good the salary.

但他并不满足于一份有薪水的工作——无论薪水有多好。

Carnegie saw opportunity in the booming railroad industry.

卡内基在蓬勃发展的铁路行业中看到了机遇。

Relying on connections to powerful railroad executives, he invested in sleeper cars, iron works, bridge building concerns, coal-mines and oil producers.

依靠与强大的铁路高管的联系，他投资了卧铺车厢、钢铁厂、桥梁建筑公司、煤矿和石油生产商。

He was not yet thirty when he resigned his position at the Pennsylvania Railroad to become a full-time, independent “capitalist.” Carnegie’s skill at turning insider information into hard cash had allowed him to amass a fortune of nearly half a million dollars.

当他辞去宾夕法尼亚铁路公司的职务，成为一名全职、独立的“资本家”时，他还不到三十岁。卡内基善于将内幕信息转化为现金，这使他积累了近 50 万美元的财富。

Not long after a product caught his eye, one the railroads badly needed: steel.

不久之后，一种产品引起了他的注意，这是铁路部门急需的一种产品：钢铁。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: It’s not a new substance; steel’s been around for a long, long time but mass produced, high quality, super strong steel, that is a new thing in The Gilded Age.

历史学家奥唐纳：这不是一种新物质；它是一种新物质。钢铁已经存在了很长很长一段时间，但大规模生产、高质量、超强的钢铁，这是镀金时代的新事物。

Narration: In 1873, at the start of one of the worst economic depressions in the nation’s history, Carnegie pushed forward on construction of a massive steel plant outside of Pittsburgh.

旁白：1873 年，美国历史上最严重的经济萧条之一开始之际，卡内基推动在匹兹堡郊外建造一座大型钢铁厂。

David Nasaw, Historian: Nobody can understand why he is building huge factories during the depression.

历史学家大卫·纳索：没有人能理解他为什么在大萧条期间建造大型工厂。

The bankers question him, you know, “Why are you doing this?” But Carnegie understands that steel is the basic building block of the new America.

银行家们问他，你知道，“你为什么要这样做？”但卡内基明白，钢铁是新美国的基本组成部分。

It’s gonna begin with railroads and then the cities are gonna be rebuilt with steel, and the bridges are gonna be rebuilt with steel.

将从铁路开始，然后用钢铁重建城市，用钢铁重建桥梁。

Narration: In the fall of 1875, while the economy was still sliding downhill, the first steel rails rolled out of Carnegie’s new mill.

旁白：1875年秋天，当经济仍在下滑时，第一条钢轨从卡内基的新工厂滚出。

The keys to underselling the competition, as Carnegie saw it, were volume and efficiency.

卡内基认为，低于竞争对手的关键是数量和效率。

“Cut the prices, scoop the market, run the mills full, watch the costs,” Carnegie preached, “and the profits will take care of themselves.”

卡内基宣扬道：“降低价格，抢占市场，让工厂开足马力，控制成本，利润自然会水到渠成。”

Jackson Lears, Historian: Rather than conserve his machinery he uses it up.

杰克逊·李尔斯，历史学家：他没有保存他的机器，而是将其耗尽。

If the machinery wears out he’ll just buy more.

如果机器磨损了，他就会购买更多。

He wants 24-hour operation, two shifts, 12 hours each for the…

他想要 24 小时运营，两班倒，每班 12 小时……

workers.

工人。

The point is to get the productivity going at…

关键是要提高生产力……

peak performance.

巅峰表现。

Narration: Carnegie’s grand bet had paid off beautifully by 1881.

旁白：到 1881 年，卡内基的豪赌得到了丰厚的回报。

His newly consolidated company was on its way to a profit of 40 percent in its first year, which meant a personal take of more than a million dollars.

他新合并的公司在第一年就实现了 40% 的利润，这意味着个人收益超过 100 万美元。

At forty-five, the steel baron found himself with plenty of spare time to reflect back on his improbable rise.

四十五岁时，这位钢铁大亨发现自己有充足的空闲时间来回顾自己不可思议的崛起。

He read the great English philosophers, made studies of Confucius and the prophets of Buddhism, Hinduism and the Persians .

他阅读了伟大的英国哲学家的作品，研究了孔子以及佛教、印度教和波斯人的先知。

.

。

.

。

searching for answers to a gnawing question.

寻找一个棘手问题的答案。

David Nasaw, Historian: Andrew Carnegie is an intellectual, self-educated but an intellectual.

大卫·纳索，历史学家：安德鲁·卡内基是一位知识分子，自学成才，但却是一位知识分子。

And he tries to figure out how the hell did this happen.

他试图弄清楚这到底是怎么发生的。

“Why me?

“为什么是我？

Why have I made all this money?

为什么我赚了这么多钱？

Narration: It was, by design, like no house New York had ever seen -- a gleaming palace with gargoyles and gables and flying buttresses.

旁白：按照设计，它不像纽约见过的任何房子——一座闪闪发光的宫殿，有石像鬼、山墙和飞扶壁。

Plans for the grand interiors included the fine (and expensive) detail favored by European aristocracy.

宏伟的内饰计划包括欧洲贵族青睐的精美（且昂贵）细节。

All of it was carefully devised by 25-year-old Alva Smith Vanderbilt, who had married into one of the country’s wealthiest families.

所有这一切都是由 25 岁的阿尔瓦·史密斯·范德比尔特 (Alva Smith Vanderbilt) 精心设计的，她嫁入了美国最富有的家庭之一。

Alva meant to create a spectacle at Fifth Avenue and 52nd Street.

阿尔瓦打算在第五大道和 52 街创造一场奇观。

And she did.

她做到了。

By the time it was completed in 1882, the mansion was the talk of New York society.

1882 年竣工时，这座宅邸已成为纽约社会的热门话题。

Critics, including many of Alva’s friends, thought her new home too ornate.

包括阿尔瓦的许多朋友在内的批评者认为她的新家过于华丽。

They were appalled by the nude statues, which stood proudly on exterior walls – for all the world to see.

他们对那些骄傲地矗立在外墙上供全世界观看的裸体雕像感到震惊。

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: Alva craves attention and so she…

西尔维娅·霍弗特（Sylvia Hoffert），历史学家：阿尔瓦渴望关注，所以她……

intentionally makes the outside of the house something that New Yorkers are not used to.

故意将房子的外观设计成纽约人不习惯的样子。

She’s testing whether she can shock people or not.

她正在测试她是否可以震惊人们。

She writes, “People who don’t appreciate that this is the latest in architectural design.

她写道：“人们不明白这是最新的建筑设计。

They’re unsophisticated.

他们很简单。

They’re Puritans.”

他们是清教徒。”

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: It’s clear that she doesn’t really care what other people think as long as she gets what she wants.

历史学家西尔维娅·霍弗特（Sylvia Hoffert）：很明显，只要她得到自己想要的东西，她并不真正关心别人的想法。

The Vanderbilts were in society but they weren’t at the very top.

范德比尔特家族虽然身处上流社会，但并不处于社会的最顶层。

She has a goal and her goal is to make the Vanderbilts leaders of New York society.

她有一个目标，她的目标是使范德比尔特家族成为纽约社会的领导者。

Narration: Scaling the heights of New York society was perilous work for any newcomer, even one with the right address on Fifth Avenue.

旁白：攀登纽约社会的高峰对于任何新来者来说都是一项危险的工作，即使是在第五大道上有正确地址的人也是如此。

The city’s fashionable families, most descended from the earliest Dutch settlers, were wary of social climbers.

这座城市的时尚家庭大多是最早的荷兰定居者的后裔，他们对社会攀登者保持警惕。

Their own homes reflected this sensibility.

他们自己的家反映了这种情感。

They prized manners and modesty over striving and show.

他们重视礼貌和谦虚，而不是努力和表现。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: Part of the ideal back at the beginning of the Republic was a notion of restraint and simplicity.

历史学家奥唐纳：共和国之初理想的一部分是克制和简单的观念。

So you might be really wealthy but you wouldn’t parade around in a gilded carriage and have servants in livery and all of that.

所以你可能真的很富有，但你不会开着镀金的马车到处游行，也不会有穿着制服的仆人等等。

That was considered bad form not just gauche but really bad republican form, small R republican form.

这不仅被认为是糟糕的形式，而且是非常糟糕的共和形式，小R共和形式。

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: Old money was wealthy but these new entrepreneurs were immensely wealthy, the kind of money that could buy anything.

西尔维娅·霍弗特（Sylvia Hoffert），历史学家：旧有的钱很富有，但这些新的企业家却非常富有，是那种可以买到任何东西的钱。

They aren’t quiet about it.

他们对此并不沉默。

They want to flaunt it.

他们想炫耀它。

Narration: Few members of New York’s old money crowd were more suspicious of the newly wealthy than Caroline Schermerhorn Astor, whose ancestors had arrived from the Netherlands in 1630.

旁白：在纽约的老富豪中，很少有人比卡罗琳·舍默霍恩·阿斯特 (Caroline Schermerhorn Astor) 对新贵们更加怀疑，她的祖先于 1630 年从荷兰来到这里。

It was Mrs. Astor who would decide if the Vanderbilts were worthy of ascension into the highest tier of society.

阿斯特夫人将决定范德比尔特家族是否值得晋升到社会最高层。

It was a very exclusive club, roughly the number of guests Caroline Astor could comfortably host in her ballroom.

这是一个非常独特的俱乐部，卡罗琳·阿斯特（Caroline Astor）在她的宴会厅里可以轻松接待的客人数量大约是这样。

Four hundred was the magic number.

四百是一个神奇的数字。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: It’s a very personal and interpersonal world in which having the right kind of tea sets and the right kind of surroundings are fundamental.

John Kuo Wei Tchen，历史学家：这是一个非常个人化和人际化的世界，在这个世界中，拥有合适的茶具和合适的环境是至关重要的。

Since the US doesn’t have a preexisting aristocracy it’s really these women who kind of have to make it up on the fly and they become the people who are creative and improvisational in claiming who the new elites would be and how deserving they are.

由于美国没有预先存在的贵族阶层，所以实际上是这些女性不得不临时弥补，她们成为富有创造力和即兴发挥的人，声称新的精英将是谁以及她们有多么值得。

Narration: Mrs. Astor was especially wary of the Vanderbilts.

旁白：阿斯特夫人对范德比尔特家族特别警惕。

Their patriarch, Cornelius, who had made his fortune building railroads, was considered ruthless, unscrupulous and crude.

他们的族长科尼利厄斯靠修建铁路发家致富，被认为是无情、不择手段和粗鲁的。

He had reportedly horrified one society dame — and all of her friends — by spitting his tobacco plugs onto her carpet.

据报道，他将烟草塞吐到了一位上流社会女士的地毯上，这让她和她所有的朋友感到震惊。

Mrs. Astor did have a grudging respect for the Vanderbilt family money.

阿斯特夫人确实对范德比尔特家族的钱抱有勉强的尊重。

Cornelius’s children and grandchildren were already among the richest individuals in the entire country.

科尼利厄斯的子孙已经是全国最富有的人之一。

And with no inheritance tax, income tax, or tax on corporate earnings, they were certain to remain so.

由于没有遗产税、所得税或企业收益税，他们肯定会保持这种状态。

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: When you think about Caroline Astor’s 400 it makes it sound like it’s really rigid but it’s fluid enough for some people to make it and then make it a little bit further, and then make it a little bit fu ther.

西尔维娅·霍弗特 (Sylvia Hoffert)，历史学家：当你想到卡罗琳·阿斯特 (Caroline Astor) 的 400 时，它听起来确实很僵化，但它的流动性足以让一些人能够做到这一点，然后再进一步，然后再进一步。

Alva’s determined to take advantage of that fluidity.

阿尔瓦决心利用这种流动性。

Narration: Alva understood the power of money.

旁白：阿尔瓦了解金钱的力量。

Born in Alabama before the Civil War, her family fortune – made in the slave-fueled cotton trade – afforded her a privileged existence.

她在内战前出生于阿拉巴马州，靠奴隶制棉花贸易赚来的家族财富使她过着优越的生活。

She spent her girlhood at fashionable homes in New York and in France, attended a pricey boarding school outside Paris, and summered at the resort town of Newport, Rhode Island.

她在纽约和法国的时尚家庭度过了少女时代，在巴黎郊外的一所昂贵的寄宿学校上学，并在罗德岛州的度假胜地纽波特度过了暑假。

“There was a force in me,” Alva recalled, “that seemed to compel me to do what I wanted to do regardless of what might happen afterwards…”

“我内心有一种力量，”阿尔瓦回忆道，“这似乎迫使我去做我想做的事，不管之后会发生什么……”

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: She was disobedient.

历史学家西尔维娅·霍弗特：她不听话。

She was willful.

她很任性。

She says that there was one year that she was beaten every day for misbehaving.

她说，有一年，她每天都因为行为不端而遭到殴打。

What she learns from childhood is that if she is disobedient enough and willing to take the punishment then she’s gonna get what she wants.

她从小学到的是，如果她足够不听话并愿意接受惩罚，那么她就会得到她想要的东西。

The furniture was still being delivered from Europe when Alva and her husband, Willie K Vanderbilt, decided to throw a housewarming party in their very accommodating ballroom.

当阿尔瓦和她的丈夫威利·K·范德比尔特 (Willie K Vanderbilt) 决定在他们非常舒适的舞厅举办乔迁派对时，家具仍在从欧洲运来。

They sent invitations to twelve hundred guests -- none more important than Mrs. Astor.

他们向一千二百位客人发出了邀请——没有比阿斯特夫人更重要的了。

Alva could not be sure Mrs. Astor would accept, so she made certain her upcoming ball was the talk of the town.

阿尔瓦不确定阿斯特夫人是否会接受，所以她确保即将举行的舞会成为全城的热门话题。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: It’s a moment in which the newspapers are competing for news.

历史学家陈国伟：现在是报纸争夺新闻的时刻。

And hundreds of thousands of people not only in New York City but also nationally are reading these newspapers.

不仅纽约市而且全国有数十万人正在阅读这些报纸。

It’s really comparable to the emergence of social media.

这确实可以与社交媒体的出现相媲美。

So instead of tweets we have people like Alva who are understanding this change and starting to take advantage of the new possibilities of the media coverage.

因此，我们拥有像阿尔瓦这样的人，他们正在理解这一变化，并开始利用媒体报道的新可能性，而不是推文。

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: She invites newspaper columnists to come into her house.

西尔维娅·霍弗特（Sylvia Hoffert），历史学家：她邀请报纸专栏作家来到她家。

She gives them very detailed instructions as to what kind of décor the house has, what it’s made of, who the artists are — all of the details that she thinks will impress people.

她向他们提供了非常详细的说明，包括房子的装饰类型、由什么材料制成、艺术家是谁——所有她认为会给人们留下深刻印象的细节。

Narration: On the day of the ball, March 26th, 1883, New York was abuzz.

旁白：1883年3月26日，舞会当天，纽约一片热闹。

Society dames spent hours fitting themselves into gowns styled after bygone European aristocracy.

上流社会的贵妇们花了几个小时穿上按照过去的欧洲贵族风格设计的礼服。

Their husbands visited hairdressers, then rushed home to pull up their tights and strap on swords.

她们的丈夫去了理发店，然后冲回家拉起紧身衣，系上剑。

Crowds of curious onlookers began gathering outside the Vanderbilt mansion at eight that evening, though the party would not begin until eleven.

那天晚上八点，一群群好奇的旁观者开始聚集在范德比尔特宅邸外，尽管聚会要到十一点才开始。

Narration: Mrs. Astor was among the arrivals.

旁白：阿斯特夫人是抵达者之一。

As she made her way down the grand staircase, she took in the century old French and Italian tapestries, towering palms, Japanese lanterns and gilded baskets filled with roses.

当她走下宏伟的楼梯时，她看到了具有百年历史的法国和意大利挂毯、高耸的棕榈树、日本灯笼和装满玫瑰的镀金篮子。

Young Alva, Mrs. Astor had to admit, exhibited style.

阿斯特夫人不得不承认，年轻的阿尔瓦表现出了风格。

“We have no right to exclude those whom the growth of this great country has brought forward,” Caroline Astor explained.

“我们没有权利排除那些因这个伟大国家的发展而进步的人，”卡罗琳·阿斯特解释道。

“The time has come for the Vanderbilts.”

“范德比尔特家族的时机已经到来。”

Steve Fraser, Historian: This is a nouveau riche world.

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽：这是一个暴发户的世界。

They were what used to be called the chip-chop aristocracy, had no breeding, no genealogy and they need to lay claim to establish their cultural legitimacy.

他们就是过去所谓的“芯片贵族”，没有血统，没有家谱，他们需要通过宣称来确立自己的文化合法性。

One way to do that is to live splendidly to be a spectacle and awe people.

实现这一目标的方法之一就是过上精彩的生活，成为令人惊叹、敬畏的人。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: The ostentation is not frivolous.

历史学家陈国伟：这种炫耀并非轻浮。

It’s really about how do you express the kind of virtue that you have through taste and through what you consume.

这实际上是关于你如何通过品味和消费来表达你所拥有的美德。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: Alva is actually being very creative, and being very tenacious in trying to establish that profile.

John Kuo Wei Tchen，历史学家：阿尔瓦实际上非常有创造力，并且非常顽强地试图建立这种形象。

Branding the Vanderbilt family, making the public, other elites included especially, appreciative of why they belong.

为范德比尔特家族打上烙印，让公众，尤其是其他精英，了解他们的归属感。

It’s not just wealth building in terms of actual dollars, it’s wealth building in terms of status.

这不仅仅是在实际美元方面的财富积累，也是在地位方面的财富积累。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: The American economy was growing very rapidly.

历史学家布兰兹：美国经济增长非常迅速。

There were opportunities for all sorts of people, people who had skills and people who had no skills, and they were attracted to America.

各种人都有机会，无论是有技能的人还是没有技能的人，他们都被美国所吸引。

If you wanted to improve your lot, especially if you wanted to…

如果你想改善你的生活，特别是如果你想……

ensure that your children would have a greater opportunity than you did America was the place to go.

确保您的孩子比您拥有更多的机会 美国是您要去的地方。

Narration: Between 1880 and 1885 more than three million men, women and children entered the United States, more than triple the number who had arrived in the previous five years.

旁白：1880 年至 1885 年间，超过 300 万男女和儿童进入美国，是前五年抵达美国的人数的三倍多。

They came from Ireland, Italy, Russia, Scandinavia, Asia and Latin America — fleeing religious persecution and poverty.

他们来自爱尔兰、意大利、俄罗斯、斯堪的纳维亚半岛、亚洲和拉丁美洲，逃离宗教迫害和贫困。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: The US is kind of a gambler’s paradise in this era.

历史学家丽贝卡·爱德华兹：在这个时代，美国是赌徒的天堂。

It’s a lottery where you can go and you may do well.

这是一场你可以去的彩票，而且你可能会做得很好。

You’re very unlikely to be Andrew Carnegie and get super rich but a few people do it and many more will get by.

你不太可能成为安德鲁·卡内基（Andrew Carnegie）并变得超级富有，但只有少数人做到了，而且还有更多人能够过得去。

Paula Giddings, Writer: Freedom from want now is going to create a new sense of the imagination - freedom from all the problems of the old world, from its resentments, from its conflicts, from its scarcities.

保拉·吉丁斯，作家：现在免于匮乏的自由将创造一种新的想象力——摆脱旧世界的所有问题，摆脱怨恨，摆脱冲突，摆脱匮乏。

Narration: The nation’s biggest draw was New York – the country’s first million-person city, where the population had nearly doubled in a single generation.

旁白：这个国家最大的吸引力是纽约——这个国家第一个百万人口的城市，其人口在一代人的时间内几乎增加了一倍。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: If you can just imagine what it’s like to be in a place that’s growing so quickly around you that it’s almost dangerous to be outside [CHUCKLES] - the numbers of people, the numbers of vehicles, the acceleration of technology, the concentration of money means that the buildings are happening all the time, there’s street works happening all the time, there are people moving through the streets all the time.

John Kuo Wei Tchen，历史学家：如果你能想象一下，在一个你周围发展如此之快的地方会是什么样子，以至于在外面几乎是危险的[笑]——人口数量、车辆数量、技术的加速发展、资金的集中意味着建筑物一直在建造，街道工程一直在进行，人们一直在街道上走动。

Narration: The city needed muscle to build new streets, sewers and water mains.

旁白：这座城市需要力量来建造新的街道、下水道和水管。

There were jobs running elevated trains, driving omnibuses, raising new wonders like the Brooklyn Bridge and the Statue of Liberty.

有运行高架火车、驾驶公共汽车、建造布鲁克林大桥和自由女神像等新奇观的工作。

Immigrants often worked in trades according to their place of origin – Irish as carpenters; Italians stone masons; Syrians street merchants.

移民经常根据其原籍地从事不同的行业——爱尔兰人是木匠；爱尔兰人是木匠；意大利石匠；叙利亚街头商人。

Owners of garment factories, molasses refineries, meat-packing plants relied on people who were willing to work long hours for meager pay.

服装厂、糖蜜精炼厂、肉类包装厂的老板们依赖那些愿意长时间工作、领取微薄工资的人。

David Nasaw, Historian: One of the things we have to understand about The Gilded Age is that the number of individuals who become employees, who become dependent on paychecks increases dramatically.

历史学家大卫·纳索：关于镀金时代，我们必须了解的一件事是，成为雇员、依赖工资的人数急剧增加。

Nell Irvin Painter, Historian: Workers served as sellers of their labor and it was important for the person who was running the whole enterprise to buy that labor as cheaply as possible.

历史学家内尔·欧文·画家：工人是劳动力的出卖者，对于经营整个企业的人来说，尽可能便宜地购买劳动力非常重要。

It didn’t matter from the point of view of the person at the top of the company whether or not the cheapest possible price for labor could support a family.

从公司高层的角度来看，最便宜的劳动力价格能否养活一个家庭并不重要。

Narration: Employers expected everybody, even children, to work 12 hours a day, 6 days a week, with few if any breaks.

旁白：雇主希望每个人，甚至是儿童，每周工作 6 天，每天工作 12 小时，几乎没有休息时间。

Factories were often overheated and lacked ventilation.

工厂经常过热且缺乏通风。

Workers had no escape from harsh chemicals that caused lung infections and respiratory disease.

工人们无法逃脱导致肺部感染和呼吸道疾病的刺激性化学物质。

David Nasaw, Historian: There was no workman’s compensation.

历史学家大卫·纳索：没有工人补偿。

There was no insurance.

没有保险。

If you were lucky you were taken care of for a little while by the employer but industrial accidents were a major concern.

如果你幸运的话，你会得到雇主一段时间的照顾，但工伤事故是一个主要问题。

Workplace safety was a major concern.

工作场所安全是一个主要问题。

Narration: A sense of shared peril bred solidarity.

旁白：共患难的意识孕育了团结。

Men and women joined labor unions to demand better wages and safer working conditions.

男人和女人加入工会要求更高的工资和更安全的工作条件。

They embraced their role in democracy and proudly identified themselves as working class.

他们接受自己在民主中的角色，并自豪地认为自己是工人阶级。

Richard John, Historian: The late 19th century United States was an anomaly in world history in a major way we…

历史学家理查德·约翰：19 世纪末的美国在世界历史上是一个反常现象，在很大程度上我们……

confronted all of the challenges that are associated with rapid industrialization, the labor conflicts, the tensions between one economic group and another within a government in which just about every white male and many African Americans, a decreasing number, but many African Americans, had the vote.

面对与快速工业化、劳资冲突、政府内部一个经济集团与另一个经济集团之间的紧张关系有关的所有挑战，政府中几乎每个白人男性和许多非裔美国人（虽然人数正在减少，但许多非裔美国人）都拥有投票权。

David Nasaw, Historian: People voted.

历史学家大卫·纳索：人们投票了。

From the moment they got off the boat at Castle Garden or Ellis Island, everybody voted and political participation was high.

从他们在城堡花园或埃利斯岛下船的那一刻起，每个人都投票，政治参与度很高。

Narration: The always-increasing working class vote worried New York’s political barons in both parties.

旁白：不断增加的工人阶级选票让纽约两党的政治大亨们感到担忧。

Strikes and boycotts in the summer of 1886 forced politicians to act and they jailed union leaders.

1886 年夏天的罢工和抵制迫使政客们采取行动，他们监禁了工会领导人。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: Labor leaders in July of 1886 say, “Enough with the, the major parties.

历史学家奥唐纳：1886 年 7 月，工党领袖表示：“主要政党受够了。

The Democratic Party and the Republican Party are in the grasp of big business.

民主党和共和党都在大企业的掌握之中。

They have no interest in the problems of working people.

他们对劳动人民的问题不感兴趣。

We’re gonna form an independent labor party and we’re gonna run somebody for Mayor.” And they begin to court Henry George.

我们将组建一个独立的工党，并选举某人竞选市长。”他们开始向亨利·乔治求爱。

Narration: Henry George did not look the part of political savior.

旁白：亨利·乔治看上去并不像政治救世主。

An unassuming 47-year-old author who dressed like a small-town merchant, George was not seeking a life in politics just then.

乔治是一位谦逊的 47 岁作家，穿着像小镇商人，当时他并没有寻求从政。

But he was intrigued by the offer.

但他对这个提议很感兴趣。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: He’s the perfect candidate.

历史学家奥唐纳：他是完美的候选人。

He’s a worker, so he’s got this working class credentials but he’s also an intellectual.

他是一名工人，所以他拥有工人阶级的资格，但他也是一名知识分子。

He’s also a public figure.

他也是一个公众人物。

Narration: Henry George’s renown was almost entirely self-generated, born out of his own difficulties with the rapidly changing American economy.

旁白：亨利·乔治的名声几乎完全是他自己创造的，源于他自己在快速变化的美国经济中遇到的困难。

A native of Philadelphia, George had gone west to California, when he was just nineteen, to make his fortune.

乔治是费城人，十九岁时就向西来到加利福尼亚州发财。

He tried his luck in the gold fields, set type in printing firms, and even sold hand-cranked clothes dryers door to door to support his young family.

他在金矿里碰碰运气，在印刷公司排字，甚至挨家挨户推销手摇干衣机来养活他年轻的家庭。

Nothing worked.

什么都没起作用。

His low point came the day his second child was born .

他的人生最低谷是在他的第二个孩子出生的那天到来的。

.

。

.

。

and his new printing business was failing.

他的新印刷业务也失败了。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: He’s absolutely broke and he doesn’t know what to do.

奥唐纳，历史学家：他彻底破产了，他不知道该怎么办。

He’s completely desperate.

他彻底绝望了。

Now he has a family to provide for so he steps out onto the street and he walks up to a man and says, “Could I have five dollars?” And the man gives him the $5 bill and George writes, “I was desperate enough to have killed him for that money.” Henry George is sort of imprinted in that moment in a way that’s, he’s never going to forget.

现在他要养家糊口，所以他走到街上，走到一个男人面前说：“能给我五美元吗？”这名男子给了他 5 美元的钞票，乔治写道：“我非常绝望，为了那笔钱杀了他。”亨利·乔治在那一刻留下了他永远不会忘记的印记。

Here he is this hard-working, smart, ambitious man and he’s out there on the streets begging for his little family.

在这里，他是一个勤奋、聪明、雄心勃勃的人，他在街上乞讨他的小家庭。

Richard White, Historian: He begins to wonder what’s going on.

历史学家理查德·怀特（Richard White）：他开始想知道发生了什么事。

This is a country with plenty of land.

这是一个土地充足的国家。

It’s a country with plenty of resources.

这是一个资源丰富的国家。

It’s a country with millions of people who wanna work and who can’t.

这个国家有数以百万计的人想要工作，而有些人却不能工作。

What has gone wrong?

出了什么问题？

Narration: George spent nearly a decade parsing the riddle, and emerged with an answer: a 500-page tome describing the new American political economy.

旁白：乔治花了近十年的时间来解析这个谜语，并得出了答案：一本描述新美国政治经济的 500 页巨著。

Jackson Lears, Historian: He produces this book that draws everyone’s attention to what ought to have been plain as the nose on their faces, the sheer fact of inequality, poverty amid plenty.

历史学家杰克逊·李尔斯（Jackson Lears）：他写的这本书让每个人都注意到了本来应该像他们脸上的鼻子一样简单的东西，不平等的纯粹事实，富裕中的贫困。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: What George recognizes is that along with American progress, with the development of the economy, with the development of great fortunes there’s also the development of poverty, that the success of America is not uniformly spread.

历史学家布兰兹：乔治认识到，随着美国的进步，随着经济的发展，随着巨大财富的发展，贫困的发展也随之而来，美国的成功并不是均匀传播的。

He said that it’s not fairly spread.

他说，这种情况还没有得到公平的传播。

Narration: “It is as though an immense wedge were being forced .

旁白：“就好像一个巨大的楔子被强行压住一样。

.

。

.

。

through society,” George wrote.

通过社会，”乔治写道。

“Those who are above the point of separation are elevated, but those who are below are crushed down.” Henry George self-published his new book – Progress & Poverty — and moved to New York in 1881 to promote it.

“在分离点以上的人会被提升，但在分离点以下的人会被压垮。”亨利·乔治自行出版了他的新书《进步与贫困》，并于 1881 年搬到纽约进行宣传。

“It will ultimately be considered a great book,” he told his father.

“这最终将被认为是一本伟大的书，”他告诉他的父亲。

“This I know.”

“这个我知道。”

He was right: Progress & Poverty was a surprise best-seller.

他是对的：《进步与贫困》出人意料地成为畅销书。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: One of the things that captures people’s imagination is the way he talks about poverty.

历史学家奥唐纳：最能激发人们想象力的事情之一就是他谈论贫困的方式。

He breaks with the American tradition, which always said poverty is the result of your own failures.

他打破了美国的传统，即总是说贫穷是你自己失败的结果。

George says, “It’s not your own fault.

乔治说：“这不是你自己的错。

It is the fault of the way we have organized our economy, the way we’ve allowed certain things to develop unchecked and uncontrolled.

这是我们组织经济的方式的错误，是我们允许某些事物不受限制和不受控制地发展的方式的错误。

There’s no reason for anybody to be poor in America.

在美国，任何人都没有理由贫穷。

Narration: Labor Parties had run candidates for Mayor in New York before; they rarely polled more than several hundred votes.

旁白：工党此前曾竞选过纽约市长候选人；他们的投票很少超过数百票。

But in the fall of 1886, with little more than a month to Election Day, Henry George agreed to toss his hat in the ring on behalf of working people.

但在 1886 年秋天，距离选举日还有不到一个月的时间，亨利·乔治同意代表劳动人民参选。

Richard White, Historian: He sees it as a way to popularize his ideas.

历史学家理查德·怀特（Richard White）：他认为这是普及他的思想的一种方式。

The 1%, as George calls it, owns New York.

正如乔治所说，1% 的人拥有纽约。

So for him it seems the perfect example of the problems that he talked about in his book.

所以对他来说，这似乎是他在书中谈到的问题的完美例子。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: He accepts the nomination and over the next five weeks or so they launch the most incredible campaign in New York City history.

奥唐纳，历史学家：他接受了提名，并在接下来的五周左右的时间内发起了纽约市历史上最令人难以置信的竞选活动。

He will give five, six, seven speeches a night all around the city.

他每晚将在全城发表五、六、七次演讲。

This is called the tailboard campaign because he would get in these wagons, they’d pull the wagon up into in front of a railroad station, in front of a factory, flip down the tailboard, Henry George would stand up and deliver a speech urging people to not vote for the major parties but to vote for the United Labor Party.

这被称为尾板运动，因为他会坐上这些马车，他们会把马车拉到火车站前、工厂前，翻转尾板，亨利·乔治会站起来发表演讲，敦促人们不要投票给主要政党，而要投票给联合工党。

Narration: “Look over our vast city, and what do we see?” George would say.

旁白：“俯瞰我们广阔的城市，我们看到了什么？”乔治会说。

“On one side a very few men richer by far than it is good for men to be, and on the other side a great mass of men and women struggling and worrying and wearying to get a most pitiful living….

“一方面，极少数男人的财富远超男人应有的水平，而另一方面，一大群男人和女人为过上最可怜的生活而奋斗、担心和疲惫……

Is this by the will of our Divine Creator?

这是我们神圣造物主的旨意吗？

No. It is by the fault of men…We are going to the polls.”

不。这是男人的错……我们要去投票。”

George championed opportunity for all, and a city government that would “prevent the strong from oppressing the weak and the unscrupulous from robbing the honest.”

乔治倡导为所有人提供机会，并倡导市政府“防止强者压迫弱者，防止不法分子掠夺诚实者”。

He offered big new ideas like increased taxes on property owners, public ownership of mass transit and better working conditions.

他提出了一些重大的新想法，例如增加对业主的税收、公共交通的公共所有权以及改善工作条件。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: Once the grassroots campaign gets going he sort of played off his own momentum and the enthusiasm of the crowd.

奥唐纳，历史学家：一旦草根运动开始，他就利用了自己的动力和群众的热情。

And began to realize something seems to be happening here.” He starts to have a sense that, “We could actually win this thing.

并开始意识到这里似乎正在发生一些事情。”他开始有一种感觉，“我们实际上可以赢得这件事。

Narration: Most political pros believed his message was too radical to have wide appeal.

旁白：大多数政治专业人士认为他的信息过于激进，无法产生广泛的吸引力。

They figured he would poll five thousand votes, maybe ten thousand, not enough to beat the favored Democrat or the Republican challenger.

他们认为他会得到五千张选票，也许一万张选票，不足以击败最受青睐的民主党或共和党挑战者。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: On Election Day right out of the gate people are reporting huge turnouts.

历史学家奥唐纳：选举日刚一出来，人们就报告投票率很高。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: At the end of the day George finishes second.

奥唐纳，历史学家：最终乔治获得第二名。

He gets 68,000 votes, which is a lot more than just a few hundred, which is what a typical Labor Party candidate could get.

他获得了 68,000 张选票，这远远超过了典型工党候选人所能获得的几百张选票。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: The appeal of Henry George indicates that a growing number of Americans believe there’s something seriously wrong with the emerging American economy.

历史学家布兰兹：亨利·乔治的吸引力表明，越来越多的美国人认为新兴的美国经济存在严重问题。

America retains this idea that it is this land of opportunity and when people like Henry George say, “We have to pit workers against employers, the, the poor against the rich,” what he is saying is, “It’s not the land of opportunity.

美国保留着这样的观念，即这是一片充满机遇的土地，当像亨利·乔治这样的人说，“我们必须让工人与雇主、穷人与富人对立”时，他所说的是，“这不是一片充满机遇的土地。

The opportunity is closed off.”

机会已经被关闭了。”

Narration: J.

旁白：J.

Pierpont Morgan valued order and stability above all else.

皮尔庞特·摩根 (Pierpont Morgan) 将秩序和稳定看得高于一切。

He demanded routine.

他要求例行公事。

The 51-year-old banker breakfasted each morning at his home at Madison Avenue and 36th Street enjoying his first cigar of the day while reading the financial news from Europe, which came in over his personal telegraph machine.

这位 51 岁的银行家每天早上都会在位于麦迪逊大道和第 36 街交汇处的家中吃早餐，一边享用当天的第一支雪茄，一边阅读通过他的个人电报机传来的欧洲财经新闻。

By mid-morning he hopped in a hired carriage for the ride to his office building at the southern tip of Manhattan.

上午十点左右，他跳上一辆租来的马车，前往位于曼哈顿南端的办公楼。

Half an hour later, he was on the narrow cobblestone lane where modern American finance was being invented – Wall Street.

半小时后，他来到了美国现代金融诞生的狭窄鹅卵石小巷——华尔街。

When he closed the door to his glass office, J.P.

当他关上玻璃办公室的门时，J.P.

Morgan rarely looked up from his paperwork.

摩根很少从他的文书工作中抬起头来。

Everyone at Drexel, Morgan & Company – even his partners -- knew not to interrupt him.

德崇摩根公司的每个人——甚至是他的合伙人——都知道不要打扰他。

Susie J.

苏西·J。

Pak, Historian: Morgan was definitely the boss.

Pak，历史学家：摩根绝对是老大。

He was a very confident person and when he determined what was the right path of what to do he did it.

他是一个非常自信的人，当他确定什么是正确的做法时，他就会这么做。

He was undisputedly the final word.

毫无疑问，他是最终的决定者。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: Morgan came from a moneyed family, moneyed in two senses—they were wealthy but in addition they were in the business of money.

历史学家布兰兹：摩根出身于一个有钱的家庭，有两种意义上的有钱——他们很富有，但除此之外，他们还从事金钱生意。

And Morgan understood at a very early age that money was what made everything else happen.

摩根在很小的时候就明白，金钱是让其他一切发生的原因。

Narration: Pierpont’s father, Junius Morgan, was a powerful London-based American banker who had introduced his son to his network of European investors, and taken pains to ready him for a life in finance.

旁白：皮尔庞特的父亲朱尼厄斯·摩根是一位总部位于伦敦、实力雄厚的美国银行家，他将儿子介绍给了他的欧洲投资者网络，并煞费苦心地为他的金融生涯做好了准备。

“I wish to impress upon you the necessity of preparation for responsibilities,” Junius had told his only surviving son.

“我想让你记住，为承担责任做好准备的必要性，”朱尼厄斯告诉他唯一幸存的儿子。

“Be ready to assume & fulfill them whenever they shall be laid upon you.”

“无论什么时候它们降临到你身上，都要准备好承担和实现它们。”

Susie J.

苏西·J。

Pak, Historian: Junius was a very exacting but also very attentive father so he’s very, very interested in Pierpont’s moral, intellectual health and development.

帕克，历史学家：朱尼厄斯是一位非常严格但也非常细心的父亲，因此他对皮尔庞特的道德、智力健康和发展非常非常感兴趣。

His father had groomed him for business and he not only accepted it but I think also expected it of himself.

他的父亲为他进行了商业培训，他不仅接受了这一点，而且我认为他也对自己有这样的期望。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: J.P.

奥唐纳，历史学家：J.P.

Morgan sees himself as a nation builder, as a person who’s not only carrying out private business transactions but as a person really at the center of this new emerging, booming American economy, booming American society.

摩根将自己视为国家建设者，不仅是进行私人商业交易的人，而且是真正处于新兴、蓬勃发展的美国经济和蓬勃发展的美国社会中心的人。

Narration: America had emerged as an urban and industrial powerhouse in the thirty years since Morgan followed his father into banking.

旁白：自从摩根追随父亲进入银行业以来的三十年里，美国已成为一个城市和工业强国。

There were only eight U.S. cities over a hundred thousand people in 1860.

1860年，美国人口超过10万的城市只有八个。

Now there were almost thirty.

现在已经快三十了。

The country was overtaking Britain and Germany in the production of iron, steel, oil and coal.

该国的铁、钢、石油和煤炭产量正在超过英国和德国。

European investors wanted a piece of the American action, and turned to Morgan to get it.

欧洲投资者希望从美国的行动中分一杯羹，于是向摩根寻求帮助。

Richard John, Historian: Think of him as a conduit or a pivot between European capital and American industry, and especially American industry that’s dependent on large sums of foreign capital and that will be railroads.

理查德·约翰，历史学家：将他视为欧洲资本和美国工业之间的渠道或枢纽，尤其是依赖大量外国资本的美国工业，这将是铁路。

Narration: The railroads pushing into the American West became the hot ticket investment in the 1870s and 1880s.

旁白：深入美国西部的铁路成为1870年代和1880年代的热门票务投资。

By 1888, billions of dollars had flowed into the industry, much of it from Morgan’s European clients.

到 1888 年，已有数十亿美元流入该行业，其中大部分来自摩根的欧洲客户。

But Pierpont was finding it increasingly difficult to vouch for the financial stability of America’s signature industry.

但皮尔庞特发现越来越难以保证美国标志性产业的财务稳定性。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: The American industrial economy in the Gilded Age was a bare knuckles competitive arena.

历史学家布兰兹：镀金时代的美国工业经济是一个赤手空拳的竞争舞台。

Someone who had a rail line from New York City to Albany, okay, had that rail line.

有人拥有从纽约市到奥尔巴尼的铁路线，好吧，拥有那条铁路线。

But there was usually nothing that prevented a competing railroad from building another line let’s say on the other side of the Hudson River.

但通常没有什么可以阻止竞争对手的铁路修建另一条线路，比如说在哈德逊河的另一边。

There could be cutthroat competition between the two.

两者之间可能会出现残酷的竞争。

David Nasaw, Historian: J.P.

大卫·纳索，历史学家：J.P.

Morgan understands that the railroad business, unless it stops competing, unless it stops these wasteful parallel roads that lead to the same place is not gonna be able to pay off its debts and make money.

摩根明白，铁路业务除非停止竞争，除非停止这些通往同一个地方的浪费的平行道路，否则将无法偿还债务并赚钱。

He understands that competition has to be eliminated, that the railroads instead of competing with one another have to begin to cooperate.

他明白必须消除竞争，铁路公司必须开始合作，而不是相互竞争。

Narration: In the Christmas season of 1888 — between tending to the plans for Madison Square Garden and paying for a holiday dinner for 200 orphans at the East Side Newsboys Lodging House -- Morgan convened a gathering of fourteen key railroad presidents.

旁白：1888 年圣诞节期间，摩根一边忙于麦迪逊广场花园的规划，一边为东区报童宿舍的 200 名孤儿支付节日晚餐，召集了 14 名重要的铁路总裁参加了一次聚会。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: This is a guy who can beckon these corporate titans to his home and they show up.

奥唐纳，历史学家：这个人可以召唤这些企业巨头到他家，然后他们就会出现。

Steve Fraser, Historian: Morgan had already established a reputation for his commanding presence, his…

史蒂夫·弗雷泽（Steve Fraser），历史学家：摩根已经因其威严的风度、他的……而建立了声誉。

own internal discipline.

自己的内部纪律。

He was a man of a kind of iron will and his purpose at that meeting is to begin to establish among them some kind of self-conscious reining in of their competitive instincts.

他是一个有着钢铁般意志的人，他在那次会议上的目的是开始在他们中间建立某种对竞争本能的自觉控制。

Narration: Morgan hosted a series of meetings over the next three weeks, with harsh words cutting through the halo of soft electric light in his Madison Avenue mansion.

旁白：摩根在接下来的三周内主持了一系列会议，严厉的言辞刺破了他麦迪逊大道豪宅柔和的电光光环。

Amid his growing trove of treasures – paintings, tapestries, medieval armor, ivories, and ancient bronzes – Morgan bullied and cajoled.

在他不断增加的宝藏中——绘画、挂毯、中世纪盔甲、象牙和古代青铜器——摩根欺负和哄骗。

“Your railroads belong to my clients,” he gruffly reminded the bosses.

“你们的铁路属于我的客户，”他粗声粗气地提醒老板们。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: He’s a very large man.

奥唐纳，历史学家：他是一个非常高大的人。

And people always talk about his piercing eyes, intimidating, hawk-like eyes.

人们总是谈论他锐利的眼睛，令人生畏的鹰眼。

So when he sweeps into a room people describe it as sort of the wind rushing through a room.

因此，当他冲进一个房间时，人们将其描述为一阵风吹过房间。

He has a condition that has disfigured his nose.

他的鼻子因某种疾病而变形。

It’s enlarged, it’s red.

放大了，是红色的。

He knows that it’s a bit unnerving and that actually played to his advantage in these close negotiations.

他知道这有点令人不安，而这实际上在这些密切的谈判中发挥了他的优势。

Narration: By the second week of January, Morgan had herded the railroad men into an agreement to set uniform rates, to assign to each road “its due share of the competitive traffic,” and to stick to the arrangement or risk financial penalty.

旁白：到一月的第二周，摩根已经让铁路人员达成了一项协议，设定统一的费率，为每条道路分配“应有的竞争性交通份额”，并坚持遵守这一安排，否则将面临经济处罚的风险。

The commercial treaty lasted only a matter of weeks.

商业条约只持续了几周的时间。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: Morgan comes to a conclusion that he’s never gonna be able to pull this off that that these railroads are inherently antagonistic toward each other so the only solution is consolidation.

奥唐纳，历史学家：摩根得出的结论是，他永远无法实现这一目标，因为这些铁路本质上是相互对立的，因此唯一的解决方案是整合。

To merge these railroads so there’s less and less competition.

合并这些铁路，这样竞争就会越来越少。

Narration: Morgan would never say the word aloud, but his plan was to engineer something nearing a monopoly in the railroad industry – and to maintain control.

旁白：摩根永远不会大声说出这个词，但他的计划是设计一些接近铁路行业垄断的东西 - 并保持控制。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: Morgan had almost an aesthetic sense of what an economy should

历史学家布兰兹：摩根对经济应该有什么美感

look like, and it should be well organized.

看起来像，而且应该组织得很好。

He thought that people like him with his background, with his understanding, with his intelligence were the ones who really ought to direct the American economy.

他认为像他这样有他的背景、有他的理解力、有他的智慧的人才是真正应该指导美国经济的人。

Narration: Problematic as they were, the railroads were proving to be the engines of industrialization on the American plains.

旁白：尽管存在问题，铁路却被证明是美国平原工业化的引擎。

By 1890, there were more than 70,000 miles of track in operation west of the Mississippi, where the population had nearly quadrupled in just thirty years.

到 1890 年，密西西比河以西已有超过 70,000 英里的铁路正在运营，而那里的人口在短短 30 年内几乎增加了四倍。

American farmers were shipping wheat, corn, oats and rye across the world — feeding the growing cities on the Eastern seaboard, and the capitals of Europe.

美国农民将小麦、玉米、燕麦和黑麦运往世界各地，为东海岸不断发展的城市和欧洲各国首都提供粮食。

But the men and women producing this bounty weren’t seeing many of the benefits.

但生产这笔赏金的男男女女并没有看到很多好处。

Farmers in Kansas, for instance, were working fifteen- or sixteen-hour days, and losing ground.

例如，堪萨斯州的农民每天工作十五或十六个小时，并且节节败退。

Prices for their crops had been declining for a decade.

十年来，他们的农作物价格一直在下降。

Most farmers had taken loans to make up shortfalls and their mortgages were likely to be held by bankers back East.

大多数农民都通过贷款来弥补缺口，他们的抵押贷款很可能由东部的银行家持有。

And there were few laws to stop the most predatory lenders from charging 20, 30, or even 50 percent interest per year.

而且几乎没有法律阻止最具掠夺性的贷款机构每年收取 20%、30% 甚至 50% 的利息。

The cost of transporting crops to market, meanwhile, remained an onerous burden.

与此同时，将农作物运输到市场的成本仍然是一个沉重的负担。

David Nasaw, Historian: The only way to get their goods to market is on the railroads and they’ve kept rates high.

历史学家戴维·纳索（David Nasaw）：将货物推向市场的唯一途径是通过铁路运输，而且他们一直保持高利率。

These are not the small family yeoman farmers that Thomas Jefferson envisioned as the heart of America.

这些人并不是托马斯·杰斐逊所设想的美国中心的小自耕农。

These are farmers who are in debt to the banks and who now have to pay a huge chunk of their income to the railroads.

这些农民欠银行债，现在必须向铁路支付很大一部分收入。

Jackson Lears, Historian: There are memories that people still have of what it was like before industrial capitalism.

历史学家杰克逊·李尔斯：人们仍然对工业资本主义之前的情况有记忆。

That of course is rooted in the agrarian past, the small proprietor past.

这当然植根于过去的农业、小业主的过去。

It is also redolent of a more egalitarian vision of society than one that is emerging.

它也让人想起一种比正在出现的社会更加平等的愿景。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: There was a feeling that control had shifted from Kansas to the East Coast.

历史学家布兰兹：有一种感觉，控制权已经从堪萨斯州转移到了东海岸。

They looked at their own lives and they say ‘Fifty years ago, when my grandfather was young, he controlled his own life.

他们审视自己的生活，说‘五十年前，当我祖父还年轻的时候，他掌控了自己的生活。

This idea that people ought to be in control of their destiny is something that’s very powerful.

人们应该掌控自己的命运这一想法是非常强大的。

Narration: Frustration in Kansas had sharpened into resentment and scorn.

旁白：堪萨斯州的挫败感已加剧为怨恨和蔑视。

Among the loudest voices of protest on the hot dry prairie was a 39-year-old former school teacher and licensed attorney named Mary Elizabeth Lease.

在炎热干燥的草原上，抗议声音最响亮的是一位名叫玛丽·伊丽莎白·莱斯 (Mary Elizabeth Lease) 的 39 岁前学校教师和执业律师。

She was an energetic agitator who made a living giving speeches in support of underdogs: labor unionists, suffragettes and, in the summer of 1890, the Kansas farmer.

她是一位精力充沛的煽动者，靠发表支持弱势群体的演讲为生：工会成员、妇女参政论者，以及 1890 年夏天的堪萨斯州农民。

“She flashed across Kansas in that day of turmoil,” one well-known editor remarked, “a harridan in the eyes of her enemies, a goddess to her friends.

“在那场动荡的日子里，她闪过了堪萨斯州，”一位著名编辑评论道，“她的敌人眼中的哈里登，朋友眼中的女神。

I think she was a little of both.”

我认为她两者兼而有之。”

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: She’s apparently just a riveting orator.

丽贝卡·爱德华兹，历史学家：她显然只是一位引人入胜的演说家。

She has a tremendous voice and she can speak to crowds of thousands, and she also has a tremendous memory.

她有一副洪亮的嗓音，可以对成千上万的人讲话，而且她还拥有惊人的记忆力。

She can speak for a couple of hours without reviewing any notes.

她可以在不复习任何笔记的情况下讲几个小时。

And clearly she strikes a chord.

显然她引起了共鸣。

Narration: Mary Lease could empathize with the thousands of Kansans whose daily lives balanced on a razor’s edge between plenty and want.

旁白：玛丽·莱斯（Mary Lease）可以同情成千上万的堪萨斯人，他们的日常生活在富裕与匮乏之间保持平衡。

She was one of them.

她就是其中之一。

Narration: Lease was the sixth child of immigrants who had fled the Great Famine in Ireland.

旁白：莱斯是逃离爱尔兰大饥荒的移民的第六个孩子。

Her father and one brother died fighting for the Union in the Civil War.

她的父亲和一个兄弟在内战中为联邦而战而牺牲。

Another brother was killed when a train crushed him while working as a laborer for a railroad corporation.

另一位兄弟在铁路公司做工人时被火车压死。

In the early 1870s, when Lease was still in her twenties, a nationwide economic depression swept away her husband’s pharmacy business and all of their savings.

1870 年代初期，莱斯还只有 20 多岁，一场全国性的经济萧条席卷了她丈夫的药房生意和所有积蓄。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: They lose everything.

丽贝卡·爱德华兹，历史学家：他们失去了一切。

She’s very embittered by poverty, and frustrated, and comes to feel that, you know, that the social order just isn’t fair.

她对贫困感到非常痛苦和沮丧，并开始感到，你知道，社会秩序就是不公平。

Narration: Women could not run for state office in Kansas in 1890, but Lease helped to spur the founding of a new local political organization — the People’s Party, widely known as the Populists.

旁白：1890 年，堪萨斯州女性无法竞选州公职，但莱斯帮助推动了当地新政治组织——人民党（人民党，俗称民粹主义者）的成立。

David Nasaw, Historian: The Populists believe that they’re being ripped off, that industrial capitalism discriminates against them, and they’re right.

历史学家大卫·纳索：民粹主义者认为他们被敲诈了，工业资本主义歧视他们，他们是对的。

The Populists organize politically to do something about that.

民粹主义者在政治上组织起来为此做点什么。

Steve Fraser, Historian : They leave both parties to form their own because they feel both parties are corrupted beyond hope, that they’re too much under the thumb of…

史蒂夫·弗雷泽（Steve Fraser），历史学家：他们让双方各自为政，因为他们觉得双方都腐败得不可救药，他们太受……控制了。

big business.

大生意。

They buy senators.

他们买参议员。

They buy congressmen.

他们收买国会议员。

Their lobbyists infest the capitol.

他们的游说者遍布国会大厦。

Narration: The People’s Party put up a full slate of candidates for the election that year, and announced its intent to wrest state government from the grasp of Big Business.

旁白：人民党在当年的选举中提出了完整的候选人名单，并宣布打算将州政府从大企业的手中夺回。

Steve Fraser, Historian: Mary Lease says, “This kind of system is…

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽：玛丽·莱斯说，“这种系统......

fatal and destroying the lives of millions of people, and if we don’t do something drastic about this we not only will lose our way of life but American democracy will go down the, down with that way of life.”

致命的、摧毁了数百万人的生活，如果我们不对此采取严厉措施，我们不仅会失去我们的生活方式，而且美国的民主也将随着这种生活方式而垮台。”

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: She said when someone has five homes and someone else is starving then the first man has something that belongs to the second man.

丽贝卡·爱德华兹（Rebecca Edwards），历史学家：她说，当一个人有五个家而另一个人正在挨饿时，那么第一个男人就拥有属于第二个男人的东西。

People shouldn’t be starving while other people have so much more than they can possibly ever use or spend.

人们不应该挨饿，而其他人却拥有比他们可能使用或花费的更多的东西。

Narration: Lease had scoundrels to blame, and she called them out.

旁白：莱斯责怪那些恶棍，她斥责了他们。

She was particularly focused on bankers in New York, like the one at 23 Wall Street, who seemed to have his fingers in everything, J.P.

她特别关注纽约的银行家，比如华尔街 23 号的银行家，他似乎对一切都插手，J.P.

Morgan.

摩根.

“It is no longer a government of the people, by the people and for the people,” Lease told her crowds, “but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street and for Wall Street .

“这不再是一个民有、民治、民享的政府，”莱斯对她的人群说，“而是一个华尔街的政府、华尔街的政府、华尔街的政府……”

.

。

.

。

Steve Fraser, Historian: Wall Street is the arch villain.

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽：华尔街是最大的恶棍。

It doesn’t produce anything.

它不产生任何东西。

It just trades in paper, controls everybody else’s life without offering anything tangible to the national welfare.

它只是进行纸张交易，控制其他人的生活，而不为国家福利提供任何有形的东西。

That’s how they see it.

他们就是这么看的。

Narration: Republican officials, whose party had dominated state politics for nearly thirty years, weren’t much concerned with Lease and her followers in the early weeks of the campaign.

旁白：共和党官员，其政党在州政治中占据主导地位近三十年，在竞选的最初几周，他们并不太关心莱斯及其追随者。

But they were startled by the procession of a thousand horse-drawn carriages bound for one of the People’s Party events, by the crowds of 10,000 at a rally in Lawrence, and 20,000 in Emporia, and by reports that the upstart party had enrolled 130,000 members in the state.

但他们对前往人民党一项活动的一千辆马车的游行队伍、劳伦斯集会上的 10,000 名群众和恩波里亚的 20,000 名群众，以及有关这个新兴政党在该州招募了 130,000 名党员的报道感到震惊。

Election day news out of Kansas shocked the country.

堪萨斯州选举日的消息震惊了全国。

The Democrats won only 8 seats in the state legislature; the Republicans, long in the majority, won 26.

民主党仅赢得州议会8个席位；共和党长期占据多数席位，赢得 26 票。

The People’s Party won 91 seats, and control of the Kansas state legislature.

人民党赢得91个席位，并控制堪萨斯州立法机构。

“This triumph,” declared one Populist newspaper, “is but the beginning.”

一家民粹主义报纸宣称，“这次胜利只是一个开始。”

Success in Kansas sparked a brushfire that swept through much of the nation in the next two years.

堪萨斯州的成功引发了一场丛林大火，并在接下来的两年内席卷了全国大部分地区。

Newly encouraged farmers joined acolytes of Henry George, labor unionists and miners from the West.

新近受到鼓励的农民加入了亨利·乔治的追随者、工会成员和来自西方的矿工。

Black professionals and farmers in the South were also drawn to the People’s Party.

南方的黑人专业人士和农民也被人民党所吸引。

Republicans had abandoned them in the years after the Civil War; and Democrats were working to strip them of the right to vote.

共和党人在内战结束后的几年里抛弃了他们。民主党人正在努力剥夺他们的投票权。

The Populists were the last best hope.

民粹主义者是最后最好的希望。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: There is a surprising number of black farmers who have managed to buy land despite the fact that most white landowners in the South are pretty reluctant to…

丽贝卡·爱德华兹（Rebecca Edwards），历史学家：尽管南方的大多数白人土地所有者相当不愿意，但仍有数量惊人的黑人农民设法购买了土地……

sell land to blacks.

把土地卖给黑人。

But the vast majority of black farmers are tenant farmers or they’re sharecroppers.

但绝大多数黑人农民是佃农或佃农。

The economy’s in very bad shape and the Populists have a program to really transform the economy in ways that’ll be good for working people.

经济状况非常糟糕，民粹主义者有一个计划，以有利于劳动人民的方式真正改变经济。

Narration: The People’s Party built a platform of radical and untested ideas: public ownership of railroads and utilities, a federal income tax, a Treasury department empowered to write loans and to control the money supply.

旁白：人民党建立了一个包含激进且未经检验的想法的平台：铁路和公用事业的公有制、联邦所得税、有权发放贷款和控制货币供应的财政部。

Noam Maggor, Historian: The Populists were incredibly modern, incredibly forward-looking.

历史学家诺姆·马戈尔：民粹主义者非常现代，非常具有前瞻性。

They are thinking in very constructive, practical ways about how American political institutions and the role of government could reorganize.

他们正在以非常建设性、务实的方式思考如何重组美国的政治机构和政府的角色。

David Nasaw, Historian: What’s important to remember about this period is this sense of hope.

历史学家大卫·纳索：关于这一时期，最重要的是要记住这种希望感。

Change was possible.

改变是可能的。

Change was imminent.

改变迫在眉睫。

Democracy would triumph.

民主将会胜利。

Narration: While the Populists were organizing for future elections, there was another kind of fight bubbling at Andrew Carnegie’s steel mill in Homestead, Pennsylvania, just outside of Pittsburgh.

旁白：当民粹主义者为未来的选举做准备时，安德鲁·卡内基位于匹兹堡郊外宾夕法尼亚州霍姆斯特德的钢铁厂里正在爆发另一种斗争。

Homestead had become the jewel in the crown of Carnegie Steel by 1892.

到 1892 年，霍姆斯特德已成为卡内基钢铁公司皇冠上的明珠。

The plant was the envy of the industry.

该工厂令业界羡慕不已。

The town that grew up around the mill accommodated the families of four thousand steel workers, many of whom enjoyed the protection of the two labor unions that represented them.

围绕工厂发展起来的小镇容纳了四千名钢铁工人的家庭，其中许多人受到代表他们的两个工会的保护。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: People are doing pretty well under Carnegie.

丽贝卡·爱德华兹（Rebecca Edwards），历史学家：在卡内基的领导下，人们做得很好。

The skilled workers at Homestead will have pretty nice homes.

家园的熟练工人将会拥有非常漂亮的家园。

Their kids are getting an education, and there are ways in which they really have bought into and benefit from what Carnegie has built.

他们的孩子正在接受教育，他们在很多方面真正接受了卡内基所建立的东西并从中受益。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: They have incredible, identity with this work.

历史学家奥唐纳：他们对这项工作有着令人难以置信的认同。

They…

他们……

feel that this is not just simply a job that they go to, there’s a real sense of job ownership.

觉得这不仅仅是他们从事的一份工作，还有一种真正的工作所有权感。

Clearly they know Carnegie owns the factory but they feel that they have a stake in it.

显然，他们知道卡内基拥有这家工厂，但他们觉得自己拥有工厂的股份。

Narration: Andrew Carnegie was enjoying an extended vacation in the British Isles with his wife in the summer of 1892, but he was keeping an eye on business.

旁白：1892 年夏天，安德鲁·卡内基与妻子在不列颠群岛享受长假，但他一直在关注生意。

Union demands for wage increases at Homestead had riled him; his calculation was simple: rising wages meant falling profits.

工会要求霍姆斯特德增加工资的要求激怒了他；他的计算很简单：工资上涨意味着利润下降。

Like business owners all over the country, Carnegie did not care to be dictated to by his hired hands.

和全国各地的企业主一样，卡内基不喜欢被他的雇工发号施令。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: Carnegie may be a friend of labor, but he’s most importantly an independent capitalist.

历史学家奥唐纳：卡内基可能是劳工的朋友，但最重要的是他是一个独立的资本家。

When he’s got these competing sets of values it comes down to running his business in the most profitable way possible.

当他获得这些相互竞争的价值观时，归根结底就是以尽可能最有利可图的方式经营他的业务。

And by 1892 he says, “That’s gonna be without a union labor force.”

到了 1892 年，他说：“那就没有工会劳动力了。”

Narration: Carnegie and his team had already diminished the power of labor at his smaller plants; now he planned to break the unions at Homestead.

旁白：卡内基和他的团队已经削弱了他规模较小的工厂的劳动力力量；现在他计划解散霍姆斯特德的工会。

If the steel baron had any qualms, it was a fear that his reputation as the workingman’s friend would be broken too.

如果钢铁大亨有任何疑虑，那就是担心他作为工人朋友的声誉也会被破坏。

But he never doubted his right to do it.

但他从不怀疑自己这样做的权利。

His long-ago search to understand his own spectacular success had made him a true believer in the philosophy of Herbert Spencer.

很久以前，他对自己惊人成功的探索使他成为赫伯特·斯宾塞哲学的真正信徒。

Narration: Spencer had migrated Charles Darwin’s elegant new theory of evolution from the realm of biology to society at large – and coined the term “Survival of the Fittest.”

旁白：斯宾塞将查尔斯·达尔文优雅的新进化论从生物学领域迁移到整个社会，并创造了“适者生存”一词。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: Social Darwinism becomes a very powerful idea that justified success and justifies doing nothing about the people that are less fortunate.

历史学家奥唐纳：社会达尔文主义成为一种非常强大的思想，它为成功辩护，并为对不幸的人不采取任何行动是合理的。

Herbert Spencer would say, Look around you.

赫伯特·斯宾塞会说，看看你的周围。

The people who you see rising, the people who you see succeeding are the fit ones.

你看到崛起的人、你看到成功的人都是合适的人。

They are the ones who have “it” whatever “it” is—good genes, hard work, morality, thrift, sobriety.

他们是那些拥有“它”的人，无论“它”是什么——良好的基因、勤奋、道德、节俭、清醒。

They have got “it” and they are succeeding because of that and that’s good.

他们已经得到了“它”，并且因此而取得了成功，这很好。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: Carnegie says “Oh.

丽贝卡·爱德华兹，历史学家：卡内基说：“哦。

This is how the world is supposed to be.

这才是世界应该有的样子。

For me to struggle for survival out there in a ruthless way is gonna contribute to progress.

对我来说，以无情的方式为生存而奋斗将为进步做出贡献。

So not only am I not being, you know, sinful when I am being ruthless I’m doing exactly the right thing.”

所以，你知道，当我冷酷无情时，我不仅没有犯罪，而且我做的事情完全正确。”

Narration: Carnegie had given his right hand man, Henry Clay Frick, clear instructions: demand a sizeable wage cut at Homestead, and refuse to negotiate.

旁白：卡内基向他的得力助手亨利·克莱·弗里克发出了明确的指示：要求霍姆斯特德大幅削减工资，并拒绝谈判。

“We all approve of anything you do,” Carnegie wrote from three thousand miles away.

“我们都赞同你所做的一切，”卡内基在三千英里之外写道。

“We are with you to the end.”

“我们陪你到最后。”

Jackson Lears, Historian: He’s over in a manorial estate in Scotland drinking wine and, and going stag hunting.

杰克逊·李尔斯，历史学家：他在苏格兰的一个庄园里喝酒，然后去猎鹿。

And his lieutenant, Henry Clay Frick, who’s mean as hell, is in charge and, and he’s the one who brings about the confrontation with the strikers.

他的副官亨利·克莱·弗里克（Henry Clay Frick）非常卑鄙，他负责指挥，而他就是导致与前锋对抗的人。

But Carnegie’s on board with it, of course, he’s just not on the premises.

当然，卡内基也同意这么做，只是他不在现场。

Frick circled the 600-acre factory grounds with a fence, water cannons and sniper towers that gave Homestead the look and feel of an armed garrison.

弗里克用栅栏、水炮和狙击塔围绕着 600 英亩的工厂场地，让霍姆斯特德看起来就像是武装驻军。

The steelworkers would not be intimidated and refused to accept the proposed wage cuts.

钢铁工人没有被吓倒，拒绝接受减薪的提议。

Frick shuttered the plant and put a stop to the company payroll.

弗里克关闭了工厂并停止了公司的工资发放。

Union men went on strike, and threatened to block any replacements from entering the mill.

工会成员举行罢工，并威胁阻止任何替代者进入工厂。

On July 6th, 1892, under the cover of darkness, Frick shipped a 300-man private security force to protect the non-union replacement workers.

1892 年 7 月 6 日，弗里克在夜色掩护下派出了一支 300 人的私人保安部队来保护非工会替代工人。

When the barge carrying the armed guards arrived, Homestead’s union employees were there waiting for them, guns in hand.

当载有武装警卫的驳船抵达时，霍姆斯特德的工会员工已经拿着枪在那里等着他们。

After a prolonged firefight, the strikers used explosives in an attempt to blow up the barge.

经过长时间的交火，罢工者使用炸药试图炸毁驳船。

At least 16 people were killed and more than a hundred and fifty injured in the battle that followed.

在随后的战斗中，至少有 16 人死亡，一百五十多人受伤。

Narration: “Stand firm,” he telegraphed Frick from Scotland.

旁白：“立场坚定，”他从苏格兰给弗里克发电报。

“Must not fail now.”

“现在绝对不能失败。”

It took five months, but Carnegie did crush the union at Homestead -- with plenty of help from state officials.

花了五个月的时间，卡内基在州官员的大力帮助下，确实镇压了霍姆斯特德的工会。

When the company asked the Governor of Pennsylvania to send in National Guard troops to shore up its tattered private army, he dispatched a force of eighty-five hundred soldiers to put down the strike.

当该公司请求宾夕法尼亚州州长派遣国民警卫队来支撑其破烂的私人军队时，他派出了一支由八千五百名士兵组成的部队来镇压罢工。

Carnegie also knew he could count on the federal government if needed.

卡内基还知道，如果需要的话，他可以依靠联邦政府。

The president sent in troops to put down a similar strike at silver mines in Idaho that same week.

同周，总统派出军队镇压爱达荷州银矿的类似罢工。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: One of the big questions is, “Whose business is it?

历史学家丽贝卡·爱德华兹：最大的问题之一是，“这是谁的事？

Is it Carnegie’s business and does he get to make all the decisions or do workers have a place in that business, too?” And that’s kind of an open question and government ends up really coming out on the side of the guy who owns the property rather than the people who do the work.

这是卡内基的事吗？他可以做出所有决定，还是工人也能在这个行业中占有一席之地？”这是一个悬而未决的问题，政府最终确实站在了拥有房产的人而不是从事这项工作的人一边。

Narration: Carnegie was not happy that his public image had been tarnished by five months of bad press, but he made no apologies for exercising the full power and authority of ownership.

旁白：卡内基对他的公众形象因五个月的负面报道而受损感到不高兴，但他没有为行使所有权的全部权力和权威而道歉。

“Through the war at last,” Carnegie wrote to Frick from his new vacation spot in Italy.

“终于熬过了战争，”卡内基在意大利的新度假地给弗里克写信说。

“What a relief .

真是松了口气。

.

。

.

。

Now for long years of peace and prosperity.”

现在是为了长久的和平与繁荣。”

Narration: The morning of May 4, 1893 dawned like any other spring day in lower Manhattan; contentment and complacency didn’t last long though, as strange news began to ripple through Wall Street.

旁白：1893 年 5 月 4 日早晨，黎明就像曼哈顿下城任何一个春日一样。然而，满足和自满并没有持续多久，奇怪的消息开始传遍华尔街。

One of the most powerful trusts in the country – a company that had a virtual monopoly on the manufacture of rope and twine – was on the verge of failure.

该国最强大的信托公司之一——一家几乎垄断了绳索和麻线制造的公司——正处于破产的边缘。

If this powerful near-monopoly could collapse, many wondered what was safe?

如果这种强大的近乎垄断的局面可能崩溃，许多人想知道什么是安全的？

Cautious investors began to shed stock across industries; the Dow Jones Company recorded a precipitous drop.

谨慎的投资者开始抛售各个行业的股票；道琼斯公司股价大幅下跌。

A run on banks picked up speed.

银行挤兑加速。

By the end of that day, the nation’s wealth was already draining away.

到那天结束时，国家的财富已经耗尽。

The United States had weathered panics and downturns before, in fairly regular cycles.

美国以前曾以相当规律的周期经历过恐慌和经济衰退。

But the last big hit was a generation earlier, and the American economy had been transformed in those twenty years.

但最后一次重大打击发生在一代人之前，美国经济在这二十年里发生了转变。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: When the Panic of 1893 hit, it was sharper, faster, and more severe than before and this reflecting the fact that the United States had industrialized further.

历史学家布兰兹：1893年的恐慌来袭时，比以前更剧烈、更快、更严重，这反映了美国工业化程度进一步提高的事实。

There were more people in America who were dependent on their employment.

在美国有更多的人依赖于他们的工作。

There were more people connected to the growing financial system.

越来越多的人与不断发展的金融体系有联系。

There were more people who relied on the continued smooth working on things.

更多的人依赖于事情的持续顺利进行。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: The US has industrialized that much more, has urbanized that much more, is that much more dependent on manufacturing jobs and so the impact is really very severe.

历史学家丽贝卡·爱德华兹：美国工业化程度更高，城市化程度更高，对制造业就业的依赖程度也更高，因此影响确实非常严重。

People starve to death.

人们饿死了。

Narration: As many as a million people were thrown out of work.

旁白：多达一百万人失业。

One in five Americans no longer had an income.

五分之一的美国人不再有收入。

“Last cent gone,” wrote one young widow.

“最后一分钱都花光了，”一位年轻的寡妇写道。

“Children went to work without their breakfast.

“孩子们没有吃早餐就去上班了。

.

。

.

。

.

。

This awful struggle is wearing me out.”

这场可怕的斗争让我筋疲力尽。”

Julia Ott, Historian : What doesn’t exist in 1893 is really any capacity of government at any level, you know, national, state, local or anything like that to step in to help American citizens through hard times.

历史学家朱莉娅·奥特：1893 年，任何级别的政府实际上都不存在任何能力，无论是国家、州、地方还是类似的机构来帮助美国公民度过困难时期。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: All through The Gilded Age police all over the country had traditionally allowed people to sleep in the police station, they would have a little potbellied stove and you can sleep on the floor as long as you’re not disruptive.

丽贝卡·爱德华兹，历史学家：在整个镀金时代，全国各地的警察传统上都允许人们睡在警察局里，他们会有一个大腹便便的小炉子，只要你不打扰别人，你就可以睡在地板上。

That’s kind of the last ditch place of refuge.

那是最后的避难所。

And the police station stopped serving that function ’cause they just can’t handle the numbers.

警察局停止了这项功能，因为他们无法处理这些数字。

They’re totally overwhelmed.

他们完全不知所措。

They just start turning people away.

他们刚刚开始将人们拒之门外。

Narration: The nation was still weighed down by economic depression a year after the crash when, in the spring of 1894, a hundred men gathered at Massillon, Ohio.

旁白： 1894 年春天，1894 年春天，一百个人聚集在俄亥俄州的马西隆，当时的国家仍然受到经济萧条的困扰。

They showed up to support Jacob Coxey, a trim, bookish, 39-year-old with an electrifying idea: a march on the nation’s capitol.

他们出现是为了支持雅各布·考克西(Jacob Coxey)，他是一位身材修长、书生气十足的 39 岁年轻人，他有一个令人振奋的想法：在国会大厦游行。

“What I am after,” Coxey declared, “is to try to put this country in a condition so that no man who wants work shall be obliged to remain idle.”

“我所追求的，”考克西宣称，“是努力让这个国家处于这样一种状态，让任何想要工作的人都不必闲着。”

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: His basic idea is, “Look, we have two problems.

丽贝卡·爱德华兹，历史学家：他的基本想法是，“看，我们有两个问题。

We have bad roads and we have massive unemployment.

我们的路况很差，而且失业率很高。

There are thousands and thousands of men who want work.” And he says, “Why can’t the government hire people to fix the roads?”

有成千上万的男人想要工作。”他说：“为什么政府不能雇人来修路呢？”

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: Coxey proposes that the government should take responsibility for employing people who are out of work.

历史学家布兰兹：考西建议政府应该负责雇用失业人员。

That government do something to help them deal with the deficiencies of American capitalism.

该政府采取了一些措施来帮助他们解决美国资本主义的缺陷。

Narration: Coxey and his men had a 700-mile walk to Washington, D.C., in front of them.

旁白：考克西和他的手下步行 700 英里到达华盛顿特区，就在他们面前。

They hoped to make about fifteen miles a day, camping along the way, and stopping in towns and cities in Ohio and Pennsylvania to drum up support for their cause.

他们希望每天行驶约十五英里，沿途露营，并在俄亥俄州和宾夕法尼亚州的城镇停留，为他们的事业争取支持。

When his group started out on Easter Sunday, they walked straight into an ominous gale, and then a snowstorm.

当他的团队在复活节周日出发时，他们径直走进了一场不祥的大风，然后是暴风雪。

The first week was all misery: wagon wheels got mired in ice and mud; feet froze.

第一周充满了痛苦：马车的车轮陷入了冰和泥中；脚冻住了。

But the campaign, the first ever march on Washington, was front-page news, across the country.

但这场在华盛顿举行的首次游行活动成为了全国各地的头版新闻。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: This march is the big story of that season because nothing like this has ever happened before, and in some ways it looked like a pilgrimage of the Middle Ages where people would gather together and go to a shrine but this is the shrine of democracy they’re going to.

历史学家布兰兹：这次游行是那个季节的大事件，因为以前从未发生过这样的事情，从某些方面来说，它看起来就像中世纪的朝圣，人们聚集在一起去圣地，但这是他们要去的民主圣地。

They’re going to the capitol in Washington and they are petitioning the government.

他们要去华盛顿国会大厦向政府请愿。

Narration: Within days of Coxey’s start, groups of men formed new regiments of what had become known as the “United States Industrial Army.” They began their own marches to join Coxey in Washington.

旁白：考克西上任后的几天内，一群人组建了新的军团，即后来的“美国工业军”。他们开始了自己的游行，前往华盛顿与考西会合。

David Nasaw, Historian: The news of Coxey’s Army spreads - these are a lot of unemployed people.

大卫·纳索，历史学家：考克西军队的消息传开——有很多失业人员。

This is the height of the depression.

这是凹陷的高度。

Nobody knows how long this depression is gonna go on and the sense is, “What do we have a government for?

没有人知道这种萧条会持续多久，人们的感觉是，“我们要政府做什么？

You know, the government is responsible to us, to the people and we’re suffering.”

你知道，政府对我们、对人民负责，而我们正在受苦。”

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: People in Tacoma, Washington, and California say, “I have so few options here that I’m just gonna to Washington and ask for help and see if people will feed us along the way.”

历史学家丽贝卡·爱德华兹：塔科马、华盛顿和加利福尼亚州的人们说，“我在这里的选择太少了，我只能去华盛顿寻求帮助，看看人们是否会沿途给我们食物。”

Richard White, Historian: At first people in power treat Coxey as a joke.

历史学家理查德·怀特（Richard White）：一开始当权者把考克西当作一个笑话。

Coxey’s little army doesn’t bother them but further west you can’t march to Washington from Portland, or from Butte, Montana, or from San Francisco or from Los Angeles.

考克西的小军队不会打扰他们，但再往西，你无法从波特兰、蒙大拿州巴特、旧金山或洛杉矶向华盛顿进军。

People start stealing trains.

人们开始偷火车。

Narration: When Coxey’s own small procession crossed into the industrialized sections of western Pennsylvania, six thousand citizens of Beaver Falls came out to welcome it.

旁白：当考克西自己的小游行队伍进入宾夕法尼亚州西部的工业化地区时，海狸福尔斯的六千名居民出来欢迎。

Locals donated wagonloads of food — and a little cash.

当地人捐赠了一车车的食物和一点现金。

More than forty thousand hailed them at Allegheny City, where onlookers proudly pinned red white and blue “Coxey” badges on their lapels.

四万人在阿勒格尼市向他们致意，旁观者自豪地将红白蓝相间的“Coxey”徽章别在他们的衣领上。

As they approached Homestead, home to Carnegie Steel, they were given their warmest greeting yet and Coxey’s numbers swelled to around six hundred.

当他们接近卡内基钢铁公司所在地霍姆斯特德时，他们受到了迄今为止最热烈的欢迎，考克西的人数增加到了大约六百人。

Steve Fraser, Historian: The notion that the situation had changed that people were no longer able to be self-reliant, that the economy was so subject to chaotic fluctuations that they had no recourse in these down times except for the government, that was a very alien idea.

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽（Steve Fraser）：认为情况已经发生变化，人们不再能够自力更生，经济如此容易受到混乱波动的影响，以至于除了政府之外，他们在经济低迷时期没有追索权，这是一个非常陌生的想法。

Narration: “The lessons of paternalism ought to be unlearned,” President Grover Cleveland had declared in his inaugural address the year before, “and the better lesson taught that while the people should patriotically and cheerfully support their Government its functions do not include the support of the people.”

旁白：“家长式作风的教训应该被忘记，”格罗弗·克利夫兰总统在前一年的就职演说中宣称，“更好的教训是，虽然人民应该爱国并愉快地支持他们的政府，但其职能并不包括人民的支持。”

Business owners and editorial boards agreed and imputed the worst of motives to the marchers - they were shirkers, or grasping, or criminals.

企业主和编辑委员会都同意，并将最坏的动机归咎于游行者——他们是逃避者、贪婪者或罪犯。

Jackson Lears, Historian: There’s a kind of universal hostility among the respectable classes.

历史学家杰克逊·李尔斯：受人尊敬的阶级之间存在着一种普遍的敌意。

These are the rabble.

这些都是乌合之众。

They have no permanent abode.

他们没有永久的住所。

Their mobility across the landscape is somehow threatening.

他们在整个地区的流动性在某种程度上是一种威胁。

It shows the divisions in the society with a kind of stunning clarity.

它以令人惊叹的清晰度展示了社会的分歧。

Narration: Coxey planned to read a speech and present a petition asking Congress to fund a program that would pay unemployed workers a dollar and a half a day to build roads and schools and courthouses.

旁白：考克西计划宣读一次演讲并提交一份请愿书，要求国会资助一项计划，向失业工人支付每天半美元的费用，用于修建道路、学校和法院。

Nell Irvin Painter, Historian: Coxey gets up to address the crowd and the police come and drag him off, beat him up, drag him off for walking on the grass.

内尔·欧文·画家、历史学家：考西站起来向人群发表讲话，警察过来把他拖走，殴打他，因为他在草地上行走而把他拖走。

Narration: Coxey’s followers in Washington dispersed, and the other marches stalled.

旁白：考克西在华盛顿的追随者散去，其他游行陷入停滞。

Only a handful of United States Industrial Army regiments made it anywhere near the capital.

只有少数美国工业军军团到达首都附近。

Coxey was convicted of the crime of displaying a partisan banner on the Capitol grounds as well as walking on the government’s grass.

考克西被判犯有在国会大厦场地悬挂党派旗帜以及在政府草坪上行走的罪行。

He was fined $5 and sentenced to twenty days in jail.

他被罚款 5 美元并被判处 20 天监禁。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: The results are pretty bitterly disappointing to people who were hoping that they could bring attention and action on the issue of unemployment.

历史学家丽贝卡·爱德华兹：对于那些希望能够引起人们对失业问题的关注并采取行动的人来说，结果非常令人失望。

People can’t feed their families and they’re hoping maybe there’ll be a solution.

人们无法养家糊口，他们希望也许能有一个解决方案。

And there isn’t.

但没有。

Some of Coxey’s supporters get arrested and put on the chain gang in Maryland and the whole movement just kind of collapses.

考克西的一些支持者在马里兰州被捕并被戴上铁链，整个运动就这样崩溃了。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian : It’s a confirmation that the political establishment is not in the hands of the people.

历史学家奥唐纳：这证实了政治体制并不掌握在人民手中。

It’s in the hands of corporate interests and also political parties that don’t want to hear from the people.

它掌握在企业利益和不想听取人民意见的政党手中。

Narration: The wrenching depression had barely touched J.P.

旁白：令人痛苦的抑郁症几乎没有触及 J.P.

Morgan.

摩根.

Net profits at his private bank were five times that of the country’s largest commercial bank, and growing every year.

他的私人银行的净利润是该国最大商业银行的五倍，并且每年都在增长。

The downward economic spiral had even offered Morgan the opportunity to finally bring to heel large sections of the railroad industry.

经济螺旋式下滑甚至为摩根提供了最终让铁路行业大部分部门就范的机会。

Morgan bought controlling interest in a slew of bankrupt roads, stacked their corporate boards with men he deemed trustworthy, and handpicked management teams that answered to the person who represented the bulk of the stockholders -- Pierpont Morgan himself.

摩根购买了许多破产道路的控股权，在公司董事会中任命了他认为值得信赖的人，并精心挑选了管理团队，这些团队对代表大多数股东的人——皮尔庞特·摩根本人负责。

Steve Fraser, Historian: Morgan is a principal architect of the publicly traded corporation, which will transform American economic life.

史蒂夫·弗雷泽（Steve Fraser），历史学家：摩根是上市公司的主要设计师，该公司将改变美国的经济生活。

He also recognizes that if you have a kind of impersonal management, one that doesn’t have a direct proprietary stake in the corporation, you can get a more global view of what is good for the corporation.

他还认识到，如果你采用一种非人性化的管理方式，即在公司中没有直接的专有股份，你就可以更全面地了解什么对公司有利。

Narration: Just at the moment Morgan gained control, a storm was gathering .

旁白：就在摩根掌控局面的那一刻，一场风暴正在聚集。

.

。

.

。

and Pierpont could see it develop, up close.

皮尔庞特可以近距离观察它的发展。

Across the street from the House of Morgan, at the New York Sub-treasury, wagons were being loaded up with gold bars for the short trip to the New York docks, and then for the longer passage to Europe.

在摩根大厦街对面的纽约分库里，马车上满载着金条，准备短途前往纽约码头，然后再长途跋涉前往欧洲。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: Gold was money and in a Depression people want their money back and so literally ships full of gold were leaving New York and other U.S. ports and going to Europe as people asked to have their money back.

历史学家丽贝卡·爱德华兹（Rebecca Edwards）：黄金就是金钱，在大萧条时期，人们希望拿回自己的钱，因此，当人们要求拿回钱时，满载黄金的船只正离开纽约和其他美国港口，前往欧洲。

Richard White, Historian: In 1895 everything that can go wrong with the gold standard had gone wrong.

历史学家理查德·怀特（Richard White）：1895 年，金本位制中所有可能出问题的地方都出了问题。

Europeans, because of the Depression, are pulling investments out of the United States.

由于经济大萧条，欧洲人正在将投资撤出美国。

And also the cotton crop has failed, which brings in a lot of European gold coming in exchange for American cotton.

而且棉花作物歉收，这带来了大量欧洲黄金来换取美国棉花。

So it’s a perfect storm.

所以这是一场完美的风暴。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: There was this cycle that fed on itself.

历史学家布兰兹：这个循环是自我循环的。

As people got more nervous about the paper dollars, they more and more demanded gold, and, as they demanded gold then the gold drained from the Treasury’s vault and people got more nervous still.

随着人们对纸币越来越紧张，他们对黄金的需求也越来越多，而当他们需要黄金时，黄金就会从财政部的金库中流失，人们变得更加紧张。

Narration: By the last week of January 1895, with the nation’s gold reserve down by more than 50 percent, President Grover Cleveland asked Congress to appropriate funds to borrow more gold.

旁白：到 1895 年 1 月的最后一周，国家黄金储备下降了 50% 以上，格罗弗·克利夫兰总统要求国会拨款借入更多黄金。

Federal legislators took a pass; many saw the crisis as an opportunity to get the United States off the gold standard.

联邦立法者通过了；许多人将这场危机视为美国摆脱金本位制的机会。

Scores of Congressmen had already advocated the introduction of silver into the U.S. currency system.

许多国会议员已经主张将白银引入美国货币体系。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: The fight over money—does money consist of gold, or silver, or something else—is a fight that pits the capitalists, who wanna stick with gold — they’re property owners and gold means that the dollar will be strong and their property will be worth a lot.

历史学家布兰兹：关于金钱的斗争——金钱是由黄金、白银还是其他东西组成——是一场让资本家陷入困境的斗争，他们想要坚持黄金——他们是财产所有者，而黄金意味着美元将坚挺，他们的财产将值很多钱。

It pits them against farmers and workers.

这使他们与农民和工人对立。

Narration: The mere talk of silver, Morgan believed, was spooking European investors, and causing them to flee the US market.

旁白：摩根认为，仅仅谈论白银就会吓到欧洲投资者，并导致他们逃离美国市场。

At the beginning of February, with the nation’s gold supply still dwindling, and Congress sitting on its hands, Morgan calculated that the United States government would default on its debt in a matter of weeks, if not days.

2月初，由于美国的黄金供应仍在减少，国会也按兵不动，摩根计算出美国政府将在几周甚至几天内违约。

Richard John, Historian: J.P.

理查德·约翰，历史学家：J.P.

Morgan…

摩根…

believed in stability and he bet on America.

他相信稳定，并把赌注押在美国身上。

And in 1895 he’d come to the realization that he’s going to need to take direct action in order to preserve financial stability.

1895 年，他意识到他需要采取直接行动来维护金融稳定。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: He doesn’t want the U.S. federal government to go bankrupt because it would have horrible ramifications for the standing of the United States in the world, for the American economy.

历史学家布兰兹：他不希望美国联邦政府破产，因为这会对美国在世界上的地位和美国经济产生可怕的影响。

He knew this would be a disaster.

他知道这将是一场灾难。

But also Morgan was a wealthy man and nearly all of his holdings were in U.S. dollars.

但摩根也是一位富有的人，他所持有的几乎所有资产都是美元。

And if the dollar becomes worth less he loses.

如果美元贬值，他就会亏损。

So he hitches his special private railroad car to a southbound train and he goes to Washington.

于是，他把他的特殊私人火车车厢搭上了南行的火车，然后去了华盛顿。

Narration: “We shall make strongest possible fight for sound currency,” Morgan wired to a partner in his bank.

旁白：“我们将尽最大努力争取健全的货币，”摩根给银行的一位合伙人发了电报。

“If fail .

“如果失败的话。

.

。

it is impossible [to] overestimate what shall be result.

不可能高估将会发生的结果。

Must admit am not hopeful.”

必须承认我不抱希望。”

When Morgan arrived in Washington the President refused to see him.

当摩根抵达华盛顿时，总统拒绝见他。

Grover Cleveland did not want to be seen as a tool of the big banks.

格罗弗·克利夫兰不想被视为大银行的工具。

Morgan checked into the Arlington Hotel, across Lafayette Square from the Executive Mansion, and waited, sure the President would come to his senses.

摩根住进了行政官邸对面拉斐特广场的阿灵顿酒店，等待着，确信总统会清醒过来。

Richard John, Historian: It’s not as if Grover Cleveland has an enormous toolkit at his disposal.

理查德·约翰，历史学家：格罗弗·克利夫兰并没有一个庞大的工具包可供使用。

The whole idea that President Cleveland could solve the problem by himself is based on this bizarre assumption that Presidents can solve economic problems.

克利夫兰总统可以自己解决问题的整个想法是基于总统可以解决经济问题的奇怪假设。

That’s a 20th century assumption.

这是20世纪的假设。

It’s not a 19th century assumption.

这不是 19 世纪的假设。

So when President Cleveland turns to Morgan he quite rightly is turning to the one individual who has the power, at least potentially, to solve the problem.

因此，当克利夫兰总统求助于摩根时，他完全正确地求助于一个有能力（至少有潜力）解决问题的人。

Cleveland doesn’t.

克利夫兰没有。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: Morgan was having breakfast when invitation came from the White House, “Mr. Morgan, the President will see you.” J.P.

历史学家布兰兹：摩根正在吃早餐，白宫发出邀请，“摩根先生，总统会见您。” J.P.

Morgan has connections throughout the financial industry and so he knows who’s gonna be demanding gold now and in the near future in a way that Cleveland doesn’t.

摩根在整个金融行业都有人脉，因此他知道现在和不久的将来谁会以克利夫兰不知道的方式需求黄金。

And what Morgan tells Cleveland is that, “You don’t realize this, Mr. President, but the government of the United States is gonna collapse financially today unless you do something dramatic.”

摩根告诉克利夫兰的是，“总统先生，你没有意识到这一点，但除非你采取一些戏剧性的措施，否则美国政府今天将在财政上崩溃。”

Narration: Morgan explained to the President that he had a plan.

旁白：摩根向总统解释说他有一个计划。

An obscure Civil War-era law allowed for an emergency loan of gold to the US Treasury from private parties – without the need of Congressional approval.

内战时期一项不起眼的法律允许私人团体向美国财政部提供黄金紧急贷款，而无需国会批准。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: So Cleveland says, “Where is the money gonna come from.” “Well, there’s a syndicate that I’ve put together.

历史学家布兰兹：所以克利夫兰说，“钱从哪里来。” “嗯，我组建了一个辛迪加。

Investors, American investors, and a number of European investors.

投资者，美国投资者，还有一些欧洲投资者。

And they’re willing to lend to the U.S. government gold.”

他们愿意借给美国政府黄金。”

Narration: Cleveland reluctantly signed on to Morgan’s plan, and Morgan made it work.

旁白：克利夫兰不情愿地签署了摩根的计划，而摩根让它发挥了作用。

His syndicate provided the cash and credit Congress would not.

他的财团提供了国会不会提供的现金和信贷。

The nation’s gold reserves soon began to climb back toward safe levels.

该国的黄金储备很快开始回升至安全水平。

Richard John, Historian: We don’t have a Federal Reserve Bank in 1895.

历史学家理查德·约翰：1895 年我们还没有联邦储备银行。

There is no institution that can smooth out the perturbations in the business cycle.

没有任何机构可以消除商业周期中的扰动。

Morgan basically smooths them out himself.

摩根基本上亲自解决了这些问题。

Now we can certainly say that this is a problem that a private individual has acquired such power.

现在我们可以肯定地说，这是一个私人获得这种权力的问题。

But the question then comes, “Well if J.P.

但问题随之而来，“如果 J.P.

Morgan hadn’t acted what would have happened?”

摩根没有采取行动会发生什么？”

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: At that moment, Morgan was clearly the most powerful man in America, and clearly at that moment more powerful than the President of the United States.

历史学家布兰兹：在那一刻，摩根显然是美国最有权势的人，而且显然在那一刻比美国总统更有权力。

Grover Cleveland could’ve not have stemmed the panic.

格罗弗·克利夫兰无法平息恐慌。

J.P.

J.P.

Morgan did.

摩根做到了。

Narration: Pierpont Morgan appeared to have the wind at his back as he entertained fellow industrialists on his yacht in June of 1895.

旁白：1895 年 6 月，皮尔庞特·摩根 (Pierpont Morgan) 在他的游艇上招待实业家同事时，他似乎顺风顺水。

“The feeling abroad is very strongly in favor of American securities,” Morgan told reporters, in a rare public statement.

摩根在一份罕见的公开声明中对记者表示：“国外的情绪非常强烈地支持美国证券。”

“They recognize the fact that the Government is pledged to maintain the gold standard.”

“他们认识到政府承诺维持金本位这一事实。”

When Morgan moored in the resort town of Newport, Rhode Island, later that summer, he found himself in decidedly like-minded company.

那年夏天晚些时候，当摩根停泊在罗德岛州的度假小镇纽波特时，他发现自己显然是志同道合的伙伴。

“I suppose there is no place like it in the world,” a young British diplomat reported, “where people have put themselves to so much trouble and expense to get the means of happiness.”

一位年轻的英国外交官报告说：“我想世界上没有哪一个地方像这里一样，人们不辞辛劳、不辞辛劳，只为获得幸福。”

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: No one worked.

历史学家西尔维娅·霍弗特：没有人工作。

It was more pleasant than spending your summers in New York.

这比在纽约度过夏天更愉快。

You would’ve taken your staff to your house.

你会带你的员工去你家。

They spent an enormous amount of time trying to figure out how to entertain themselves and each other.

他们花费了大量的时间试图找出如何娱乐自己和彼此。

What you did was to plan parties, and suppers, and picnics, you’d have tennis tournaments, and you’d have parades.

你所做的就是计划聚会、晚餐和野餐，你会举办网球锦标赛，你会举办游行。

They would’ve changed clothes five and six times a day so they would spend a lot of time in their dressing room.

他们每天会换五六次衣服，所以他们会在更衣室里度过很多时间。

Narration: There was, at least, a whiff of social intrigue in the summer of 1895.

旁白： 1895 年夏天，至少有一丝社会阴谋的气息。

Alva Vanderbilt, who had been firmly established as a leader of elite society, had broken a cardinal rule of her crowd.

阿尔瓦·范德比尔特（Alva Vanderbilt）一直被确立为精英社会的领导者，但她却打破了她的群体的基本规则。

And she had done it — as was her custom — in a very public way.

她按照她的习惯，以一种非常公开的方式做到了这一点。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: When Alva Vanderbilt sues her husband for divorce it is a capital S scandal.

奥唐纳，历史学家：当阿尔瓦·范德比尔特起诉她的丈夫离婚时，这是一场大丑闻。

It wasn’t unheard of but it was extremely rare in the United States for people to get divorced.

这并非闻所未闻，但在美国，人们离婚的情况极为罕见。

It was also considered not the thing to do if you were a member of the elite.

如果你是精英阶层的一员，这也被认为是不应该做的事情。

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: The underlying assumption was that men of this social class were having affairs with women and there was absolutely nothing their wives could do about it.

西尔维娅·霍弗特（Sylvia Hoffert），历史学家：基本的假设是，这个社会阶层的男人与女人发生外遇，而他们的妻子对此毫无办法。

It simply wasn’t discussed and the wives put up with it.

根本没有讨论这个问题，妻子们也忍受了。

Willie K.’s problem is that he went to Paris, took up with a woman and flaunted it.

威利·K (Willie K.) 的问题在于，他去了巴黎，与一个女人发生关系，并炫耀了这一点。

And Alva’s problem was she didn’t put up with anything.

阿尔瓦的问题是她无法忍受任何事情。

Narration: The well-publicized divorce had been completed long before the summer season.

旁白：这桩广为人知的离婚案早在夏季到来之前就已完成。

The regular folk keeping track in the newspapers had to think Alva won the day.

报纸上跟踪报道的普通民众不得不认为阿尔瓦赢得了胜利。

She got to keep her palace on Fifth Avenue, her summer cottage in Newport and custody of the couple’s three children.

她保留了第五大道上的宫殿、纽波特的避暑别墅以及这对夫妇的三个孩子的监护权。

She did not retain custody of her cherished social standing.

她没有保留自己所珍视的社会地位。

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: She’d go to a dinner party and the women would completely ignore her people she considered her friends.

西尔维娅·霍弗特（Sylvia Hoffert），历史学家：她去参加一个晚宴，而女人们会完全忽视她认为是朋友的人。

She was warned that she would be cut out of society and I think she thought, given her ego, that she was just too important for anyone to, to treat like that and she was wrong.

她被警告说她将被排除在社会之外，我认为她认为，考虑到她的自负，她对任何人来说都太重要了，不能这样对待她，她错了。

Narration: Alva had an ace up her sleeve – a way to not simply regain her standing, but to improve it.

旁白：阿尔瓦有一张王牌——不仅能恢复她的地位，还能提高她的地位。

The scheme depended largely on her daughter, Consuelo, who had just reached marrying age.

该计划很大程度上取决于她刚刚达到结婚年龄的女儿康苏埃洛。

While traveling in Europe Alva had arranged for Consuelo to meet the Duke of Marlborough, one of the most eligible bachelors among the British aristocracy.

在欧洲旅行期间，阿尔瓦安排康苏埃洛会见马尔伯勒公爵，他是英国贵族中最有资格的单身汉之一。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian : The Vanderbilt family has massive amounts of money and the Duke of Marlborough has a title, has an estate, has all that heritage but lacks money.

历史学家奥唐纳：范德比尔特家族拥有巨额资金，马尔伯勒公爵有头衔、有遗产、有所有遗产，但缺钱。

So it’s a perfect marriage.

所以这是一段完美的婚姻。

“We’ve got the money.

“我们有钱。

You’ve got the heritage.

你有遗产。

Let’s make a deal.”

我们来做个交易吧。”

Narration: Alva kept the Duke as her private prize when he arrived in Newport at the end of August.

旁白：八月底公爵抵达纽波特时，阿尔瓦将公爵作为她的私人奖品。

Sylvia Hoffert, Historian: Keep in mind that she’s been banished by society so it’s really interesting is that when she announces that she’s going the have the Duke of Marlborough visit all of a sudden she’s perfectly acceptable company.

西尔维娅·霍弗特（Sylvia Hoffert），历史学家：请记住，她已经被社会放逐了，所以真正有趣的是，当她宣布她要去马尔伯勒公爵访问时，她突然成为完全可以接受的陪伴。

So everyone wants to meet the Duke of Marlborough.

所以每个人都想见到马尔伯勒公爵。

Narration: Consuelo’s wedding that fall in New York was front page news across the nation and everyone in Alva’s circle clamored for an invitation.

旁白：康苏埃洛那年秋天在纽约举行的婚礼成为了全国的头条新闻，阿尔瓦圈子里的每个人都大声要求邀请。

Queen Victoria sent a telegram of congratulations.

维多利亚女王发来贺电。

Noam Maggor, Historian: Marrying into an aristocratic family as a way of legitimizing a family status is increasingly attractive for some of these elite families.

诺姆·马格，历史学家：对于一些精英家庭来说，嫁入贵族家庭作为使家庭地位合法化的一种方式越来越有吸引力。

They're trying to establish themselves as a class apart from society.

他们试图将自己确立为一个独立于社会的阶级。

Narration: Alva’s triumph was not universally cheered, especially when news got out that the Duke of Marlborough had only married Consuelo for her money – which by some accounts amounted to a dowry of five million dollars.

旁白：阿尔瓦的胜利并没有受到普遍的欢呼，尤其是当有消息传出马尔伯勒公爵嫁给康苏埃洛只是为了她的钱时——根据一些人的说法，这笔钱相当于五百万美元的嫁妆。

The Populist firebrand Mary Elizabeth Lease called the marriage “a disgrace.”

民粹主义煽动者玛丽·伊丽莎白·莱斯称这段婚姻是“耻辱”。

“Once we made it our boast that this nation was not founded upon any class distinction,” she lamented.

“我们曾经夸口说这个国家不是建立在任何阶级区别之上的，”她哀叹道。

“Now .

“现在。”

.

。

.

。

we are .

我们是。

.

。

.

。

selling our children to titled débauchées.”

把我们的孩子卖给那些有名望的浪荡子。”

Narration: Democrats convened in Chicago in the summer of 1896 to pick their nominee for the upcoming presidential election.

旁白：1896 年夏天，民主党人在芝加哥召开会议，为即将到来的总统选举挑选候选人。

There were six serious contenders for the nomination, and no clear frontrunner.

该提名有六位有力的竞争者，但没有明显的领先者。

Neither was there a definite consensus on an issue that had become increasingly contentious: the future of the nation’s currency.

对于一个日益引起争议的问题，即国家货币的未来，也没有达成明确的共识。

Some Democrats supported the gold standard, which aligned them with big business.

一些民主党人支持金本位制，这使他们与大企业保持一致。

Others were determined to introduce silver, which they believed would help out struggling farmers and working people.

其他人则决心引入白银，他们相信这将帮助陷入困境的农民和劳动人民。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: The silver wing of the party has this continuing complaint against Cleveland and the gold Democrats, complaining that Cleveland sold the United States to J.P.

历史学家布兰兹：该党的银翼不断抱怨克利夫兰和金民主党，抱怨克利夫兰将美国卖给了 J.P.

Morgan.

摩根.

And those people who criticized Morgan said, “This is one more example of what this nation has come to where one individual can hold the entire nation hostage to his willingness to cut this deal or not.

那些批评摩根的人说：“这是这个国家已经走到这一步的又一个例子，一个人可以将整个国家作为他是否愿意达成这项协议的人质。

This is untenable.

这是站不住脚的。

Something has to change.”

有些事情必须改变。”

Narration: Making the case for silver fell to a little-known former Congressman from Nebraska, 36 year-old William Jennings Bryan.

旁白：为白银辩护的人是来自内布拉斯加州的一位鲜为人知的前国会议员，即 36 岁的威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩 (William Jennings Bryan)。

Michael Kazin, Historian: He has practiced relentlessly to make sure his voice can be heard as far as possible.

历史学家迈克尔·卡辛（Michael Kazin）：他坚持不懈地练习，以确保他的声音能够被尽可能多的人听到。

He can project his voice so well and modulate it so well that it’s quite possible that he was the only speaker in that debate that everyone in the hall could hear.

他可以很好地表达自己的声音并很好地调节它，以至于他很可能是那场辩论中唯一一个大厅里每个人都能听到的发言者。

Narration: “Having behind us…the laboring interests and all the toiling masses,” Bryan thundered to the 15,000 conventioneers.

旁白：“我们身后……是劳工利益集团和所有劳动群众，”布莱恩向 15,000 名与会者大声说道。

“We will answer…demands for a gold standard by saying…you shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns.

“我们将回答……金本位制的要求……你们不应该把这顶荆棘王冠压在劳工的额头上。

You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.”

你不应该把人类钉在金十字架上。”

Richard White, Historian: He thrusts out his arms, “Are we gonna crucify America on a cross of gold?” And he stands there in the pause, in the silence, as he himself becomes this epitome of the, the United States, of workers, of everybody as being the crucified Christ in this great evangelical Protestant appeal, and the audience just erupts.

历史学家理查德·怀特：他伸出双臂，“我们要把美国钉在金十字架上吗？”他站在那儿，在停顿中，在沉默中，当他自己成为美国、工人、每个人的缩影，在这个伟大的福音派新教呼吁中成为被钉在十字架上的基督时，观众爆发了。

Steve Fraser, Historian: It’s so powerful because it does sum up what people have been feeling for now probably two generations, certainly all through The Gilded Age, that the country seemed to many to have lost its soul, that all that mattered was enrichment, the gathering in of as much money and wealth as possible and that this was the election.

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽（Steve Fraser）：它是如此强大，因为它确实总结了人们现在可能两代人，当然整个镀金时代的感受，即这个国家对许多人来说似乎已经失去了灵魂，重要的是致富，聚集尽可能多的金钱和财富，这就是选举。

This, this was gonna be a turning point.

这，这将是一个转折点。

Narration: Bryan’s speech won the Hall and secured him the Democratic nomination.

旁白：布莱恩的演讲赢得了大厅的支持，并为他赢得了民主党提名。

He advocated something entirely new for a major national party.

他为一个主要的全国性政党提倡一些全新的东西。

Bryan Democrats supported silver, a federal income tax on the highest earners and the break-up of powerful industrial monopolies.

布莱恩民主党人支持白银、对最高收入者征收联邦所得税以及打破强大的工业垄断。

Rebecca Edwards, Historian: For the 19th century the Democrats had been really the party of smaller government and more local authority.

历史学家丽贝卡·爱德华兹（Rebecca Edwards）：在 19 世纪，民主党实际上是一个政府规模较小、地方权力较多的政党。

And all of a sudden they’re saying, “You know what?

突然他们说：“你知道吗？

In this era of corporate capitalism we need government to do more to play a role in protecting and advancing the interests of ordinary people who are facing forces that are much bigger and more powerful than they have in the past.

在这个企业资本主义时代，我们需要政府发挥更多作用，保护和促进普通民众的利益，他们面临着比过去更大、更强大的力量。

Narration: The People’s Party fell in line at their own convention in St. Louis; their delegates chose not to nominate their own candidate for President, but pledged support to William Jennings Bryan.

旁白：人民党在圣路易斯举行的代表大会上排队；他们的代表选择不提名自己的总统候选人，但承诺支持威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩。

Mary Elizabeth Lease, like many Populists, was wary; she suspected Bryan was more political opportunist than True Believer.

玛丽·伊丽莎白·莱斯（Mary Elizabeth Lease）和许多民粹主义者一样，持谨慎态度。她怀疑布莱恩比真正的信徒更具政治机会主义倾向。

But she saw the Democrat as the best hope to put power back in the hands of the people; and the best hope to harness political blocs that had not yet found common ground.

但她认为民主党是将权力重新交到人民手中的最佳希望。以及利用尚未找到共同点的政治集团的最大希望。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: If the campaign had a wish list it’s that Bryan’s message of economic fairness, of greater opportunity for all, that that will play really well in the heartland and gather the rural vote and it will also play well in urban America.

奥唐纳，历史学家：如果说竞选活动有一个愿望清单的话，那就是布莱恩关于经济公平、为所有人提供更多机会的信息，这将在美国的中心地带发挥很好的作用，吸引农村选票，而且在美国城市也将发挥良好的作用。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: This was a critical moment.

历史学家布兰兹：这是一个关键时刻。

It was the moment in American history where there was the greatest possibility of real class-based politics.

这是美国历史上最有可能出现真正的阶级政治的时刻。

Bryan’s success depended on something happening that hadn’t happened before and that is that farmers and industrial workers would see that they had a common cause.

布莱恩的成功取决于以前没有发生过的事情，那就是农民和产业工人会看到他们有一个共同的事业。

If they do, Bryan will win.

如果他们这样做，布莱恩就会获胜。

Narration: The Republican party nominated former congressman and Ohio governor William McKinley, a long-time champion of American business ­­– and, more recently, the gold standard.

旁白：共和党提名了前国会议员、俄亥俄州州长威廉·麦金利（William McKinley），他是美国商界的长期拥护者，最近也是金本位制的拥护者。

He ran a decidedly traditional campaign remaining on his front porch in his hometown of Canton hosting daily trainloads of visiting groups.

他在家乡广州的前廊上开展了一场绝对传统的竞选活动，每天接待一列来访的团体。

McKinley vehemently opposed Bryan and his platform.

麦金莱强烈反对布莱恩和他的政纲。

The economy was finally ready to climb out of the long depression, McKinley insisted.

麦金莱坚称，经济终于准备好摆脱长期萧条。

America’s signature industries had already overtaken all the leading European producers.

美国的标志性产业已经超过了所有欧洲领先的生产商。

Jobs were coming back.

乔布斯正在回来。

McKinley promised to protect the gains, and extend them.

麦金莱承诺保护并扩大成果。

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: The Republican message was, was pretty straightforward.

历史学家奥唐纳：共和党传达的信息非常简单。

“We are the party of business, the party of prosperity,” They say, “You are going to kill the goose that lays the golden egg.

“我们是商业的政党，繁荣的政党，”他们说，“你会杀鸡取卵。

Right now we’ve got the goose, this industrial economy, and it’s doing fine and is laying golden eggs at a, at a rate we’ve never seen before.

现在我们已经有了鹅，这个工业经济，它运行良好，并且正在以我们以前从未见过的速度产金蛋。

And if you start meddling with this and start imposing regulations, and start imposing artificial constraints on it you will kill the goose that lays the golden egg.”

如果你开始干预这个事情，开始实施监管，开始对其施加人为限制，你就会杀掉下金蛋的鹅。”

Narration: Bryan, meanwhile, embarked on something rarely seen in politics: the whistle-stop tour.

旁白：与此同时，布莱恩开始了政治上罕见的事情：短暂停留。

He traveled more than 18,000 miles, with reporters in tow, and brought his message directly to the voters.

他带着记者旅行了 18,000 多英里，直接向选民传达了他的信息。

David Nasaw, Historian: William Jennings Bryan is a phenomenon in American politics.

大卫·纳索，历史学家：威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩是美国政治中的一个现象。

He could speak from the stump for hours and everywhere he went he drew huge crowds.

他可以在树桩上演讲几个小时，所到之处都吸引了大批人群。

Bryan had sympathetic audience, and a motivated one.

布莱恩拥有一批富有同情心且积极主动的观众。

The country might be on the upswing again, but it was hard to feel.

这个国家可能会再次崛起，但感觉却很难。

Americans were enduring a third straight year of economic depression.

美国人正在经历连续第三年的经济萧条。

The unemployment rate had tripled.

失业率增加了两倍。

Exports were still on the decline.

出口仍呈下降趋势。

Farmers watched as wheat sales dropped 75 percent.

农民眼睁睁地看着小麦销量下降 75%。

And neither the sitting President nor the United States Congress appeared willing to mitigate the suffering.

现任总统和美国国会似乎都不愿意减轻痛苦。

“There are those who believe that if you will only legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below,” Bryan proclaimed.

布莱恩宣称：“有些人认为，如果立法只是为了让富人繁荣，他们的繁荣就会惠及底层人民。”

“The Democratic idea, however, has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous, their prosperity will find its way up through every class which rests upon them.”

“然而，民主党的想法是，如果你立法让群众富裕起来，那么他们的繁荣就会惠及他们所依赖的每个阶级。”

Edward T.

爱德华·T。

O'Donnell, Historian: Bryan says, “There are two theories of government.

历史学家奥唐纳：布莱恩说：“政府有两种理论。

One theory of government is that government should do things to benefit the wealthy and there’s another theory of government, which is that the government should do things to maximize the prosperity of the greatest number of people and that will make us a healthy, vibrant democracy.

一种政府理论是，政府应该做有利于富人的事情，还有另一种政府理论，那就是政府应该做一些事情，使最大多数人的繁荣最大化，这将使我们成为一个健康、充满活力的民主国家。

Narration: Growing alarmed at the size of the Bryan crowds all through that summer, the Republican Party dispatched surrogates across the country to make the case for McKinley and continuity.

旁白：整个夏天，共和党对布莱恩支持者的规模越来越感到震惊，因此在全国各地派遣了代理人，为麦金莱和连续性辩护。

David Nasaw, Historian: The business interests begin to coalesce in a bigger way than ever before behind the Republican Party because they fear the Henry Georges in the East, and the Populists in the Midwest, and the stirrings of Populism in the South.

历史学家大卫·纳索：商业利益集团开始以前所未有的规模联合起来支持共和党，因为他们害怕东部的亨利·乔治、中西部的民粹主义者以及南部民粹主义的煽动。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: McKinley’s manager goes around Wall Street saying, “Okay, your profits this year are so much.

品牌，历史学家：麦金利的经理在华尔街走来走去说：“好吧，你们今年的利润太多了。

We think you ought to contribute this much to the campaign ’cause if you don’t we’re all gonna lose.”

我们认为你应该为竞选做出这么多贡献，因为如果你不这样做，我们都会失败。”

Michael Kazin, Historian: There was no barrier at all in the law at the time for individuals who ran corporations writing checks to a political candidate.

历史学家迈克尔·卡辛（Michael Kazin）：当时的法律对于经营公司的个人向政治候选人开支票根本没有任何障碍。

John D.

约翰·D.

Rockefeller was reputed to have written a check for $250,000.

据说洛克菲勒曾开过一张 25 万美元的支票。

“Here you go, you know.

“给你，你知道的。

Hope he wins.”

希望他能赢。”

Narration: McKinley’s campaign used its cash to blanket the country with his picture and his message.

旁白：麦金莱的竞选团队利用其资金，用他的照片和信息覆盖全国。

Narration: Andrew Carnegie contributed to the effort by writing a pamphlet of his own.

旁白：安德鲁·卡内基通过撰写自己的小册子为这项工作做出了贡献。

“If your literary bureau publishes it,” Carnegie explained to the McKinley campaign.

“如果你们的文学局出版它，”卡内基向麦金莱竞选团队解释道。

“I will pay the cost.”

“费用我来付。”

David Nasaw, Historian: Andrew Carnegie wanted nothing to do with politics for a long time.

大卫·纳索，历史学家：安德鲁·卡内基很长一段时间不想与政治有任何关系。

But like other businessmen he had no choice.

但和其他商人一样，他别无选择。

He had to, to protect his interests.

为了保护自己的利益，他不得不这么做。

Carnegie and the Carnegie Steel people argue over and over again to their working people.

卡内基和卡内基钢铁公司的员工一次又一次地与他们的劳动人民争论。

“Look, you’re being paid good wages and those wages, because they’re backed by gold can buy much more.” They also say, “You prosper because we prosper.”

“看，你得到了不错的工资，而这些工资，因为有黄金支持，可以购买更多东西。”他们还说：“你们繁荣是因为我们繁荣。”

Narration: Polling stations overflowed on Election Day, November 3, 1896.

旁白：1896 年 11 月 3 日选举日，投票站人满为患。

Eighty percent of the eligible electorate turned out to vote - two million more than in any previous election.

百分之八十的合格选民参加了投票——比以往任何一次选举都多了两百万。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: The real question was, and sort of the wild card at this point was, “What are urban workers gonna do?

历史学家布兰兹：真正的问题是，在这一点上有点不确定，“城市工人会做什么？

Are they gonna vote along class lines and join forces with the farmers.” So this is the moment of truth for this emerging working class.

他们会按照阶级界限投票并与农民联手吗？”因此，对于这个新兴的工人阶级来说，现在是关键时刻。

Narration: Bryan carried the South, the Great Plains, and much of the West.

旁白：布莱恩占领了南方、大平原和西部大部分地区。

Factory workers went big for McKinley.

工厂工人对麦金莱很感兴趣。

He carried the heavily populated and heavily industrialized region from the Great Lakes through the Northeast, winning more than sixty percent of the electoral votes.

他带领人口稠密、工业化程度高的地区从五大湖区一直延伸到东北部，赢得了百分之六十以上的选举人票。

Republicans made a clean sweep that day, solidifying their majorities in the Senate and the House.

共和党当天大获全胜，巩固了他们在参议院和众议院的多数席位。

Jackson Lears, Historian: The election of 1896 constitutes a conclusion for this period of class war.

历史学家杰克逊·李尔斯：1896 年的选举构成了这段阶级战争的结论。

It doesn’t end it by any means but it, it does, bring a sigh of relief to the propertied classes of America.

它无论如何都不会结束这一切，但它确实让美国有产阶级松了一口气。

It also validates…

这也验证了……

a kind of upper case Republican view of, as a later President would say, “The business of America is business.”

一种大写的共和党观点，正如后来的总统所说，“美国的生意就是生意。”

Steve Fraser, Historian: A society which had prided itself on being a nation of small producers, skilled workers, farmers, all roughly equal in their social position, was no longer that.

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽（Steve Fraser）：一个曾经以小生产者、技术工人、农民组成的国家而自豪的社会，他们的社会地位大致平等，但现在已经不再是这样了。

It was overwhelmingly a nation of very powerful concentrated wealth on the one hand, and wage labor on the other suffering a very serious dilemma about how they would survive.

一方面，这是一个非常强大、集中的财富的国家，另一方面，雇佣劳动者却面临着如何生存的非常严重的困境。

David Nasaw, Historian: By 1900 we’re producing more steel than Germany and the United Kingdom combined.

历史学家 David Nasaw：到 1900 年，我们的钢铁产量超过了德国和英国的总和。

The economy has more than doubled its size in 30 years.

30 年来，经济规模增长了一倍多。

Narration: In the first weeks of the 20th century, J.

旁白：在 20 世纪的最初几周，J.

Pierpont Morgan put his own exclamation point on the Gilded Age — with an attempt to merge the biggest competitors in the steel industry into a single publicly traded corporation.

皮尔庞特·摩根对镀金时代提出了自己的感叹号——试图将钢铁行业最大的竞争对手合并为一家上市公司。

“Pierpont,” wrote one acquaintance as the news got out, “is apparently trying to swallow the sun.”

消息传出后，一位熟人写道：“皮尔庞特显然正试图吞掉太阳。”

Convincing Andrew Carnegie to agree to the merger was no mean feat; it took a payment of two hundred and fifty million dollars to entice Carnegie to sell the company he built from scratch.

说服安德鲁·卡内基同意合并绝非易事。卡内基花了两亿五千万美元才卖掉了他白手起家的公司。

“Mr. Carnegie,” Morgan said as the two men shook hands over the deal.

“卡内基先生，”摩根在两人就这笔交易握手时说道。

“I want to congratulate you on being the richest man in the world.”

“我想祝贺你成为世界首富。”

David Nasaw, Historian: There had never ever been as rapid an economic leap as took place in the United States.

历史学家大卫·纳索：美国从未经历过如此迅速的经济飞跃。

In little more than a generation, this nation went from being a backwater to the leading industrial power in the world.

在不到一代人的时间里，这个国家从一个落后国家变成了世界领先的工业强国。

Steve Fraser, Historian: As the country industrializes during the Gilded Age, it provides the infrastructure that makes the country the global power it is.

历史学家史蒂夫·弗雷泽：随着这个国家在镀金时代实现工业化，它提供了基础设施，使这个国家成为全球强国。

It is an enormous economic bequest to the 20th Century.

这是给 20 世纪的一笔巨大的经济遗产。

But the country has to wrestle with how to solve the dilemmas that we’re making it a nation of have and have-nots.

但这个国家必须努力解决如何解决我们使其成为一个贫富国家的困境。

H.W.

H.W.

Brands, Historian: During the Gilded Age, capitalism gained greater and greater control of American life.

历史学家布兰兹：在镀金时代，资本主义对美国人生活的控制越来越大。

The essence of democracy is equality.

民主的本质是平等。

Everybody gets one vote.

每个人都有一票。

The essence of capitalism is inequality.

资本主义的本质是不平等。

Rich people are much more powerful than poor people.

富人比穷人更有权力。

Nell Irvin Painter, Historian: The question of wealth versus people ballooned in The Gilded Age.

内尔·欧文·画家、历史学家：在镀金时代，财富与人的问题激增。

Do our governments represent wealth or do they represent people?

我们的政府代表财富还是代表人民？

That is a fundamental issue, which is with us today.

这是我们今天面临的一个根本问题。

The vast economic disparities of the Gilded Age sparked a debate that still rages today.

镀金时代巨大的经济差距引发了一场至今仍在激烈进行的争论。

His family arrived in the United States penniless, but by the end of the Gilded Age, Andrew Carnegie had amassed an unimaginable fortune.

他的家人身无分文地抵达美国，但到镀金时代结束时，安德鲁·卡内基已经积累了难以想象的财富。

Henry George’s message about the haves and the have nots helped ignite a movement that swept the nation.

亨利·乔治关于富人和穷人的信息引发了一场席卷全国的运动。

When one of the richest men in America feared a collapse of the U.S. dollar, he went to Washington with a bold plan.

当美国最富有的人之一担心美元崩溃时，他带着一个大胆的计划前往华盛顿。

Biographer David Nasaw discusses the industrial titan’s love of a Scottish poet, interest in American history, and devotion to a surly English philosopher.

传记作家大卫·纳索讨论了这位工业巨头对一位苏格兰诗人的热爱、对美国历史的兴趣以及对一位乖戾的英国哲学家的热爱。

Watch the opening scene of The Gilded Age.

观看镀金时代的开场场景。

Women couldn’t run for elected office in Kansas, but Mary Elizabeth Lease was a political force to be reckoned with.

在堪萨斯州，女性无法竞选公职，但玛丽·伊丽莎白·莱斯是一股不可忽视的政治力量。

Just 30 years after the Civil War, Ida B.

内战结束仅 30 年，Ida B.

Wells and other crusading women sought to realize the promise of the Gilded Age.

威尔斯和其他十字军女性试图实现镀金时代的承诺。

The Gilded Age entrepreneur was determined to have a workplace that was guided by the golden rule.

这位镀金时代的企业家决心拥有一个以黄金法则为指导的工作场所。

Puck magazine produced cartoons and satire that caricatured a wide cast of politicians and industrialists, and skewered all types of isms .

《帕克》杂志制作了漫画和讽刺作品，讽刺了众多政治家和实业家，并讽刺了各种类型的主义。

As more and more people made their homes on the island, different ideas about what New York was and who belonged there emerged.

随着越来越多的人在岛上安家，人们对纽约是什么以及谁属于纽约产生了不同的看法。