Forgotten Hero: Walter White and the NAACP
WALTER WHITE AND THE NAACP
沃尔特·怀特和全国有色人种协进会
KENNETH MACK, PROFESSOR OF LAW: In the early 20th century life for African Americans in the South has been changing for the worse for decades.
肯尼思·麦克，法学教授：20 世纪初，南方非裔美国人的生活几十年来一直在恶化。
The vote is being suppressed.
投票受到压制。
Lynchings are increasing.
私刑正在增加。
Segregation is increasing.
种族隔离正在加剧。
We're really at the nadir of African American experience since slavery.
自奴隶制以来，我们确实处于非裔美国人经历的最低谷。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: Lynching is the primary form of enforcing and reinforcing white supremacy.
历史学家卡洛斯·希尔：私刑是执行和强化白人至上主义的主要形式。
There is nothing that provides sanctuary for you or your family.
没有任何东西可以为您或您的家人提供庇护。
The freedom struggle had never seemed more forlorn.
自由斗争似乎从未如此绝望。
But in 1909, during this darkest hour, a group of activists gathered to form a new organization, dedicated to the radical ideal of equality.
但在 1909 年，在这个最黑暗的时刻，一群积极分子聚集在一起成立了一个新组织，致力于激进的平等理想。
They called it the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
他们称之为全国有色人种协进会。
It would be at the heart of Black America’s freedom struggle for the next fifty years.
这将是未来五十年美国黑人自由斗争的核心。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: This was not a natural American development.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：这不是美国的自然发展。
This came from people who understood what America could be, and were willing to put it on the line to make it happen.
这来自于那些了解美国的未来并愿意为实现这一目标而冒险的人们。
JOSE ANDERSON, PROFESSOR OF LAW: You have WEB Du Bois: absolutely brilliant, phenomenal communicator.
何塞·安德森（JOSE ANDERSON），法学教授：WEB Du Bois：绝对才华横溢、非凡的沟通者。
Charlie Houston, spectacular legal mind.
查理·休斯顿，出色的法律头脑。
Thurgood Marshall: card playing, bourbon drinking, great storyteller; the ultimate legal rock star.
瑟古德·马歇尔：打牌、喝波本威士忌、伟大的讲故事者；终极合法摇滚明星。
They were really an odd set of people.
他们真是一群奇怪的人。
The man who ended up leading this fractious group of geniuses was brave, gifted, egotistical, gregarious, deeply flawed…and utterly, fiercely devoted to the cause.
最终领导这群脾气暴躁的天才的人勇敢、有天赋、自私、合群、有严重缺陷……并且完全、强烈地致力于这项事业。
KENNETH MACK, PROFESSOR OF LAW: Walter White makes the NAACP into a national player.
肯尼思·麦克，法学教授：沃尔特·怀特使全国有色人种协进会成为全国性的组织。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: The NAACP and Walter White laid the foundation for the movement that we see in the 1960s.
历史学家 KIDADA WILLIAMS：全国有色人种协进会和沃尔特·怀特为我们在 20 世纪 60 年代看到的运动奠定了基础。
For decades Walter White was arguably the most influential Black man in America, the face of the civil rights movement.
几十年来，沃尔特·怀特可以说是美国最有影响力的黑人，是民权运动的代言人。
Yet he was an enigma even to himself, as he put it, “a Black man occupying a white body.”
然而，即使对他自己来说，他也是一个谜，正如他所说，“一个占据白人身体的黑人”。
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: He is very light skinned, indistinguishable from white Americans.
埃利斯·蒙克，历史学家：他皮肤很浅，与美国白人没有什么区别。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: He used his appearance to go into places where lynchings had happened.
阿德里安·伦茨·史密斯，历史学家：他利用自己的外表进入了发生私刑的地方。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: He was a revered person because of the risks that he was willing to take.
卡洛斯·希尔，历史学家：他是一位受人尊敬的人，因为他愿意承担风险。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: The question is…why is he forgotten?
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：问题是……为什么他被遗忘了？
ROSE PALMER, NIECE OF WALTER WHITE: Somehow my uncle was just written completely out of Black history.
沃尔特·怀特的侄女罗斯·帕尔默：不知何故，我的叔叔完全被从黑人历史中抹去了。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: There's so many assumptions about the civil rights movement, because people are looking for simple stories.
历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：关于民权运动有很多假设，因为人们正在寻找简单的故事。
And this isn't a simple story.
这不是一个简单的故事。
Something was wrong.
出了点问题。
Thirteen-year-old Walter White could feel it as he rode through the city with his father.
十三岁的沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）与父亲一起骑马穿越这座城市时可以感受到这一点。
Race-baiting politicians had been stirring up trouble all summer long.
整个夏天，煽动种族的政客们一直在制造麻烦。
The newspapers were full of rumors about Black men and white women.
报纸上充斥着关于黑人男性和白人女性的谣言。
“The Negro grows more bumptious in the street,” the Atlanta Journal warned, “more impudent in his dealings with white men.
《亚特兰大日报》警告说：“黑人在街上变得更加傲慢，在与白人打交道时更加无礼。
And when he cannot achieve social equality as he wishes, he assaults the fair young girlhood of the South.”
当他无法如愿实现社会平等时，他就会攻击南方美丽的少女时代。”
WALTER WHITE (VO): All over downtown Atlanta, little bands of sullen, evil-looking men talked excitedly on street corners.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：在亚特兰大市中心，一小群阴沉、面容邪恶的男人在街角兴奋地交谈着。
Father told me that rumors of a race riot that night were sweeping the town.
父亲告诉我，那天晚上发生种族骚乱的谣言席卷了整个城镇。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: Someone shouted to the milling crowd, "What are you waiting for, men?
历史学家戴维·利弗林·刘易斯：有人向拥挤的人群喊道：“伙计们，你们还在等什么？
Women are being raped every day as I speak!" Suddenly this mass of ten thousand souls began to attack every person of color.
在我说话的时候，每天都有女性被强奸！”突然间，这一万个灵魂开始攻击每一个有色人种。
CLARISSA MYRICK-HARRIS WHITE, HISTORIAN: Ten thousand white people attacking African-Americans, willy-nilly on the street, wherever they saw - "There's one.
历史学家克拉丽莎·迈里克·哈里斯·怀特：一万名白人在街上随意攻击非裔美国人，无论他们在哪里看到——“有一个。
Let's go get them.
我们去找他们吧。
There's one.
有一个。
Let's go get her." You know, didn't matter if it was a woman.
我们去接她吧。”你知道，即使是女人也没关系。
Didn't matter if it was a child.
如果是个孩子也没关系。
They were they would get them, beat them.
他们会抓住他们，击败他们。
“In some streets,” the Atlanta Constitution reported, “the sidewalks ran red with the blood of dead and dying Negroes.” But the mobs took no notice of Walter and his father, with their pale skin, blond hair, and blue eyes.
《亚特兰大宪法》报道称，“在一些街道上，人行道被死去和垂死的黑人的鲜血染红。”但暴徒们并没有注意到沃尔特和他父亲的苍白皮肤、金发和蓝眼睛。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: They're not identified by the mob as African-Americans.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：暴民并不认为他们是非裔美国人。
So they're able to move through this horror, and witness what's happening.
所以他们能够经历这场恐怖，并见证正在发生的事情。
Walter and his father ran the gauntlet of violence, and finally made it back home to safety.
沃尔特和他的父亲经受住了暴力的考验，终于安全回到了家。
But as darkness descended, they braced themselves.
但随着夜幕降临，他们做好了准备。
ROSE PALMER, NIECE OF WALTER WHITE: There was a rumor that they were going to burn down the entire Black community.
沃尔特·怀特的侄女罗斯·帕尔默：有传言说他们要烧毁整个黑人社区。
And so my grandfather and Uncle Walter stood at the front window, watching for the advance of the mob.
于是我的祖父和沃尔特叔叔就站在前窗前，注视着暴民的行进。
For hours they waited, listening for the sounds of rioting in the distance.
他们等待了几个小时，聆听着远处骚乱的声音。
Around midnight, the roar grew louder.
半夜时分，轰鸣声越来越大。
Walter watched in horror as a mob made its way up the street.
沃尔特惊恐地看着一群暴徒涌上街道。
WALTER WHITE (VO): Some of them were bearing torches.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：其中一些人拿着火把。
Suddenly there was a volley of shots.
突然，一阵枪声响起。
Friends of my father's had barricaded themselves in a two-story brick building just down the street.
我父亲的朋友们把自己关在街边一栋两层砖房里。
It was they who had fired.
是他们开枪的。
CLARISSA MYRICK-HARRIS WHITE, HISTORIAN: African-American men were patrolling the area, protecting their neighbors.
历史学家克拉丽莎·迈里克·哈里斯·怀特：非洲裔美国人正在该地区巡逻，保护他们的邻居。
And when the white mobs came, they shot back.
当白人暴徒到来时，他们进行了反击。
WALTER WHITE (VO): The mob hesitated, stopped.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：暴民犹豫了一下，停了下来。
Our friends fired another volley.
我们的朋友又开了一枪。
The mob broke and retreated up Houston Street.
暴民溃散并沿着休斯顿街撤退。
Walter and his family had been saved by their Black compatriots.
沃尔特和他的家人被黑人同胞救了。
But all the same, the thirteen-year-old was deeply scarred.
但尽管如此，这个十三岁的孩子却伤痕累累。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: The violence that Walter White witnessed, he finds it repugnant.
卡洛斯·希尔（KARLOS HILL），历史学家：沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）目睹的暴力事件令他感到厌恶。
And so distasteful that he says, “I am so glad that I am not a member of, of the white race.” He develops his sense of not only identity but of who he wanted to be in the world.
他如此令人厌恶地说道：“我很高兴我不是白人种族的一员。”他不仅发展了自己的身份感，而且发展了他想成为世界上谁的意识。
WALTER WHITE (VO): In that instant there opened up within me a great awareness; I was gripped by the knowledge of my identity.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：在那一刻，我内心开启了一种伟大的意识；我被自己的身份所吸引。
I was a Negro.
我是一个黑人。
In the depths of my soul I was glad of it.
我内心深处为此感到高兴。
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: Walter White was the direct descendant of an enslaved woman, Dilsia.
历史学家埃利斯·蒙克：沃尔特·怀特是女奴迪尔西娅的直系后裔。
Dilsia had multiple children with a slave master or the children of the slave master.
迪尔西娅与奴隶主或奴隶主的孩子有多个孩子。
So Walter White is phenotypically, you know, indistinguishable from white Americans.
所以，你知道，沃尔特·怀特在表型上与美国白人没有什么区别。
CLARISSA MYRICK-HARRIS WHITE, HISTORIAN: The White family could have easily passed for white, but they made a choice.
历史学家克拉丽莎·迈里克·哈里斯·怀特：怀特家族很容易被误认为是白人，但他们做出了选择。
Walter White, as a child, moved through the world as an African-American.
沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）小时候以非裔美国人的身份周游世界。
He lived in the African-American community.
他住在非裔美国人社区。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: His father was a mail carrier, and his mother was a former teacher.
肯尼思·詹肯，历史学家：他的父亲是一名邮递员，他的母亲曾是一名教师。
The family owned its own house.
这个家庭拥有自己的房子。
It was one of the things that marked them, as part of the middle class in Atlanta.
这是他们作为亚特兰大中产阶级的一部分的标志之一。
Atlanta’s Black middle class was small enough that George and Madeline White were acquainted with even its most illustrious members.
亚特兰大的黑人中产阶级规模很小，乔治和玛德琳·怀特甚至认识其中最杰出的成员。
WEB Du Bois - the writer, activist, and sociologist at Atlanta University - visited their home from time to time.
WEB 杜波依斯——亚特兰大大学的作家、活动家和社会学家——不时拜访他们的家。
For Du Bois, the Whites and their children were perfect representatives of what he called “The Talented Tenth.”
对于杜波依斯来说，怀特一家和他们的孩子是他所说的“天才第十人”的完美代表。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: Du Bois is the person who gives us the phrase “Talented Tenth.” He's not the only person who believes that there is within - and he would say the race - within the race, there’s a subset of elite and educated Negroes, whose responsibility it was to lead the masses more broadly.
阿德里安·伦茨·史密斯（ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH），历史学家：杜波依斯给了我们“天才第十”这个词。他并不是唯一一个相信在种族内部——他会说种族——内部存在着一群精英和受过教育的黑人的人，他们的责任是更广泛地领导群众。
For the most part, the Talented Tenth came from one subset of African American society.
大多数情况下，天才第十位来自非裔美国社会的一部分。
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: At the turn of the 20th century// Most of the political vanguard among African Americans// they're all mixed race, mulatto, light-skinned.
历史学家埃利斯·蒙克：在 20 世纪之交//非裔美国人中的大多数政治先锋//他们都是混血儿、浅肤色。
Du Bois wasn’t very dark-skinned himself.
杜波依斯本人的皮肤并不是很黑。
Lightness in this era usually is something that is signifying that you have direct kinship ties to whites.
在这个时代，轻盈通常意味着你与白人有直接的血缘关系。
They are more likely to be educated, to learn a trade.
他们更有可能接受教育，学习一门手艺。
They may have inherited wealth.
他们可能继承了财富。
They are, by definition, the people who have the political capital, the economic capital, and the education to actually do this sort of civil rights work.
根据定义，他们是拥有政治资本、经济资本和教育背景的人，能够真正从事此类民权工作。
For Walter and his family, Du Bois was a conduit to a wider world of activism and resistance.
对于沃尔特和他的家人来说，杜波依斯是通向更广阔的激进主义和抵抗世界的渠道。
A new chapter in that long struggle began on the 14th of August 1908, in response to yet another terrifying urban massacre.
1908 年 8 月 14 日，为了应对另一场可怕的城市大屠杀，这场长期斗争翻开了新的篇章。
For Du Bois, for the Whites, and other survivors of the Atlanta massacre, the news reports were horribly familiar.
对于杜波依斯、白人以及亚特兰大大屠杀的其他幸存者来说，这些新闻报道是非常熟悉的。
But there was a crucial difference: this time the mobs rose up in the North, in Springfield Illinois, the hometown of Abraham Lincoln.
但有一个关键的区别：这一次，暴民在北方，即亚伯拉罕·林肯的家乡伊利诺伊州斯普林菲尔德崛起。
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: The Springfield riot really led to this call to bring people together across racial lines, to fight for the equality for African-Americans.
历史学家埃利斯·蒙克：斯普林菲尔德骚乱确实引发了这一呼吁，呼吁人们跨越种族界限团结起来，为非洲裔美国人的平等而奋斗。
But this was something very much led mainly by whites - socialists and people in that lineage of, of abolition who were very interested in racial equality.
但这主要是由白人领导的——社会主义者和废奴主义者，他们对种族平等非常感兴趣。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: For white progressives, this was the sense that the race war is moving north.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：对于白人进步人士来说，这是种族战争正在向北发展的感觉。
So In May of 1909 a meeting is called in New York City.
因此，1909 年 5 月，纽约市召开了一次会议。
Oswald Garrison Villard, the grandson of William Lloyd Garrison; Mary White Ovington, whose father had been active in the abolitionist movement, they invited Du Bois.
奥斯瓦尔德·加里森·维拉德，威廉·劳埃德·加里森的孙子；玛丽·怀特·奥文顿的父亲一直积极参与废奴运动，他们邀请了杜波依斯。
And it's remarkable.
这很了不起。
It's historic.
这是历史性的。
Three hundred people attend - Black and white.
三百人参加——黑人和白人。
Du Bois joined with those northern activists to form a national organization with sweeping ambitions.
杜波依斯与那些北方活动人士一起组建了一个雄心勃勃的全国性组织。
At his suggestion they called it The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
根据他的建议，他们将其命名为“全国有色人种协进会”。
Its goals were almost unimaginably radical for most Americans: full political, legal, and social equality.
它的目标对于大多数美国人来说几乎是难以想象的激进：政治、法律和社会的全面平等。
But before any of those goals could be achieved, the NAACP would have to somehow contain the epidemic of racial violence.
但在实现这些目标之前，全国有色人种协进会必须以某种方式遏制种族暴力的流行。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: Du Bois understood that you had to work together.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：杜波依斯明白你们必须共同努力。
There was a sense that white Americans could be responsive to this if they saw what was happening.
人们有一种感觉，如果美国白人看到正在发生的事情，他们可能会对此做出反应。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: In a really just world, African-Americans wouldn't be experiencing this violence in the first place because white people wouldn't allow lynching to happen.
历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：在一个真正公正的世界中，非裔美国人一开始就不会经历这种暴力，因为白人不会允许私刑发生。
But they do.
但他们确实如此。
And so African-Americans are in this position where they have to appeal to the white majority for empathy, for recognition of their right to live and be free and equal and feel secure in their own nation.
因此，非裔美国人处于这样的境地，他们必须呼吁白人多数给予同情，承认他们在自己的国家生活、自由、平等和感到安全的权利。
In the summer of 1910, WEB Du Bois left Atlanta University for a poorly paid, tenuous position at the NAACP’s headquarters in New York.
1910 年夏天，韦伯·杜波依斯 (WEB Du Bois) 离开亚特兰大大学，前往全国有色人种协进会 (NAACP) 纽约总部担任一个薪水微薄、微薄的职位。
That fall he introduced the organization’s new monthly magazine.
那年秋天，他推出了该组织的新月刊。
In Du Bois’ hands, The Crisis would rally Black Americans to the NAACP’s vision of the struggle.
在杜波依斯的手中，这场危机将美国黑人团结起来，支持全国有色人种协进会的斗争愿景。
By 1912 The Crisis was selling more than twenty thousand copies a month.
到 1912 年，《危机》每月销量已超过两万册。
Back in Atlanta Du Bois had been a voice in the wilderness, with little influence beyond the most rarefied circles of Black society.
回到亚特兰大后，杜波依斯一直是荒野中的一个声音，除了黑人社会最稀有的圈子之外几乎没有什么影响力。
Now he became the guide and prophet of a tiny but growing national movement.
现在，他成为一场规模虽小但不断发展的全国运动的指导者和先知。
His writing channeled the aspirations, and the anger, of millions.
他的作品传达了数百万人的愿望和愤怒。
“We have crawled and pleaded for justice,” he reminded his readers, “and we have been cheerfully spit upon, murdered and burned.
“我们爬行并恳求正义，”他提醒读者，“但我们却高兴地被吐口水、谋杀和烧死。
We will not endure it forever.
我们不会永远忍受它。
If we must die, in God’s name, let us perish like men, and not like bales of hay.”
如果我们必须死，以上帝的名义，让我们像人一样灭亡，而不是像一堆干草一样灭亡。”
Eighteen months after Du Bois left Atlanta University, Walter White arrived on campus as a freshman.
杜波依斯离开亚特兰大大学十八个月后，沃尔特·怀特作为新生来到校园。
With his blond hair and blue eyes, Walter stood out - but he wasn’t alone.
沃尔特有着金色的头发和蓝色的眼睛，很引人注目，但他并不孤单。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: There was a component of, of people of color, who were phenotypically all but white.
历史学家大卫·利弗林·刘易斯：有一部分有色人种在表型上几乎都是白人。
My mother and Walter were classmates //and she thought he was just a terrific personality.
我的母亲和沃尔特是同学//她认为他是一个很棒的人。
My mother agreed with Walter: there was no ambiguity about identity.
我母亲同意沃尔特的观点：身份没有任何含糊之处。
Whatever his convictions, for Walter there was no escaping the paradox of his appearance.
无论他的信念如何，对沃尔特来说，他的外表都无法逃避他的悖论。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: We talk about the color line as if it's obvious and discernible.
阿德里安·伦茨-史密斯（ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH），历史学家：我们谈论颜色界限，就好像它是显而易见且可辨别的一样。
But for White, if he sat in the Black section //on the streetcar, then people would look at him like he was crazy and wonder what he was doing there.
但对于怀特来说，如果他坐在有轨电车的黑人区，那么人们会像疯子一样看着他，想知道他在那里做什么。
If he sat in the white section, people that knew he was Black, would accuse him of trying to take something that was not his to take.
如果他坐在白人区，知道他是黑人的人会指责他试图拿走不属于他的东西。
ROSE PALMER, NIECE OF WALTER WHITE: People always accused him of not being Black, or just choosing to be Black.
沃尔特·怀特的侄女罗斯·帕尔默：人们总是指责他不是黑人，或者只是选择成为黑人。
But he had always grown up in a Black community.
但他一直在黑人社区长大。
Walter could never be sure how others perceived him; in their eyes he had no secure place on either side of the color line.
沃尔特永远无法确定别人如何看待他；在他们眼中，他在肤色线的两边都没有安全的位置。
But his own sense of racial identity grew ever deeper as he began to see more of the world.
但随着他开始看到更多的世界，他自己的种族认同感也变得越来越深刻。
WALTER WHITE (VO):The summer before my senior year I took a job selling policies for a life insurance company.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：大四前的那个夏天，我在一家人寿保险公司找到了一份销售保单的工作。
Atlanta had been thoroughly covered by more experienced salesmen, so I set out for the rural areas outside the city.
亚特兰大已经被更有经验的推销员彻底覆盖了，所以我出发前往城外的农村地区。
I learned a lot from talking with whites of these rural areas, especially when they believed me to be of their own race.
我从与这些农村地区的白人交谈中学到了很多东西，特别是当他们相信我是他们自己的种族时。
CLARISSA MYRICK-HARRIS WHITE, HISTORIAN: They would say all kinds of things to him that gave him a sense of what white people were thinking about the Black community.
历史学家克拉丽莎·迈里克·哈里斯·怀特：他们会对他说各种各样的事情，让他了解白人对黑人社区的看法。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: He found out from African Americans, how hard their life was, about the plight of sharecroppers.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：他从非裔美国人那里了解到他们的生活有多么艰难，了解到佃农的困境。
And he returned to school in his senior year, having made up his mind that he wanted to do something about it.
高三时，他回到了学校，并下定决心要为此做点什么。
In the fall of 1916, Atlanta’s Board of Education decided to eliminate the seventh grade for Black children in order to spend more money on white schools.
1916 年秋天，亚特兰大教育委员会决定取消黑人儿童的七年级，以便在白人学校上投入更多资金。
Walter and his Talented Tenth colleagues sprang into action.
沃尔特和他的天才第十期同事立即采取了行动。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: Walter, on behalf of the group, wrote to the NAACP, asking them to form a chapter in Atlanta.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：沃尔特代表该组织写信给全国有色人种协进会，要求他们在亚特兰大成立分会。
That letter ended up with James Weldon Johnson, who had just become the field secretary.
这封信最后写给了刚刚成为现场秘书的詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: The NAACP had grown into a national organization.
阿德里安·伦茨-史密斯，历史学家：全国有色人种协进会已经发展成为一个全国性组织。
Local branches are proliferating as people see that there might be an opening to push the freedom struggle.
随着人们看到可能有推动自由斗争的机会，地方分支机构正在激增。
And in those local branches, they might be kind of the more respectable or better placed people in a community, like insurance salesman and preachers and women who do club work.
在这些当地分支机构中，他们可能是社区中更受尊敬或地位更高的人，例如保险推销员、传教士以及从事俱乐部工作的女性。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: The NAACP branches were mostly in the cities in the north.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：全国有色人种协进会的分支机构主要位于北部城市。
And Johnson was very much interested in getting branches in the South, because, of course, that's the place with the most African Americans.
约翰逊对在南方设立分支机构非常感兴趣，因为当然，那里是非裔美国人最多的地方。
So he replied to Walter White, indeed I will come and help you set things up.
于是他回复沃尔特·怀特，“我确实会来帮你安排一切。”
Under Johnson’s guidance, Walter played a crucial role in convincing the school board to back down, saving the seventh grade for Black students.
在约翰逊的指导下，沃尔特在说服学校董事会让步、为黑人学生保留七年级方面发挥了关键作用。
Soon afterwards Walter launched the Atlanta chapter of the NAACP.
不久之后，沃尔特成立了全国有色人种协进会亚特兰大分会。
Johnson was impressed and sent Walter an invitation to come work as his assistant at the NAACP headquarters in New York.
约翰逊对此印象深刻，并向沃尔特发出邀请，邀请他到全国有色人种协进会纽约总部担任他的助理。
WALTER WHITE (VO): Mother was very vocal against my leaving home to live in “that Sodom and Gomorrah” of New York.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：母亲强烈反对我离开家去纽约“那个所多玛和蛾摩拉”生活。
Others told me that I would be a fool to devote myself to an almost hopeless cause.
其他人告诉我，如果我全身心投入一项几乎无望的事业，那我就是个傻瓜。
But my father urged me to accept the offer.
但我父亲敦促我接受这个提议。
“You’ll be misunderstood and criticized,” he told me quietly, “but don’t falter or turn back.
“你会被误解和批评，”他平静地告诉我，“但不要动摇或回头。
It is your duty to pass on what you have been given.”
你有责任传递你所得到的东西。”
On a frigid January morning in 1918, Walter White stepped off a train at New York’s Penn Station.
1918 年 1 月一个寒冷的早晨，沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 在纽约宾夕法尼亚车站走下火车。
James Weldon Johnson was there to meet him.
詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊在那里迎接他。
The two men made their way through the crowds and headed up to Harlem.
两人穿过人群，向哈莱姆区走去。
Walter had never seen a city this big, had never been this cold, never lived away from his family, never known a place that wasn’t segregated.
沃尔特从来没有见过这么大的城市，从来没有这么寒冷，从来没有远离家人居住过，从来不知道有一个地方没有被隔离。
He loved it.
他喜欢它。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: New York and Harlem were bedazzling I think, for Walter White.
大卫·利弗林·刘易斯，历史学家：我认为，对于沃尔特·怀特来说，纽约和哈莱姆区令人眼花缭乱。
And he brought a kind of brio that people noted right away.
他带来了一种人们立即注意到的活力。
On weekday mornings Johnson and White read the papers on the bus downtown to the NAACP office.
工作日早上，约翰逊和怀特在前往市中心前往全国有色人种协进会办公室的公共汽车上阅读报纸。
It was on one of their morning commutes that they read of the gruesome lynching of Jim McIlherron in Estill Springs, Tennessee.
在一次早上的通勤途中，他们读到了吉姆·麦克伊赫伦在田纳西州埃斯蒂尔斯普林斯被可怕的私刑处死的消息。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: The usual thing that the NAACP did was to issue a press release and get in touch with elected officials.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：全国有色人种协进会通常做的事情是发布新闻稿并与民选官员取得联系。
From its earliest days, the leaders of the NAACP had lobbied Congress for a federal anti-lynching bill, to rein in the mobs and the local authorities who condoned and encouraged them.
从成立之初起，全国有色人种协进会的领导人就一直游说国会通过一项联邦反私刑法案，以遏制暴徒以及纵容和鼓励他们的地方当局。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: If the states won't enforce their own laws on murder, then what they really want, is to pressure the federal government to step in.
历史学家基达达·威廉姆斯：如果各州不执行自己的谋杀法，那么他们真正想要的就是迫使联邦政府介入。
What kind of message, what information do members of Congress need to know about this violence in order to come out against it?
国会议员需要了解关于这种暴力的什么样的信息和信息才能站出来反对？
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: So Walter White is barely in the office a few weeks.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：沃尔特·怀特在办公室呆了几周。
And says, "I'll go.”
并说：“我去。”
White laid out a wildly risky plan: posing as a white salesman, he would travel to Estill Springs, gain the trust of the locals, and get the full story of the lynching from the perpetrators themselves.
怀特制定了一个极其冒险的计划：冒充白人推销员，前往埃斯蒂尔泉，获得当地人的信任，并从肇事者本人那里了解私刑的全部故事。
Johnson was adamantly opposed.
约翰逊坚决反对。
“I understand this is dangerous,” White wrote him.
“我知道这很危险，”怀特写信给他。
“I take full responsibility if anything happens to me.
“如果我发生任何事情，我承担全部责任。
And I hold you not liable in the event of my injury or death.” White was following in the footsteps of one of the most remarkable activists of the era.
如果我受伤或死亡，我认为你不承担任何责任。”怀特追随了那个时代最杰出的活动家之一的脚步。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: Ida B Wells during the 1890s, single-handedly initiates the anti-lynching movement, initially to get justice for her friends who were lynched in Memphis.
卡洛斯·希尔（KARLOS HILL），历史学家：艾达·B·威尔斯（Ida B Wells）在 1890 年代单枪匹马发起了反私刑运动，最初是为了为她在孟菲斯被私刑处决的朋友伸张正义。
The narrative that most Americans received about lynching portray black men oftentimes as guilty.
大多数美国人收到的有关私刑的叙述常常将黑人描绘成有罪的。
And so it was very important if you wanted to try to create sympathy for those individuals, you had to paint a different picture of them, around who this person was in life, not just what they were accused of in death.
因此，如果你想尝试对这些人产生同情，这一点非常重要，你必须为他们描绘出不同的画面，围绕这个人生前的身份，而不仅仅是他们死后被指控的罪名。
Wells had attended the first gathering of the NAACP in 1909, but walked out after being excluded from the organizing committee.
威尔斯曾参加 1909 年全国有色人种协进会的第一次集会，但在被排除在组委会之外后退出。
She was especially hurt by Du Bois’s role in the incident, and never joined the NAACP.
她对杜波依斯在这起事件中所扮演的角色感到特别伤害，因此从未加入全国有色人种协进会。
Even so, Wells had a profound influence on the entire movement.
即便如此，威尔斯对整个运动也产生了深远的影响。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: Ida B.
KIDADA WILLIAMS，历史学家：Ida B.
Wells has already laid the foundation for communicating what's going on with lynching.
威尔斯已经为沟通私刑的情况奠定了基础。
So Walter White is able to build upon the work that's already been done.
因此，沃尔特·怀特能够在已经完成的工作的基础上再接再厉。
White’s physical appearance offered an opportunity that was never open to Wells.
怀特的外表为威尔斯提供了一个从未开放过的机会。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: It was very hard to get information about lynching.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：很难获得有关私刑的信息。
But people were quite willing to talk about it to somebody they considered one of their own.
但人们非常愿意与他们认为是自己人的人谈论这件事。
WALTER WHITE (VO): My self-confidence steadily declined and my fear rose on the long train ride.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：在长途火车旅行中，我的自信心逐渐下降，恐惧感不断上升。
In Georgia I had learned enough of the cruelty of which southern mobs were capable.
在佐治亚州，我已经充分了解了南方暴徒的残忍行径。
I believed that I would be subjected to even greater fury for the sin of “passing” as a white man.
我相信我会因为“冒充”白人的罪孽而遭受更大的愤怒。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: Walter White got off the train, and began his investigation.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：沃尔特·怀特下了火车，开始了他的调查。
He hung out at the general store, posing as a traveling salesman of the Excellento Medicine company.
他冒充卓越医药公司的旅行推销员在杂货店闲逛。
WALTER WHITE (VO): Arrived to find this place still in very great excitement and everybody very secretive and inclined not to discuss the affair.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：到达后发现这个地方仍然非常兴奋，每个人都非常神秘，倾向于不讨论这件事。
But I soon learned the inhabitants couldn’t refrain from talking in my presence if only I were patient.
但我很快就了解到，只要我有耐心，居民们就会忍不住在我面前说话。
White stayed in Estill Springs just long enough to get the story, and then jumped on the next train out of town.
怀特在埃斯蒂尔斯普林斯停留了足够长的时间来了解这个故事，然后跳上下一班出城的火车。
As soon as he was out of danger White began writing his account of McIherron’s death.
脱离危险后，怀特立即开始记录麦克赫伦的死因。
WALTER WHITE (VO): About one mile from the railway station of Estill Springs, there lived a Negro by the name of Jim McIlherron.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：距埃斯蒂尔·斯普林斯火车站约一英里，住着一个名叫吉姆·麦克伊赫伦的黑人。
He resided with his mother, several brothers, and father.
他与母亲、几个兄弟和父亲住在一起。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: Mcllherron is a prosperous landowner.
历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：麦克赫伦是一位富裕的地主。
He's also confident, and he doesn't take a lot of nonsense off of white people.
他也很自信，而且他不会接受白人的很多废话。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: One day he was walking in the downtown area and a handful of whites started throwing stones at him.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：有一天，他在市中心散步，一群白人开始向他扔石头。
He retaliated and shot at them.
他进行报复并向他们开枪。
WALTER WHITE (VO): Large possees of men scoured the surrounding county for four days, until he was located in a barn just beyond McMinnville.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：大批人员在周边县搜寻了四天，直到在麦克明维尔郊外的一个谷仓里找到了他。
News of the capture spread like wildfire.
被捕的消息不胫而走。
Men, women and children started pouring into the town from a radius of fifty miles.
男人、女人和孩子开始从方圆五十英里涌入城镇。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: Lynching was public because it had to do two things.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：私刑是公开的，因为它必须做两件事。
One, it had to frighten black people and keep them in their place.
第一，它必须吓唬黑人并让他们留在自己的地方。
But secondly, it was about building white solidarity.
但其次，这是为了建立白人团结。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: It was a horrific lynching, very violent.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：这是一次可怕的私刑，非常暴力。
And Walter White gets the inside story.
沃尔特·怀特了解了内幕。
WALTER WHITE (VO): McIlherron was chained to a hickory tree.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：麦克赫伦被锁在一棵山核桃树上。
Bars of iron were placed in the fire and heated to a red-hot pitch.
将铁条放入火中加热至炽热。
Men, women, and children surged forward in an attempt to gloat over the suffering of the man.
男人、女人和孩子们涌上前去，试图对这个男人的痛苦幸灾乐祸。
A member of the mob took one of the iron bars, and while those of the mob close enough to see shouted in glee, McIlherron was unsexed.
一名暴徒拿走了其中一根铁棍，而当那些离得很近的暴民欢呼雀跃时，麦克赫伦却没有性别。
Finally, one man poured coal oil on the Negro’s trousers and shoes and lighted the fire around McIlherron’s feet.
最后，一名男子将煤油倒在黑人的裤子和鞋子上，并点燃了麦克伊赫伦脚边的火。
The flames rose rapidly, soon enveloping him, and in a few minutes, McIlherron was dead.
火焰迅速升起，很快将他包围，几分钟后，麦克赫伦就死了。
Nobody can say exactly when the exodus began.
没有人能确切地说出大逃亡是从什么时候开始的。
Sometime in the 19-teens Black people began leaving the South, a few families here and there.
在十九岁的时候，黑人开始离开南方，到处都是一些家庭。
Despite the risks and hardships of life in the North, the migration gathered steam so quickly that by the early 1920s, entire cities were being remade.
尽管北方的生活充满风险和艰辛，但移民的势头如此之快，以至于到 1920 年代初期，整个城市都在重建。
Harlem, in particular, was packed with migrants from across the South.
尤其是哈莱姆区，挤满了来自南方各地的移民。
The blending of different Black cultures was producing a spectacular outpouring of music, art, and literature.
不同黑人文化的融合产生了令人惊叹的音乐、艺术和文学。
“Harlem,” James Weldon Johnson wrote, “is Mecca for the adventurous, the enterprising, the ambitious, and the talented of the Negro world.
詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊写道：“哈莱姆区是黑人世界中富有冒险精神、进取心、雄心勃勃和才华横溢的人的圣地。
It strikes the observer as a phenomenon, a miracle straight out of the skies.”
在观察者看来，它是一种现象，是一个从天而降的奇迹。”
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: Part of this movement is all about bringing Black people together regardless of these ancestral and these skin tone differences.
历史学家埃利斯·蒙克：这场运动的一部分就是将黑人聚集在一起，不管这些祖先和肤色的差异如何。
They were trying to fight for black peoplehood, and to show that they had a culture, that they were civilized.
他们试图为黑人身份而战，并表明他们有自己的文化，他们是文明的。
“Nothing,” James Weldon Johnson argued, “will do more to change the mental attitude, and raise his status, than a demonstration of intellectual parity by the Negro, through his production of literature and art.” Walter White took his mentor’s manifesto to heart, and made himself, more than perhaps any other individual, the catalyst for what became known as the Harlem Renaissance.
詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊（James Weldon Johnson）认为，“没有什么比黑人通过文学和艺术创作来展示知识平等更能改变人们的心理态度并提高他们的地位了。”沃尔特·怀特把他导师的宣言牢记在心，并让自己比任何其他人都更能成为后来被称为哈莱姆文艺复兴的催化剂。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: White was a simultaneous phenomenon in the Harlem Renaissance.
历史学家戴维·利沃林·刘易斯：白色是哈莱姆文艺复兴时期同时出现的现象。
He was everywhere.
他无处不在。
The energy component was just extraordinary.
能源成分非同寻常。
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: He was directly involved with the literary scene, the art scene.
埃利斯·蒙克，历史学家：他直接参与了文学界和艺术界。
He is shepherding young poets and young novelists and artists.
他正在培育年轻诗人、年轻小说家和艺术家。
Countee Cullen, Rudolf Fisher, Nella Larsen, Claude McKay, Dorothy West, and Hale Woodruff all owed their careers in part to Walter White.
Countee Cullen、Rudolf Fisher、Nella Larsen、Claude McKay、Dorothy West 和 Hale Woodruff 的职业生涯都部分归功于沃尔特·怀特。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: He’s really looking at culture as another front in, in the fight.
帕特里夏·沙利文，历史学家：他确实将文化视为战斗中的另一条战线。
And, and they really help to promote and realize the real strength of that approach.
而且，它们确实有助于促进和实现这种方法的真正优势。
When Walter wasn’t promoting Black artists, he found time to court Gladys Powell, an aspiring actress who worked as a stenographer at the NAACP.
当沃尔特不宣传黑人艺术家时，他抽出时间去追求格拉迪斯·鲍威尔，一位有抱负的女演员，曾在全国有色人种协进会担任速记员。
Gladys was acutely aware of the difference in their complexions, and worried she would be accused of taking on a white lover.
格拉迪斯敏锐地意识到他们肤色的差异，并担心她会被指责与白人情人交往。
They took to speaking French to each other in public.
他们开始在公共场合互相说法语。
They imagined what onlookers made of them - nobility from a French colony perhaps, or Parisian artists on tour.
他们想象着旁观者对他们的看法——也许是来自法国殖民地的贵族，或者是巡回演出的巴黎艺术家。
On the 15th of February 1922, after a whirlwind courtship; Walter and Gladys were married.
1922 年 2 月 15 日，在一场旋风般的求爱之后；沃尔特和格拉迪斯结婚了。
Gladys had one last turn on the stage - a musical called Deep River - but then her theater dreams were put on hold as she raised their daughter Jane, and then a son, Walter Jr. Her husband was away for months at a time, but when he was in New York, Walter and Gladys’s apartment - a.k.a.
格拉迪斯在舞台上最后一次演出——一部名为《深河》的音乐剧——但后来她的戏剧梦想被搁置了，因为她抚养了他们的女儿简，然后是一个儿子小沃尔特。她的丈夫一次离开几个月，但当他在纽约时，沃尔特和格拉迪斯的公寓——又名“小沃尔特”。
“The White House” - became one of the most popular hangouts for Harlem’s bright and beautiful.
“白宫” - 成为哈莱姆区明亮而美丽的最受欢迎的去处之一。
“Many who were to do much in wiping out the color line,” White recalled, “learned to know each other as human beings and artists without consciousness of race.”
怀特回忆道：“许多人在消除肤色界限方面做出了很多努力，他们学会了以人类和艺术家的身份相互了解，而没有种族意识。”
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: There was a piano and so somebody would start playing, and then Robeson or Hayes or Bledsoe would join in.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：有一架钢琴，所以有人会开始演奏，然后罗伯森、海耶斯或布莱索也会加入。
George Gershwin previewed Rhapsody in Blue on Walter White's piano.
乔治·格什温在沃尔特·怀特的钢琴上预演了《蓝色狂想曲》。
He was a literary, literary and artistic conduit, but he really wanted to be known as a writer.
他是一个文学、文学和艺术的管道，但他真正想成为一名作家。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: He's loaned a cabin in Great Barrington to write a novel.
大卫·莱弗林·刘易斯，历史学家：他借了大巴灵顿的一间小屋来写一本小说。
Finishes it in three weeks, or four weeks.
三个星期或四个星期内完成。
And so he's off and running with “The Fire in the Flint,” which sells like a hot cake, is translated into Japanese and French, every language.
于是他开始创作《燧石之火》，这本书卖得很热，被翻译成日语和法语等各种语言。
Night after night, Harlem’s nightclubs were packed with white New Yorkers.
夜复一夜，哈莱姆区的夜总会挤满了纽约白人。
“The Negro,” Langston Hughes wrote, “was in vogue.” In some settings, racial integration lived up to the hopes of its advocates.
兰斯顿·休斯写道：“黑人当时很流行。”在某些情况下，种族融合没有辜负其倡导者的希望。
But elsewhere Harlem’s night life catered to the worst instincts of white patrons.
但哈莱姆区其他地方的夜生活迎合了白人顾客最糟糕的本能。
To some, Walter White embodied the less attractive aspects of the interracial moment, too eager to satisfy the cultural voyeurism of wealthy whites.
对一些人来说，沃尔特·怀特体现了跨种族时刻不太有吸引力的方面，他太渴望满足富有白人的文化偷窥欲。
WEB Du Bois, for one, was skeptical of the whole enterprise, and of White’s involvement in particular.
杜波依斯就是其中之一，他对整个企业，尤其是怀特的参与持怀疑态度。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: Du Bois famously asked, “What have we, who have just emerged from slavery, and have so many problems, to do with poetry and novels?” Not everybody is going to write himself and herself out of the ghetto.
大卫·莱弗林·刘易斯，历史学家：杜波依斯有句名言：“我们刚刚摆脱奴隶制，面临如此多的问题，与诗歌和小说有什么关系？”并不是每个人都会将自己写出贫民窟。
But Walter was too busy to bother with his critics: Harlem’s glittering arts scene was a welcome relief from the more harrowing aspects of his work.
但沃尔特太忙了，无暇理会他的批评者：哈莱姆区闪闪发光的艺术场景让他从工作中更痛苦的方面得到了缓解。
When he wasn’t writing novels or wheeling and dealing in the arts world, he might be risking his life among lynchers in a remote Southern town, or lobbying for an anti-lynching bill in Congress.
当他不写小说或在艺术界进行交易时，他可能会冒着生命危险去南方偏远小镇的私刑犯中，或者在国会游说一项反私刑法案。
And all the while, Walter White was playing a crucial role in a long-running legal drama that dated back to 1919, and one of the worst massacres in the country’s history.
与此同时，沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 在一场可追溯到 1919 年的长期法律剧中扮演着至关重要的角色，这也是该国历史上最严重的屠杀之一。
1919 began with a flush of relief and jubilation.
1919 年伊始，人们的心情如释重负，欣喜若狂。
The Great War was over; the soldiers were coming home.
第一次世界大战结束了；士兵们正在回家。
Those veterans included 380,000 Black men, who trusted that their military service had earned them a full share in American life.
这些退伍军人包括 380,000 名黑人，他们相信服兵役使他们能够充分参与美国生活。
Their hopes were reflected in the NAACP’s membership rolls, which grew from nine thousand to more than ninety thousand within a few months of the war’s end.
他们的希望反映在全国有色人种协进会的会员名单上，在战争结束后的几个月内，全国有色人种协进会的会员人数从九千人增加到九万多人。
But as White traveled through the South that spring, he sensed a far more menacing trend.
但当怀特那年春天穿越南方时，他感觉到了一种更具威胁性的趋势。
WALTER WHITE (VO): There is an air of expectancy, of something which is about to happen.
沃尔特·怀特（画外）：有一种期待即将发生的事情的气氛。
Every hardware store and pawn shop is crowded with white people buying revolvers, guns of every description, and ammunition.
每个五金店和当铺都挤满了购买左轮手枪、各种枪支和弹药的白人。
Little or none is being sold to colored people.
很少或根本没有卖给有色人种。
Black Americans hoped that society might change; but millions of their white countrymen were dead set on restoring the old racial order.
美国黑人希望社会能够改变；但他们的数百万白人同胞坚决要恢复旧的种族秩序。
Through the summer and fall of 1919, twenty-five cities, towns and counties exploded in racial violence.
1919 年夏秋两季，25 个城市、城镇和县爆发了种族暴力事件。
White mobs murdered hundreds, injured thousands, and burned entire communities to the ground.
白人暴徒杀害了数百人，伤害了数千人，并将整个社区夷为平地。
But the last and most terrible chapter of what James Weldon Johnson called Red Summer began on the evening of September 30th, outside Elaine, Arkansas.
但詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊 (James Weldon Johnson) 所说的“红色夏天”的最后也是最可怕的一章始于 9 月 30 日晚上，地点是阿肯色州伊莱恩郊外。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: The Mississippi Arkansas Delta was the most southern place on Earth.
历史学家卡洛斯·希尔：密西西比阿肯色三角洲是地球上最南的地方。
It was a place of racial oppression, particularly economic exploitation.
这是一个种族压迫，特别是经济剥削的地方。
KENNETH MACK, PROFESSOR OF LAW: A group of black tenant farmers tried to organize; they're effectively trying to organize a union.
肯尼思·麦克，法学教授：一群黑人佃农试图组织起来；他们实际上正在试图组织一个工会。
This is just a colossal insurrection in the eyes of whites in the local area.
这在当地白人眼里只是一场巨大的暴乱。
Things come to a head during a meeting in a church.
在教堂的一次聚会中，事情达到了紧要关头。
A white deputy sheriff shows up, and there are people there who are armed to try to protect the Black organizers because they understand the, you know, what's what's coming.
一名白人副警长出现了，那里有人全副武装，试图保护黑人组织者，因为他们知道，你知道，即将发生什么。
And one of the deputies gets killed.
其中一名代表被杀。
Word spread like wildfire that an armed Black insurrection was underway.
黑人武装叛乱正在进行的消息像野火一样传播开来。
“The situation was reported to be critical at Elaine,” the Arkansas Gazette reported, “the Negroes greatly outnumbering the whites.” Hundreds of white men rushed in from as far as Mississippi and Tennessee, to help suppress the alleged uprising.
据《阿肯色州公报》报道，“据报道，伊莱恩的情况非常危急，黑人的数量远远超过白人。”数百名白人从密西西比州和田纳西州赶来，帮助镇压所谓的起义。
By sunrise the next day, groups of white men were tracking through the canebreaks and cotton fields of Phillips County, killing every Black person they could find.
第二天日出时，成群结队的白人在菲利普斯县的蔗园和棉田中追踪，杀死了他们能找到的所有黑人。
WALTER WHITE (VO): Every colored man, woman, and child who could do so fled, many of them by foot through the swamps and woods, under cover of darkness, during several days and nights of slaughter.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：每一个有能力逃离的黑人男女和儿童，他们中的许多人在黑暗的掩护下，在几天几夜的屠杀中步行穿过沼泽和树林。
In response to an urgent plea from the Arkansas governor, the Secretary of War dispatched five hundred troops from nearby Army bases; many of them simply joined in the killing.
为了响应阿肯色州州长的紧急请求，战争部长从附近的陆军基地派遣了 500 名士兵；他们中的许多人只是加入了杀戮。
Walter White rushed to the scene, passing as a white reporter for the Chicago Daily News.
沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）以《芝加哥每日新闻》白人记者的身份赶到现场。
In the course of his reporting, he estimated that more than two hundred Black people had been killed, but the real number would never be known.
在报道过程中，他估计有两百多名黑人被杀，但真实数字永远不得而知。
What White didn’t know was that while he was collecting victims’ testimony, word was spreading that a northern agitator was in town.
怀特不知道的是，当他收集受害者证词时，有消息称镇上有一名北方煽动者。
ROSE PALMER, NIECE OF WALTER WHITE: There was a rumor going around in the city that there was a n----- passing for white and they were going to get him.
罗斯·帕尔默，沃尔特·怀特的侄女：城里有谣言说有一个人冒充怀特，他们要抓捕他。
As he was walking down the street though, somebody walked up beside him and suggested they go to a side street.
然而，当他沿着街道行走时，有人走到他身边并建议他们去一条小巷。
WALTER WHITE (VO): A Negro led me into a clump of woods far enough away to be out of sight.
沃尔特·怀特（画外）：一个黑人带我走进一片树林，距离很远，看不见。
"I don't know what you're down here for,” he said,“but I just heard them talking about you – I mean the white folks – and they say they're going to get you.”
“我不知道你来这里干什么，”他说，“但我刚刚听到他们谈论你——我指的是白人——他们说他们会抓到你。”
ROSE PALMER, NIECE OF WALTER WHITE: He didn't even go back to the hotel and pick up his suitcase.
沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 的侄女罗斯·帕尔默 (Rose Palmer)：他甚至没有回酒店取行李箱。
He walked directly to the train, and he jumped on a train without a ticket.
他直接走到火车前，没有买票就跳上了火车。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: As he sits, a white guy says, "Oh, you're leaving just as the fun is about to begin.
大卫·利弗林·刘易斯，历史学家：当他坐下时，一个白人说：“哦，你要离开了，乐趣即将开始。
There's a white Negro here, and they're going to teach him a lesson." And so Walter says, "Oh, who could that be?" And he says, "Well, I can always tell people like that by the half moons on their fingernails." And Walter extends and says, "Oh, they don't have the moons?" He says, "No, no, you can always tell them."
这里有一个白人黑人，他们要给他一个教训。”沃尔特说：“哦，那会是谁？”他说：“嗯，我总是可以通过指甲上的半月形来辨别人们。”沃尔特伸出手来说道：“哦，他们没有卫星吗？”他说：“不，不，你可以随时告诉他们。”
WALTER WHITE (VO): I shall never take as long a train ride as that one seemed to be.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：我永远不会像看上去那样坐那么长时间的火车。
When I finally reached Memphis, I heard rumors that I had been lynched in Arkansas that afternoon.
当我最终到达孟菲斯时，我听到有传言说那天下午我在阿肯色州被私刑处决。
White made light of his close calls, but the dangers, and the reporting itself, were exhausting.
怀特对自己的险情轻描淡写，但其中的危险和报道本身却令人筋疲力尽。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: Walter White is hearing things being said about Black people - the most disparaging, brutal, humiliating things that are being said.
卡洛斯·希尔（KARLOS HILL），历史学家：沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）听到了有关黑人的言论——最贬低、最残酷、最侮辱性的言论。
He's got to listen to that without revealing himself.
他必须在不暴露自己的情况下听听。
And so you can imagine, as someone who is Black, who is a race man, how torturing that would be.
所以你可以想象，作为一个黑人，一个种族人，这将是多么折磨人。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: The risks grow, as he becomes more popular, as he starts to appear at press conferences, more and more people start to know who he is.
历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：随着他变得越来越受欢迎，随着他开始出现在新闻发布会上，越来越多的人开始知道他是谁，风险也在增加。
So it's very risky, and it gets riskier and riskier as he starts to do more of this work.
所以这是非常危险的，而且随着他开始做更多的这项工作，风险会变得越来越大。
No white man was ever charged in connection with the Elaine massacre, but sixty-seven Black men were imprisoned for up to twenty-five years, and twelve were sentenced to die for their roles in the supposed insurrection.
没有白人因与伊莱恩大屠杀有关而受到指控，但六十七名黑人被监禁长达二十五年，十二人因其在所谓的叛乱中所扮演的角色而被判处死刑。
The NAACP teamed up with local lawyers to appeal those convictions, arguing that they had been determined by the huge mobs that laid siege to the courthouse.
全国有色人种协进会与当地律师联手对这些定罪提出上诉，称这些定罪是由围攻法院的大批暴徒所决定的。
Walter White had no legal training, but he led fundraising, coordinated protests, assisted the lawyers, and lobbied officials.
沃尔特·怀特没有接受过法律培训，但他领导筹款、协调抗议、协助律师并游说官员。
It took four years of appeals before they finally reached the Supreme Court of the United States.
他们经过四年的上诉才最终到达美国最高法院。
WALTER WHITE (VO): Three times gallows were built for execution of the twelve Negroes; three times we were able to stay the execution.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：为了处决十二名黑人，人们建造了三次绞刑架。有三次我们都得以暂缓执行死刑。
On February 19th, 1923 the Supreme Court handed down the decision: against unbelievable odds, we had won!
1923 年 2 月 19 日，最高法院做出了判决：尽管困难重重，我们赢了！
Not only had White and the NAACP helped save the lives of the condemned men; they had launched a revolution in criminal justice.
怀特和全国有色人种协进会不仅帮助拯救了被判刑者的生命，而且还帮助拯救了被判死刑的人。他们发起了一场刑事司法革命。
For the first time the Supreme Court declared that state authorities couldn’t trample on their citizens’ constitutional rights.
最高法院首次宣布国家当局不得践踏公民的宪法权利。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: The strategy of using the federal government in order to override the state governments, that was indeed the same strategy of the civil rights movement of the 50s and 60s.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：利用联邦政府凌驾于州政府之上的策略，这确实与 50 年代和 60 年代的民权运动的策略相同。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: This is part of a really long game, to try to use the law in order to bring down Jim Crow.
历史学家基达达·威廉姆斯：这是一场漫长游戏的一部分，试图利用法律来推翻种族隔离制度。
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: Those legal protections are essential to shaping the 20th century and the 21st century for African-Americans.
历史学家埃利斯·蒙克：这些法律保护对于塑造非裔美国人的 20 世纪和 21 世纪至关重要。
And that kind of strategy is something that's very much tied to Walter White and the early NAACP.
这种策略与沃尔特·怀特和早期的全国有色人种协进会密切相关。
At the end of September 1929 James Weldon Johnson stepped down from the leadership of the NAACP.
1929 年 9 月底，詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊 (James Weldon Johnson) 辞去了全国有色人种协进会 (NAACP) 的领导职务。
Thirty-six-year-old Walter White was the clear choice to take over from his ailing mentor.
三十六岁的沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）是接替生病的导师的明智选择。
“I blithely accepted the responsibility,” he wrote.
“我愉快地接受了这个责任，”他写道。
But neither White, nor anyone else, could foresee the catastrophe that lay just ahead.
但怀特和其他任何人都无法预见即将发生的灾难。
Within weeks the stock market collapsed, and the economy went into free fall.
几周之内，股市崩盘，经济直线下滑。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: The NAACP was really hit hard.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：全国有色人种协进会确实受到了沉重打击。
African-Americans, more than other Americans, were impacted by the Depression.
非裔美国人比其他美国人更容易受到大萧条的影响。
So their lifeline - membership dues and all that - really takes a big hit.
因此，他们的生命线——会员费等等——确实受到了很大的打击。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: It's not that that Black folks stopped believing in the NAACP.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：这并不是说黑人不再相信全国有色人种协进会。
They stop supporting it because they didn't have the money to support it.
他们停止支持它，因为他们没有钱来支持它。
Even as the NAACP’s funding dried up, the cries for help were multiplying.
尽管全国有色人种协进会的资金枯竭，但寻求帮助的呼声却越来越高。
In 1931 the organization received three and a half thousand requests from victims’ families and communities.
1931 年，该组织收到了来自受害者家属和社区的三千份请求。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: When they write the NAACP, the NAACP writes back.
历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：当他们给全国有色人种协进会写信时，全国有色人种协进会也会回信。
Walter White is constantly trying to point them in the direction of local resources, sending out their own investigators to try to collect additional information.
沃尔特·怀特不断试图为他们指明当地资源的方向，派出自己的调查员试图收集更多信息。
They saw the NAACP as caring, as willing to listen, as willing to do what they could.
他们认为全国有色人种协进会充满关怀，愿意倾听，愿意尽其所能。
White was working eighteen-hour days, much of that time spent deciding which of those cases to pursue, and above all, how to fund them.
怀特每天工作十八小时，大部分时间都花在决定要追究哪些案件上，最重要的是，如何为这些案件提供资金。
Among the thousands of appeals that crossed White’s desk in 1931 was one from Scottsboro Alabama: nine Black teenagers pulled off a train after getting into a fight with a group of white vagrants.
1931 年，怀特的办公桌上收到了数千份呼吁，其中一份来自阿拉巴马州斯科茨伯勒：九名黑人青少年在与一群白人流浪者打架后从火车上下来。
There wasn’t much to it, until authorities realized that two of the white vagrants were in fact women.
事情并没有什么大不了的，直到当局意识到其中两名白人流浪者实际上是女性。
Rather than risk being arrested for prostitution, they both claimed that they had been raped by all nine Black men.
为了避免冒因卖淫被捕的风险，他们都声称自己被全部九名黑人强奸。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: In two days, eight of the men are sentenced to death, and the youngest is life in prison.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：两天内，其中八人被判处死刑，其中最年轻的被判处终身监禁。
Done.
完毕。
You know, two days.
你知道，两天。
And execution set for the earliest possible time.
并设定了尽可能早的执行时间。
Within days of their convictions, the Scottsboro Boys’ case had been taken up by a rising civil rights organization.
在他们被定罪后的几天内，斯科茨伯勒男孩的案件就被一个新兴的民权组织受理。
But it wasn’t the NAACP.
但这不是全国有色人种协进会。
JOSE ANDERSON, PROFESSOR OF LAW: The American Communist Party put protest marches together around it.
何塞·安德森，法学教授：美国共产党围绕它组织了抗议游行。
They expanded interest in the case; they go to international media.
他们扩大了对该案的兴趣；他们去找国际媒体。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: This is just a legal lynching.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：这只是一场合法的私刑。
So it resonated with Black people across the country.
因此它引起了全国黑人的共鸣。
And they started saying, “Where is the NAACP?”
他们开始问：“全国有色人种协进会在哪里？”
In the eyes of the white establishment the Scottsboro Boys were disreputable, a menace.
在白人势力眼中，斯科茨伯勒男孩声名狼藉，是一种威胁。
The white lawyers affiliated with the Communist Party had no qualms about defending them.
隶属于共产党的白人律师毫不犹豫地为他们辩护。
But the NAACP was wary of the case.
但全国有色人种协进会对此案持谨慎态度。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: The NAACP is in a tricky position.
历史学家基达达·威廉姆斯：全国有色人种协进会的处境很棘手。
If they take on cases that are deemed less than respectable, if there's anything in their background that's questionable, that can be used against the NAACP So that means they have to be selective about cases.
如果他们接手的案件被认为不值得尊重，如果他们的背景有任何可疑的地方，就可以用来反对全国有色人种协进会，所以这意味着他们必须对案件有选择性。
And that's problematic, but I think that also reflects their clear understanding of the environment they're operating in.
这是有问题的，但我认为这也反映了他们对自己所处运营环境的清晰了解。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: People are really disappointed in White because the NAACP is being shut out of this case, and we have to save them.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：人们对怀特真的很失望，因为全国有色人种协进会被排除在这起案件之外，我们必须拯救他们。
And White just doesn't handle that well, because once he realizes he dropped the ball, he starts to pretend that he didn't, and compete with the Communist Party for the case.
而怀特就是处理得不太好，因为一旦他意识到自己失败了，他就开始假装自己没有失败，并与共产党争夺这个案子。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: Walter White went to Kilby Prison //and met with the Scottsboro Boys, and tried to convince them to, to sign over the handling of their defense to the NAACP.
肯尼思·詹肯，历史学家：沃尔特·怀特去了基尔比监狱//并会见了斯科茨伯勒男孩，并试图说服他们将辩护事宜交给全国有色人种协进会。
He came away from that meeting really distinctly unimpressed.
那次会议结束后，他显然并没有留下深刻的印象。
He thought that they were slow.
他认为他们很慢。
He thought that they were unintelligent.
他认为他们不聪明。
After the meeting White complained to reporters about what he called “the ignorance and stupidity of the boys’ parents.” The contempt was mutual.
会后，怀特向记者抱怨他所谓的“男孩父母的无知和愚蠢”。蔑视是相互的。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: One of the mothers said, “We’re not so uneducated and slow-witted that we don’t know a faker when we see one.
历史学家大卫·莱弗林·刘易斯：其中一位母亲说：“我们没有受过教育，也没有那么迟钝，以至于当我们看到一个骗子时，我们就认不出他是骗子。
We'll stick with the Communists."
我们将与共产党站在一起。”
Finally, at the beginning of 1932, White gave up on his effort to take over the Scottsboro case.
最终，在 1932 年初，怀特放弃了接手斯科茨伯勒案的努力。
True to its word, the Communist Party stuck it out through years of appeals.
共产党言出必行，经过多年的呼吁，坚持了下来。
The Scottsboro Boys were all freed eventually, but their lives had long since been destroyed.
斯科茨伯勒男孩最终全部获释，但他们的生活早已被摧毁。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: Scottsboro, for the NAACP, was a disaster.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：对于全国有色人种协进会来说，斯科茨伯勒是一场灾难。
There was a growing sense that the NAACP was an elitist organization.
人们越来越意识到全国有色人种协进会是一个精英组织。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: It was a rough start for White.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：对于怀特来说，这是一个艰难的开始。
But he learned from it.
但他从中吸取了教训。
He said that won't happen again.
他说这种事不会再发生了。
Walter was still dealing with the fallout from Scottsboro when news arrived that his father had been rushed to a hospital after being hit by a car in Atlanta.
当沃尔特仍在处理斯科茨伯勒事件的后果时，他的父亲在亚特兰大被车撞后被紧急送往医院的消息传来。
WALTER WHITE (VO): First they took him to the white ward because they thought he was white.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：首先他们把他带到白人病房，因为他们认为他是白人。
And then my brother-in-law, who is brown skinned, came in and asked for my father, and they said, “What?
然后我的棕色皮肤的姐夫进来问我父亲，他们说：“什么？
We got a nigger here in the white ward of the hospital?” And they picked up my father's broken body and took it across the street in a driving rainstorm to the filthy, dingy, cockroach-ridden Jim Crow ward.
我们医院的白人病房里有一个黑鬼？”他们捡起我父亲破碎的尸体，在一场倾盆大雨中把它带到街对面肮脏、肮脏、蟑螂横行的吉姆·克劳病房。
For seventeen days Walter watched his father slip away.
十七天以来，沃尔特看着他的父亲悄然离去。
When it was finally over, on the train back to New York, he spiraled into a deep personal crisis.
当一切最终结束时，在返回纽约的火车上，他陷入了深深的个人危机。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: White is really shattered by the death of his father.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：怀特父亲的去世让怀特心碎不已。
And on the train ride back, he's robbed.
在回来的火车上，他被抢劫了。
Somebody broke into his Pullman berth and stole his wallet and his money.
有人闯入他的普尔曼泊位并偷走了他的钱包和钱。
At some point on that long ride home, Walter came to a fateful decision.
在回家的漫长旅程中的某个时刻，沃尔特做出了一个重大决定。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: After his father's funeral, he didn't go home.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：在他父亲的葬礼之后，他没有回家。
He went to Poppy Cannon's.
他去了罂粟大炮那儿。
Walter had met Poppy Cannon in the last, heady days before the Wall Street Crash: he, a thirty-five -year-old civil rights leader, she, a twenty-something aspiring writer.
沃尔特在华尔街崩盘前的最后令人兴奋的日子里遇见了波比·坎农：他是一位三十五岁的民权领袖，她是一位二十多岁有抱负的作家。
Born Lillian Gruskin and raised in a devoutly Jewish home in Connecticut, Poppy had taken on a new name, buried her Jewish identity, and built a new life.
波比出生于莉莲·格鲁斯金（Lillian Gruskin），在康涅狄格州一个虔诚的犹太家庭长大，她取了一个新名字，埋葬了自己的犹太身份，并开始了新的生活。
Although Walter and Poppy were both married, and each had children, they began finding reasons to get together.
尽管沃尔特和波比都已结婚，并且都有孩子，但他们开始寻找聚在一起的理由。
“I realize how desperately we reached for excuses,” Poppy remembered, “how carefully, and how long, even to ourselves, we maintained the fiction of mere mutual interests.” The fiction ended that morning.
“我意识到我们是多么拼命地寻找借口，”波比回忆道，“我们是多么小心翼翼地、持续了多久，甚至对我们自己来说，我们都维持着纯粹的共同利益的虚构。”小说于当天早上结束。
“That day,” Poppy wrote, “Walter wept in my arms.”
“那天，”波比写道，“沃尔特在我怀里哭了。”
The Great Depression ground on with no end in sight.
大萧条持续进行，看不到结束的迹象。
The pace of lynchings was accelerating again.
私刑的步伐再次加快。
Walter White had investigated forty-one separate lynchings, each one as harrowing as the last.
沃尔特·怀特调查了四十一起单独的私刑，每一起都和上一起一样令人痛苦。
He had become too famous to work undercover, but those experiences inspired him to write a groundbreaking sociological study of lynching.
他已经太出名了，无法从事卧底工作，但这些经历启发他写了一篇关于私刑的开创性社会学研究。
White’s work helped dispel the myth that lynching was primarily linked with the rape of white women.
怀特的工作帮助消除了私刑主要与强奸白人妇女有关的神话。
In fact, it was the cornerstone of white supremacy.
事实上，它是白人至上的基石。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: A Black man fails to yield the sidewalk to a white woman, a Black man looks at a white woman, a Black woman protests her husband's lynching.
历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：一名黑人男子未能让出人行道给一名白人妇女，一名黑人男子看着一名白人妇女，一名黑人妇女抗议她丈夫被私刑处死。
Every time they try to resist someone denying them their wages, violating the terms of a contract, trying to sexually assault them, trying to take their children.
每当他们试图抵制有人拒绝给他们工资、违反合同条款、试图对他们进行性侵犯、试图带走他们的孩子时。
Any acts where you have Black people resisting their subjugation can result in a lynching.
任何让黑人反抗征服的行为都可能导致私刑。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: Walter White's investigations made lynching a national issue, creating a real conversation about holding people accountable at the national level.
卡洛斯·希尔，历史学家：沃尔特·怀特的调查使私刑成为一个全国性问题，引发了一场关于在国家层面追究人们责任的真正对话。
By the 1930s attitudes were beginning to change.
到了 20 世纪 30 年代，人们的态度开始发生变化。
But all too often, state and local authorities still condoned lynching, especially in the South.
但州和地方当局仍然经常纵容私刑，尤其是在南方。
The only answer was a federal anti-lynching bill.
唯一的答案是联邦反私刑法案。
Back in 1922 the NAACP had passed a bill through the House, only to have Southern senators kill it.
早在 1922 年，全国有色人种协进会就在众议院通过了一项法案，但被南方参议员否决了。
Now Walter White was trying again, but the new bill seemed destined to suffer the same fate.
现在沃尔特·怀特再次尝试，但新法案似乎注定要遭受同样的命运。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: Walter White can help get the bill passed in the House, but the Senate is controlled by white southern conservatives, and they're going to make sure that that bill doesn't pass.
历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：沃尔特·怀特可以帮助该法案在众议院获得通过，但参议院由南方白人保守派控制，他们将确保该法案不会通过。
White believed that the new president, Franklin Roosevelt, might be willing to bring those Democratic Southern senators to heel.
怀特相信，新任总统富兰克林·罗斯福可能愿意让那些民主党南方参议员就范。
But a one-on-one meeting with the President of the United States was no simple matter.
但与美国总统一对一的会面并不是一件简单的事情。
Back in 1901, Theodore Roosevelt had caused a national scandal by inviting Booker T Washington - the most prominent Black leader of his generation - to the White House for dinner.
早在 1901 年，西奥多·罗斯福就邀请布克·T·华盛顿——他这一代最著名的黑人领袖——到白宫共进晚餐，从而引起了全国性的丑闻。
No president since had risked repeating that PR disaster.
此后没有一位总统冒着重蹈公关灾难的风险。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: By 1934, Walter White had developed really deep contacts in, in the administration.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：到 1934 年，沃尔特·怀特已经在政府内部建立了非常深入的联系。
But he had also become friends with Eleanor Roosevelt.
但他也与埃莉诺·罗斯福成为了朋友。
White had learned to be skeptical of politicians - even his allies.
怀特已经学会对政客——甚至是他的盟友——持怀疑态度。
But the First Lady seemed different.
但第一夫人似乎有所不同。
“I turned in desperation to Mrs. Roosevelt,” he wrote.
“我绝望地向罗斯福夫人求助，”他写道。
“She promised to give the facts I had told her to the president.” It was the beginning of a deep and lasting alliance.
“她答应将我告诉她的事实告诉总统。”这是深刻而持久的联盟的开始。
On a warm spring day in 1934, Walter White was ushered onto the South Portico of the White House for afternoon tea, becoming just the second Black man to break bread with a president.
1934 年一个温暖的春日，沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 被邀请到白宫南门廊享用下午茶，成为第二位与总统共进面包的黑人。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: Walter said "Hello Franklin!" or something like that, which probably was not appreciated by FDR.
大卫·利沃林·刘易斯，历史学家：沃尔特说“你好，富兰克林！”或类似的东西，罗斯福可能不欣赏。
And then they had this serious discussion, and Roosevelt said, "Walter, all that you say is true.
然后他们进行了认真的讨论，罗斯福说：“沃尔特，你说的都是真的。
And I wish I could help you.
我希望我能帮助你。
But my hands are tied."
但我的手被绑住了。”
“If I come out for the antilynching bill,” the president told White, “the Southerners in the Senate will block every bill I ask Congress to pass to keep America from collapsing.
“如果我站出来支持反私刑法案，”总统告诉怀特，“参议院的南方人将阻止我要求国会通过的每一项法案，以防止美国崩溃。
I just can't take that risk.” Without the support of the president, the anti-lynching bill was filibustered to death by a small group of Southern senators.
我只是不能冒这个风险。”由于没有总统的支持，反私刑法案被一小群南方参议员阻挠致死。
For White the lesson was painfully clear: without political power, African Americans would forever be reduced to pleading for favors.
对于怀特来说，这个教训是痛苦而清晰的：如果没有政治权力，非裔美国人将永远沦落到乞求好处。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: He does a study of the Black vote and what he finds, migration of African-Americans in northern cities is really transforming the political landscape.
帕特里夏·沙利文，历史学家：他对黑人投票进行了研究，他发现，北部城市的非裔美国人的移民确实正在改变政治格局。
The Black vote is poised to really be the balance of power in several major northern states.
黑人选票有望真正成为北方几个主要州的权力平衡。
Not only were Black voters becoming a potentially deciding force in the North, their old attachment to the Party of Lincoln was fading.
黑人选民不仅成为北方潜在的决定性力量，而且他们对林肯党的旧有依恋也在消退。
White politicians, Republican and Democratic, did not like the new situation, but were forced to recognize that the Negro voter was an increasingly potent force.
白人政客，无论是共和党还是民主党，都不喜欢这种新形势，但被迫承认黑人选民是一股日益强大的力量。
A political tipping point was coming, and the NAACP was going to do everything it could to bring it along.
一个政治转折点即将到来，全国有色人种协进会将竭尽全力推动这一转折点的到来。
In the meantime, Walter White played a weak political hand with consummate skill.
与此同时，沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）却以精湛的技巧打出了政治上的软弱之手。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: Walter White built the NAACP as a powerful lobbying organization, as an organization that got the results it did by hobnobbing and button-holing politicians and other influential people.
肯尼思·詹肯，历史学家：沃尔特·怀特将全国有色人种协进会打造为一个强大的游说组织，一个通过与政客和其他有影响力的人物交往和扣扣扣扣而获得成果的组织。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: Walter White was the best lobbyist for the race, ever.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：沃尔特·怀特是有史以来最好的竞选游说者。
Because that was how you effected change, when you had no power.
因为当你没有权力时，这就是你实现改变的方式。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: Walter White and DuBois.
帕特里夏·苏利文，历史学家：沃尔特·怀特和杜波依斯。
Very different personalities.
性格截然不同。
Different generations.
不同世代。
Walter White had a really healthy ego.
沃尔特·怀特有一个非常健康的自我。
And of course, Du Bois did as well.
当然，杜波依斯也这么做了。
DuBois had been there at the beginning.
杜波依斯一开始就在那里。
He probably felt that he could not report to Walter White.
他可能觉得自己无法向沃尔特·怀特汇报。
I mean, that was beyond his imagination.
我的意思是，这超出了他的想象。
Back when Walter White had joined the organization, WEB Du Bois had praised him as a team player, with a “ready smile” and “sense of humor.” But times had changed.
当沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）加入该组织时，杜波依斯（WEB Du Bois）称赞他是一位团队合作者，具有“随时准备的微笑”和“幽默感”。但时代已经变了。
Their mutual dislike aggravated a deepening schism within the NAACP.
他们的相互厌恶加剧了全国有色人种协进会内部日益加深的分裂。
Walter White was committed to racial integration, but Du Bois now argued that the time had come to reconsider the organization’s goals and strategies.
沃尔特·怀特致力于种族融合，但杜波依斯现在认为是时候重新考虑该组织的目标和战略了。
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: Du Bois starts writing all of these articles in The Crisis, which are very much about how African Americans should have some kind of form of voluntary economic and political segregation.
历史学家埃利斯·蒙克：杜波依斯开始在《危机》中撰写所有这些文章，这些文章主要是关于非裔美国人应该如何进行某种形式的自愿经济和政治隔离。
“There seems no hope,” Du Bois told his readers, “that America in our day will yield in its color or race hatred any substantial ground.” Twenty-five years of NAACP work and sacrifice had yielded very little progress.
“似乎没有希望，”杜波依斯告诉他的读者，“当今的美国将在其肤色或种族仇恨方面做出任何实质性的让步。”全国有色人种协进会二十五年的工作和牺牲几乎没有取得什么进展。
But Du Bois argued that there had been a precious unintended consequence.
但杜波依斯认为，这产生了一个宝贵的、意想不到的后果。
“More and more,” he wrote, “colored America has discovered itself.”
他写道：“越来越多的有色人种的美国发现了自己。”
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: Basically what he says is, “Our power is in our communities and our institutions.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：基本上他所说的是，“我们的力量在于我们的社区和我们的机构。
And, or if the if the Negro has advanced it's because of Black colleges, it's because of Black homes.
或者，如果黑人取得了进步，那是因为黑人大学，那是因为黑人家庭。
Let's embrace that.”
让我们拥抱这一点。”
“Use segregation,” Du Bois told his readers, “use every bit that comes your way and transmute it into power.” Du Bois’s editorials triggered a powerful backlash: for many African Americans any talk of self-segregation was playing into the hands of white racists.
“利用隔离，”杜波依斯告诉他的读者，“利用你遇到的每一点，并将其转化为权力。”杜波依斯的社论引发了强烈反对：对于许多非裔美国人来说，任何有关自我隔离的言论都正中白人种族主义者的下怀。
DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, HISTORIAN: The business of segregation would have been repellent to, Walter White, as to the board, as to really the great majority.
历史学家戴维·利沃林·刘易斯：沃尔特·怀特、董事会以及绝大多数人都会厌恶种族隔离问题。
It was heresy that could not be abided.
这是无法容忍的异端邪说。
White insisted that the NAACP issue a statement explicitly advocating racial integration.
怀特坚持要求全国有色人种协进会发表声明，明确倡导种族融合。
The debate over segregation had become a struggle over the direction of the NAACP - and it was getting ugly.
关于种族隔离的争论已经变成了关于全国有色人种协进会方向的斗争——而且事情变得越来越丑陋。
In the next issue of the Crisis Du Bois said the quiet part out loud.
在下一期的危机中，杜波依斯大声说出了安静的部分。
“Walter White is white.
“沃尔特·怀特是白人。
He has made more white companions and friends than colored.
他结交的白人同伴和朋友比有色人种还多。
He goes where he will in New York City, and naturally meets no color line, for the simple and sufficient reason that he isn’t ‘colored.’ This naturally makes Mr. White an extreme opponent of any segregation.”
他在纽约市想去哪儿就去哪儿，自然不会遇到肤色界限，原因很简单，也很充分，因为他不是‘有色人种’。这自然使怀特先生成为任何种族隔离的极端反对者。”
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: Du Bois is saying that Walter White's position on integration and segregation is self-serving, that Walter White lives his life basically as a white man, almost, that he's just voluntarily Black whenever it suits him, so he shouldn't have anything to say about Du Bois's kind of new political move for African Americans.
埃利斯·蒙克，历史学家：杜波依斯说，沃尔特·怀特在融合和种族隔离问题上的立场是自私的，沃尔特·怀特基本上以白人的身份生活，他只是在适合他的时候自愿成为黑人，所以他不应该对杜波依斯为非裔美国人采取的新政治举措发表任何言论。
But of course it's also deeply pejorative because it's a move here that kind of taps into this long held belief that lighter skinned, mulatto, mixed race Black people are not fully dedicated to Black liberation because they don't really suffer in the same way, so they don't take the struggle as seriously.
但当然，这也是一种深深的贬义，因为这里的举动有点触及了人们长期以来所持有的信念，即浅肤色、混血儿、混血黑人并没有完全致力于黑人解放，因为他们并没有真正遭受同样的痛苦，所以他们没有认真对待这场斗争。
Du Bois had fatally overplayed his hand.
杜波依斯的做法致命地过分了。
Mary White Ovington, one of the founders of the NAACP and still its matriarch, had no doubt about the outcome.
全国有色人种协进会的创始人之一、至今仍是其女族长的玛丽·怀特·奥文顿 (Mary White Ovington) 对结果毫不怀疑。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: Mary White Ovington, who in her youth had been an acolyte of Du Bois, said that Du Bois is losing it; he's acting like a petulant child, and that White was ten times more valuable to the organization than Du Bois was.
兰道夫·斯塔克曼，历史学家：玛丽·怀特·奥文顿年轻时曾是杜波依斯的助手，她说杜波依斯正在失去它。他表现得像个任性的孩子，而怀特对组织的价值是杜波依斯的十倍。
In July 1934 WEB Du Bois quit the association he had helped found twenty-five years before.
1934 年 7 月，WEB Du Bois 退出了他在 25 年前帮助创立的协会。
Walter White emerged from the struggle as the NAACP’s unchallenged leader.
沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）从这场斗争中脱颖而出，成为全国有色人种协进会（NAACP）无可争议的领袖。
It was a dubious prize: the organization was broke and divided.
这是一个可疑的奖项：该组织已经支离破碎、四分五裂。
White would have to somehow give the NAACP new purpose, and lead it out of the wilderness.
怀特必须以某种方式赋予全国有色人种协进会新的目标，并带领它走出荒野。
In the fall of 1933, thirty-five-year-old Charles Hamilton Houston packed a car with food, books, blankets, and a film camera, and set off for the backwoods of South Carolina.
1933 年秋天，35 岁的查尔斯·汉密尔顿·休斯顿 (Charles Hamilton Houston) 装满了食物、书籍、毯子和胶片相机，出发前往南卡罗来纳州的偏远地区。
KENNETH MACK, PROFESSOR OF LAW: The idea was to go through the South and find the evidence, look at the schools, film them.
肯尼思·麦克，法学教授：我们的想法是走遍南方寻找证据，观察学校，拍摄它们。
What is the condition of the black schools?
黑人学校的状况如何？
How do they compare to the White schools?
他们与白人学校相比如何？
So the project was to document this thing as a prelude to attacking it through the courts.
所以这个项目就是把这件事记录下来，作为通过法庭攻击它的前奏。
Walter White hired Houston away from Howard Law School, where he had trained a generation of civil rights lawyers.
沃尔特·怀特从霍华德法学院聘请了休斯顿，他在那里培养了一代民权律师。
One of Houston’s most outstanding graduates would ride shotgun on the South Carolina trip.
休斯顿最优秀的毕业生之一将在南卡罗来纳州之旅中骑着猎枪。
For Thurgood Marshall, it was a mixed blessing: Black men had been lynched for far less.
对于瑟古德·马歇尔来说，这是一件喜忧参半的事情：黑人被私刑处死的罪名要少得多。
But still, he cherished the opportunity to work with his hard-driving mentor.
但他仍然珍惜与勤奋的导师一起工作的机会。
Charlie himself was a perfectionist, and if we did a slipshod job, boy, he would lay it on you.
查理本人就是一个完美主义者，如果我们做得马虎，孩子，他会把责任归咎于你。
We nicknamed him Iron Pants, and Cement Shoes.
我们给他起了个绰号：铁裤衩、水泥鞋。
We named him everything.
我们给他起了一切名字。
But he insisted on perfection.
但他坚持要求完美。
The school documentary was the first, tentative, step in the NAACP’s new courtroom strategy.
这部学校纪录片是全国有色人种协进会新法庭策略的第一步。
KENNETH MACK, PROFESSOR OF LAW: The NAACP hasn't done litigation systematically before.
肯尼思·麦克，法学教授：全国有色人种协进会以前没有系统地进行过诉讼。
It's been defensive - something happens, and we've got to mobilize.
这是防御性的——发生了一些事情，我们必须动员起来。
So there's this idea that we're going to be more systematic.
所以我们的想法是我们要变得更加系统化。
Walter White is beginning to think about these kinds of things, and one of the people who really helps him is Charles Houston.
沃尔特·怀特开始思考这些事情，而真正帮助他的人之一是查尔斯·休斯顿。
Houston opened the legal assault on Jim Crow with what he called “the equalization strategy.”
休斯顿以他所谓的“均衡策略”开始了对种族隔离法的法律攻击。
JOSE ANDERSON, PROFESSOR OF LAW: The equalization strategy was to go after the “equal” part of “separate but equal.” For example, in schools in South Carolina, teachers who were African American were paid less than white teachers were paid.
何塞·安德森，法学教授：平等策略是追求“分离但平等”的“平等”部分。例如，在南卡罗来纳州的学校中，非裔美国人教师的工资低于白人教师的工资。
Houston said, “This is a one exhibit case.
休斯顿说：“这是一个展览柜。
You show the pay card to the court and you say it's separate, but it's not equal.”
你向法庭出示工资卡，并说它是分开的，但它并不相等。”
Over the next several years, equalization cases cropped up throughout much of the South.
在接下来的几年里，南方大部分地区出现了平等案例。
That was just the beginning: soon Houston and Marshall were chipping away at segregation in graduate and professional schools, and even fighting to restore voting rights in the South.
这仅仅是开始：很快休斯顿和马歇尔就开始废除研究生院和职业学校的种族隔离，甚至努力恢复南方的投票权。
As Houston wrote at the outset, the goal of litigation extended far beyond the courtroom; it should, he said, “arouse and strengthen the will of local communities to demand and fight for their rights.” Their campaign reverberated through Southern society.
正如休斯顿在开头所写的那样，诉讼的目标远远超出了法庭范围。他说，它应该“激发和增强当地社区要求和争取权利的意愿。”他们的运动在南方社会引起了反响。
KENNETH MACK, PROFESSOR OF LAW: You see things that had never been seen before, which is a Black lawyer coming to court.
肯尼思·麦克，法学教授：你看到了以前从未见过的事情，这是一名黑人律师出庭。
You get to ask questions of white people.
你可以问白人问题。
You know, you get to cross-examine that person.
你知道，你可以盘问那个人。
You get to imply that the person's being a liar.
你可以暗示这个人是个骗子。
And of course, if a Black person had done something like that anywhere outside the courtroom, that person's life would be in danger.
当然，如果一个黑人在法庭之外的任何地方做了类似的事情，那么那个人的生命就会处于危险之中。
So, you know, something happened in this courtroom that you just never saw before.
所以，你知道，法庭上发生了一些你以前从未见过的事情。
JOSE ANDERSON, PROFESSOR OF LAW: More people started to write directly to the organization about the myriad of issues that they were experiencing.
何塞·安德森，法学教授：越来越多的人开始直接写信给该组织，讲述他们遇到的无数问题。
Remember: in the South there was no representation in Congress, no representation in the judiciary, no representation in most state legislatures.
请记住：在南方，国会中没有代表，司法部门中没有代表，大多数州立法机构中也没有代表。
So imagine a people that have no other first responder for their civil rights.
因此，想象一下一个没有其他第一反应者来维护其公民权利的人民。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: The talent that came into that organization - the creativity, the imagination, the faith.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：进入该组织的人才——创造力、想象力和信念。
They were like insurgents.
他们就像叛乱分子。
There’s no clear path, they created the path.
没有明确的道路，他们创造了道路。
My dear Mr. Selznick: Wherever I have gone, I have found among both white and colored Americans, a very definite apprehension as to the effect “Gone With the Wind” will have.
亲爱的塞尔兹尼克先生：无论我走到哪里，我都发现美国白人和有色人种都对《乱世佳人》的影响抱有非常明确的担忧。
Frankly, I share this apprehension.
坦白说，我也有这种担忧。
In the summer of 1938, Walter White turned his attention to Hollywood, and a film that had alarm bells ringing in the Black press.
1938 年夏天，沃尔特·怀特将注意力转向好莱坞，这部影片给黑人媒体敲响了警钟。
Margaret Mitchell’s “Gone With the Wind” was an ode to the Old South of moonlight, magnolias - and slavery.
玛格丽特·米切尔的《乱世佳人》是一首对月光、木兰花和奴隶制的旧南方的颂歌。
It sold millions of copies, and David O Selznick’s upcoming production promised to be a blockbuster.
它售出了数百万册，大卫·O·塞尔兹尼克即将推出的作品有望成为一部轰动一时的作品。
In an effort to placate White and other critics, the studio did change some of the most troubling aspects of the screenplay: the n-word was deleted, along with the KKK, and this time the heroine was assaulted by a white man, and rescued by a Black one.
为了安抚白人和其他批评者，工作室确实改变了剧本中一些最令人不安的方面：n字和三K党一起被删除，这一次女主角被一名白人袭击，并被一名黑人救出。
But when White finally saw Gone With the Wind, he hated it.
但当怀特最终看到《乱世佳人》时，他讨厌它。
MAMMY (As written in the script): Keep yo’ shawl on yo’ shoulders.
妈妈（如剧本中所写）：把你的披肩放在你的肩膀上。
Ah ain’ aimin’ fo’ you to git all freckled…
啊，我的目标是让你满脸雀斑……
But no amount of picketing could prevent Gone With the Wind from becoming one of the biggest hits of all time.
但再多的纠察队也无法阻止《乱世佳人》成为有史以来最热门的歌曲之一。
For White, the episode illustrated Hollywood’s uniquely powerful role in the dissemination of racist stereotypes.
对怀特来说，这一集说明了好莱坞在传播种族主义成见方面所发挥的独特而强大的作用。
WALTER WHITE (VO): We are tired of seeing the Negro as a barbaric dolt, a superstition-ridden ninny…cowardly, benighted, different.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：我们厌倦了将黑人视为野蛮的傻瓜、迷信的傻瓜……懦弱、愚昧、与众不同。
We ask that the Negro be given full citizenship in the world of the movie.”
我们要求黑人在电影世界中获得完全的公民身份。”
White made his way to Los Angeles, where he set up workshops for scriptwriters and organized an ad hoc committee of politicians, studio heads and movie stars.
怀特前往洛杉矶，在那里为编剧设立了研讨会，并组织了一个由政治家、制片厂负责人和电影明星组成的特别委员会。
Hollywood’s A-list gave him the star treatment and made promises to do better.
好莱坞一线明星给予他明星待遇，并承诺会做得更好。
But even as he cultivated the white power brokers who ran Hollywood, Walter White scorned the Black actors who took the only roles that were available to them.
但尽管沃尔特·怀特培养了掌管好莱坞的白人权力掮客，但他仍然蔑视那些只扮演他们可以扮演的角色的黑人演员。
He singled out Hattie McDaniel, who had played Mammy in Gone With the Wind.
他特别提到了在《乱世佳人》中扮演妈妈的海蒂·麦克丹尼尔。
Although frequently cast in subservient roles, she considered herself an activist and fought back by making her characters more confrontational than the norm.
尽管经常扮演顺从的角色，但她认为自己是一名激进分子，并通过让自己的角色比平常更具对抗性来进行反击。
Her nuanced performance made her the first African American ever to win an Academy Award.
她细致入微的表演使她成为第一位获得奥斯卡金像奖的非裔美国人。
Fellow members of the motion picture industry and honored guests, this is one of the happiest moments of my life.
电影界的各位朋友、各位嘉宾，这是我一生中最幸福的时刻之一。
I sincerely hope I shall always be a credit to my race and to the motion picture industry.
我真诚地希望我能永远为我的种族和电影行业增光添彩。
My heart is too full to tell you just how I feel and may I say thank you.
我的心太满了，无法告诉你我的感受，我可以说谢谢你。
“I am disgusted at the sheer selfishness of actors like Hattie,” White said, “who just want to save their jobs without regard for the future of Negroes as a whole.” “When you ask me not to play the parts,” MacDaniel fired back, “what have you got to offer in return?” ”I can be a maid for $7 a week, or I can play a maid for $700.” In any case, MacDaniel wrote, “Walter White is prejudiced to those Negroes of my complexion.
“我对像海蒂这样的演员的纯粹自私感到厌恶，”怀特说，“他们只想保住自己的工作，而不考虑整个黑人的未来。” “当你要求我不要扮演这个角色时，”麦克丹尼尔反驳道，“你能提供什么回报？” “我可以每周花 7 美元当女仆，也可以花 700 美元扮演女仆。”无论如何，麦克丹尼尔写道：“沃尔特·怀特对那些和我肤色一样的黑人有偏见。
He is only one eighth Black, and is not qualified to speak for the race.”
他只有八分之一的黑人血统，没有资格为种族发言。”
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: White thought that the most important thing was working with the influential people at the top.
历史学家肯尼斯·詹肯：怀特认为最重要的是与高层有影响力的人合作。
But he basically boycotted the Black actors and actresses in Hollywood, and angered them a good deal.
但他基本上抵制了好莱坞的黑人演员，并激怒了他们。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: That was a flaw in his character, unnecessarily sort of alienating people who should be your natural allies.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：这是他性格中的一个缺陷，不必要地疏远了本应成为你天然盟友的人。
But no matter what White did, he couldn’t force change on a profit-hungry and risk-averse industry.
但无论怀特做什么，他都无法迫使一个渴求利润、规避风险的行业发生变化。
In the wake of his campaign studios did begin to shy away from demeaning Black roles, but their promises of better parts went largely unfulfilled.
在他的竞选活动之后，制片厂确实开始回避贬低黑人角色，但他们关于更好角色的承诺基本上没有兑现。
Instead, African Americans began disappearing from Hollywood movies altogether.
相反，非裔美国人开始从好莱坞电影中完全消失。
FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT, JANUARY 6 1941: At no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福，1941 年 1 月 6 日：美国安全从未像今天这样受到过如此严重的外部威胁。
Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.
那些为我们守卫的人，以及那些在他们背后为我们筑起防御的人，必须拥有来自对他们所捍卫的生活方式不可动摇的信念的耐力和勇气。
When the United States went to war at the end of 1941, few African Americans held an unshakeable belief in the manner of life they were supposed to defend.
1941 年底美国参战时，很少有非洲裔美国人对他们应该捍卫的生活方式抱有不可动摇的信念。
It was hard to ignore the irony of fighting racist enemies with a military that was segregated down to the Red Cross blood banks.
很难忽视用一支被隔离到红十字会血库的军队与种族主义敌人作战的讽刺意味。
Nevertheless, a million Black men and women would serve in that military.
尽管如此，仍有一百万黑人男女将在这支军队中服役。
Given the opportunity, they distinguished themselves in combat.
有了机会，他们在战斗中表现出色。
But the overwhelming majority were relegated to service battalions, given the most demeaning and unpleasant tasks, denied promotions, and all too often abused by their white officers.
但绝大多数人被降级到服役营，承担最有辱人格和最不愉快的任务，晋升被拒绝，并且经常受到白人军官的虐待。
At home, the colossal military buildup did create new opportunities: Walter White helped strongarm FDR into opening up war industries to Black workers.
在国内，大规模的军事建设确实创造了新的机会：沃尔特·怀特帮助罗斯福向黑人工人开放军工工业。
Wages rose and unions began to diversify.
工资上涨，工会开始多元化。
NAACP membership skyrocketed, hundreds of new branches were formed, and the whole enterprise was energized with renewed determination.
全国有色人种协进会的会员数量猛增，数百个新的分支机构成立，整个企业充满了新的决心。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: The NAACP is providing the infrastructure for people to mount protests and feel strong.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：全国有色人种协进会正在为人们提供基础设施来发动抗议并感到坚强。
The branches are shaping where the NAACP is going, and people are having a voice and feeling connected to each other and to a national movement.
各个分支机构正在决定全国有色人种协进会的发展方向，人们正在发出声音并感觉彼此之间以及与全国运动的联系。
But inevitably, it seemed, African American hopes were met with a violent backlash.
但非裔美国人的希望似乎不可避免地遭到了强烈反对。
WALTER WHITE (VO): The press was filled with countless stories of lynchings and mistreatment of Negro soldiers.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：新闻界充斥着无数关于私刑和虐待黑人士兵的故事。
War industries were begging for workers, but those with black skins were not wanted.
军工工业正在乞讨工人，但黑皮肤的人不受欢迎。
A steady stream of letters told of gratuitous insults and beatings and humiliation suffered by Negro men who had fought in the Pacific.
源源不断的信件讲述了在太平洋作战的黑人所遭受的无端侮辱、殴打和羞辱。
White himself was growing tired of preaching patience, of playing the long game.
怀特本人已经厌倦了宣扬耐心和打持久战。
At the beginning of 1944 he set off to chronicle the lives of Black soldiers in Europe, North Africa, and the Pacific.
1944 年初，他出发去记录欧洲、北非和太平洋地区黑人士兵的生活。
There were some who complained that the head of the NAACP had enough work to do at home.
有人抱怨全国有色人种协进会主席在家里有足够的工作要做。
But there was a revolution brewing in that segregated army, and White wanted the world to know about it.
但那支种族隔离的军队正在酝酿一场革命，怀特希望全世界都知道这一点。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: He was given credentials and, and given access to troops and given access to officers.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：他获得了证书，并被允许接触军队和军官。
He was in some ways in his element again, and he had some adventures that were somewhat dangerous and he liked that.
在某些方面，他又回到了自己的状态，他经历了一些有些危险的冒险，他喜欢这样。
What he came away with deeply troubled him.
他离开时所得到的东西让他深感困扰。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: For soldiers abroad, they have the experience of fighting a devastating and ghastly war, and along with that, all of the nastiest parts of American racism.
阿德丽安·伦茨-史密斯，历史学家：对于国外的士兵来说，他们经历过一场毁灭性的、可怕的战争，随之而来的是美国种族主义中所有最肮脏的部分。
Enemy propaganda preyed on the doubts of African-American soldiers.
敌人的宣传利用了非洲裔美国士兵的疑虑。
WALTER WHITE (VO): The Germans bombed us time and time again with shells loaded with leaflets, and the leaflets contained excellent photographs of a recent American race riot and others showed the bodies of Negroes swinging from southern trees.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：德国人一次又一次地用装满传单的炮弹轰炸我们，传单上有最近美国种族骚乱的精彩照片，还有一些照片显示黑人的尸体在南方的树上荡来荡去。
Underneath were the words, “This is what you are fighting for.” I remember one Negro GI sitting beside a blown out house, silently taking a few last puffs from a damp cigarette before moving off with his reconnaissance patrol.
底下写着：“这就是你们为之奋斗的目标。”我记得一名黑人大兵坐在一栋被炸毁的房子旁边，默默地吸了最后几口湿香烟，然后带着他的侦察巡逻队出发。
He threw away the leaflet after grinding it beneath his boot, and silently he filed down the road with his men toward the German lines.
他把传单放在靴子下磨碎后扔掉，然后默默地和他的部下沿着道路向德军战线前进。
White returned from the Pacific theater in the spring of 1945 exhausted, disheartened, and angry.
1945 年春天，怀特从太平洋战区回来，疲惫、沮丧、愤怒。
At the same time he had been deeply moved by African American soldiers’ dedication to the cause of civil rights, and by the warmth they showed him in these far-flung outposts.
与此同时，非裔美国士兵对民权事业的奉献精神以及他们在这些偏远的前哨基地所表现出的温暖让他深受感动。
“Here was a man who was second to none,” one soldier wrote.
“这是一个首屈一指的人，”一名士兵写道。
“In our estimation, we met the greatest of the greatest, the voice of thirteen million, Mr Walter White.” By war’s end, those thirteen million were determined that America should finally live up to its ideals.
“据我们估计，我们遇到了最伟大的人中最伟大的人，代表了一千三百万人的声音，沃尔特·怀特先生。”战争结束时，这一千三百万人决心美国最终应该实现其理想。
More than anywhere else, they looked to the NAACP to make that happen.
他们比其他任何地方都更希望全国有色人种协进会来实现这一目标。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: World War Two sparked a political consciousness.
阿德里安·伦茨-史密斯，历史学家：第二次世界大战激发了政治意识。
It also fueled a postwar militancy that would change the shape of the latter part of the 20th century.
它还助长了战后的好战情绪，从而改变了 20 世纪后半叶的面貌。
In every war since the Revolution, African American soldiers had rallied to the flag, only to have their hopes betrayed in the aftermath.
自独立战争以来的每场战争中，非裔美国士兵都聚集在国旗下，但他们的希望在战后却遭到背叛。
In the summer of 1945, they began returning from overseas, only to find once again that white Americans were determined to reimpose the old racial order, to put them back in their place.
1945年夏天，他们开始从海外回国，却再次发现美国白人决心重新实行旧的种族秩序，让他们回到原来的位置。
The NAACP was flooded with stories of veterans being abused, assaulted, and lynched.
全国有色人种协进会充斥着退伍军人被虐待、袭击和私刑处死的故事。
Local and state authorities looked the other way; the crisis spread unchecked.
地方和州当局却视而不见；危机不受控制地蔓延。
On the 19 of September 1946, White led a group of civil rights leaders to the White House, where they tried to convey these horrors to the new president.
1946 年 9 月 19 日，怀特带领一群民权领袖来到白宫，试图向新总统传达这些恐怖事件。
“I frankly doubted,” White wrote, “that our efforts would be any more rewarding than those we had made with any of Truman’s predecessors.” But this time, the president’s response caught White by surprise.
“坦率地说，我怀疑，”怀特写道，“我们的努力是否会比我们与杜鲁门的任何一位前任所做的努力更有意义。”但这一次，总统的反应让怀特大吃一惊。
“I had no idea it was as terrible as that,” Truman said.
杜鲁门说：“我不知道事情会这么可怕。”
“We’ve got to do something.”
“我们必须做点什么。”
Good afternoon from the Lincoln Memorial in Washington.
来自华盛顿林肯纪念堂的下午好。
You are about to hear an address by the president of the United States as he speaks…
您即将听到美国总统的讲话……
In 1947, fifteen years after White made news by having tea with FDR, he invited Harry Truman to address the NAACP’s national convention on the Mall in Washington.
1947 年，怀特因与罗斯福喝茶而成为新闻焦点十五年后，他邀请哈里·杜鲁门在华盛顿广场举行的全国有色人种协进会全国代表大会上发表讲话。
The occasion was in part a measure of the organization’s growing political clout: during the war the NAACP’s membership had exploded from fifty thousand to half a million.
这一场合在一定程度上体现了该组织日益增长的政治影响力：战争期间，全国有色人种协进会的成员数量从五万猛增至五十万。
But White was beginning to suspect that the new president actually believed in the cause.
但怀特开始怀疑新总统是否真的相信这一事业。
Our immediate task is to remove the last remnants of the barriers, which stand between millions of our citizens and their birthright.
我们当前的任务是消除我们数百万公民及其与生俱来的权利之间的最后残余障碍。
There is no justifiable reason for discrimination because of ancestry, or religion, or race, or color.
没有正当理由因血统、宗教、种族或肤色而受到歧视。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: Speaking to the NAACP comes with some risks - no one's ever done it.// so we can talk about it in terms of political calculation, but we also need to credit the risk he was willing to take.
阿德里安·伦茨·史密斯，历史学家：与全国有色人种协进会交谈会带来一些风险 - 没有人这样做过。//所以我们可以从政治算计的角度来谈论它，但我们也需要相信他愿意承担的风险。
The 1948 election was just around the corner.
1948 年大选即将来临。
Thanks in large part to the NAACP’s courtroom victories, African Americans were reclaiming voting rights in parts of the South.
非裔美国人在南方部分地区重新获得了投票权，这在很大程度上要归功于全国有色人种协进会在法庭上的胜利。
Millions more had migrated to the North, where they could vote freely - so many, in fact, that Black voters had the potential to play a deciding role in several swing states.
还有数百万人移民到北方，在那里他们可以自由投票——事实上，人数如此之多，以至于黑人选民有可能在几个摇摆州发挥决定性作用。
That potential became very real that summer, at the Democratic Party’s convention.
那年夏天，在民主党大会上，这种潜力变得非常现实。
These uncalled-for, and these damnable proposals he has recommended under the guise of so-called civil rights.
他打着所谓民权的幌子提出了这些没有必要的、该死的建议。
And I tell you that the American people from one side or the other had better wake up and oppose such a program.
我告诉你们，无论是哪一方的美国人民最好醒悟并反对这样的计划。
And if they don’t, the next thing will be a totalitarian state in these United States.
如果他们不这样做，接下来的事情将是美国的极权国家。
On the 14th of July 1948, the Dixiecrats, as they became known, walked out to protest the party’s civil rights platform.
1948 年 7 月 14 日，迪克西克拉特（Dixiecrat）（他们后来被称为迪克西克拉特）举行罢工，抗议该党的民权纲领。
With the white South lined up against him, Truman’s only chance was to nail down every Black vote.
由于南方白人联合起来反对他，杜鲁门唯一的机会就是确定每一张黑人选票。
White had been informing the president about African American priorities: lynching, disfranchisement, the poll tax, unemployment and education.
怀特一直在向总统通报非裔美国人的优先事项：私刑、剥夺选举权、人头税、失业和教育。
Many of these required legislation that could be hijacked in Congress.
其中许多需要立法，而这些立法可能会在国会被劫持。
But in a few vital areas, the president could make momentous changes with the stroke of a pen.
但在一些重要领域，总统可以大笔一挥做出重大改变。
On the 26th of July, less than two weeks after the Dixiecrat revolt, President Truman did just that.
7 月 26 日，迪克西克拉特叛乱发生后不到两周，杜鲁门总统就这么做了。
It is hereby the declared policy of the president that there shall be equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed services without regard to race, creed, or color, or national origin.
总统特此宣布的政策是，武装部队中的所有人员应享有平等待遇和机会，不论种族、信仰、肤色或国籍。
Well with this I took my political life in my hands, and now it was up to the people to decide what they wanted to do about it.
就这样，我把自己的政治生命掌握在自己手中，现在由人民来决定他们想做什么。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: Truman announces that he will desegregate the armed forces.
帕特里夏·沙利文，历史学家：杜鲁门宣布他将废除武装部队种族隔离。
It's a major turning point, a terrific moment for Truman and for the movement.
对于杜鲁门和这场运动来说，这是一个重大转折点、一个了不起的时刻。
On the 2nd of November 1948 Black voters held up their end of the bargain…
1948 年 11 月 2 日，黑人选民履行了他们的承诺……
…and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and
......并且将尽我所能，保存、保护和
defend the Constitution of the United States.
捍卫美国宪法。
…providing the margin of victory in the three states that decided the election.
……提供决定选举结果的三个州的胜利幅度。
It was one of the greatest upsets in American political history.
这是美国政治史上最大的挫折之一。
At last - for the first time since Reconstruction - African Americans held real political power.
最后——自重建以来第一次——非裔美国人掌握了真正的政治权力。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: He's not only leading an organization, he's really delivering victories, winning legislative victories, winning court cases.
卡洛斯·希尔，历史学家：他不仅领导着一个组织，他还真正取得了胜利，赢得了立法胜利，赢得了法庭案件。
These things aren't generally happening for Black people.
这些事情通常不会发生在黑人身上。
They're happening because of the NAACP, and an NAACP led by Walter White.
这些事情的发生是因为全国有色人种协进会和由沃尔特·怀特领导的全国有色人种协进会。
Walter’s sister Madeline was a social worker in the poorest sections of rural Georgia.
沃尔特的妹妹玛德琳是佐治亚州农村最贫困地区的一名社会工作者。
“You have no idea how many of these homes have your picture,” she wrote her brother, “often cut out of a newspaper and tacked to a beam, or pressed on a little cracked mirror.
“你不知道有多少家有你的照片，”她给弟弟写信说，“通常是从报纸上剪下来，钉在横梁上，或者压在有裂纹的小镜子上。
They depend on you.
他们依赖你。
For many of them, you are all they have, you and the NAACP.”
对于他们中的许多人来说，你和全国有色人种协进会就是他们的一切。”
By the end of 1948 Walter White was arguably the most influential Black man in American history.
到 1948 年底，沃尔特·怀特可以说是美国历史上最有影响力的黑人。
White’s affiliation with Truman was indeed paying dividends, but it was becoming apparent that there were steep downsides.
怀特与杜鲁门的关系确实带来了红利，但也有明显的弊端。
Above all, the NAACP was expected to support Truman’s Cold War policies, and to stop criticizing American racism on the world stage.
最重要的是，全国有色人种协进会应该支持杜鲁门的冷战政策，并停止在世界舞台上批评美国的种族主义。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: Walter White spoke candidly one too many times at a meeting of the United Nations.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：沃尔特·怀特在联合国会议上多次坦率地发言。
And the State Department said, “If you don't tone this down, we will cut you off.
美国国务院表示：“如果你不缓和此事，我们将切断与你的联系。
You'll be on your own.” The agreement was that he would pursue a focused agenda on legal civil rights.
你就得靠自己了。”双方达成的协议是，他将推行一项以合法公民权利为重点的议程。
And he became increasingly critical against the Communists and against the progressive left in the United States.
他对共产党和美国的进步左派越来越持批评态度。
The NAACP had to tread carefully.
全国有色人种协进会必须谨慎行事。
The Red Scare was at high tide; dissent of any kind was suspect, civil rights activism was tantamount to subversion.
红色恐慌正处于高潮。任何形式的异议都是可疑的，民权活动就等于颠覆。
“The Communist Party,” Life Magazine warned, “is sinking tentacles into the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.”
《生活》杂志警告说，“共产党正在将触角伸向全国有色人种协进会。”
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: The NAACP was vulnerable because if segregation's defenders could label them as Communists they could get the NAACP shut down, made illegal.
阿德里安·伦茨·史密斯，历史学家：全国有色人种协进会很脆弱，因为如果种族隔离的捍卫者可以将他们标记为共产党人，他们就可以让全国有色人种协进会被关闭，使之非法。
As White saw it the alliance with Truman was the key to the NAACP’s survival, but some wondered whether he had bargained away the organization’s soul.
在怀特看来，与杜鲁门的联盟是全国有色人种协进会生存的关键，但有些人怀疑他是否已经牺牲了该组织的灵魂。
White’s old nemesis WEB Du Bois was characteristically scathing, telling the New York Times that under White the NAACP had become a “bourgeois set up,” that he had shackled to the “reactionary, warmongering, colonial imperialism of the [Truman] administration.” At the same time, Walter White was facing a new challenge, a younger rival competing for the spotlight.
怀特的老对手韦布·杜波依斯（WEB Du Bois）一针见血地严厉地告诉《纽约时报》，在怀特的领导下，全国有色人种协进会已经成为一个“资产阶级组织”，他已经被束缚在“杜鲁门政府的反动、好战、殖民帝国主义”之下。与此同时，沃尔特·怀特面临着新的挑战，一个年轻的竞争对手正在争夺聚光灯。
JOSE ANDERSON, PROFESSOR OF LAW: Thurgood Marshall was quite a character: personable, card playing, bourbon drinking, great storyteller.
何塞·安德森，法学教授：瑟古德·马歇尔是一个很有个性的人：风度翩翩，打牌，喝波本威士忌，非常会讲故事。
Loved being extremely social.
非常喜欢社交。
Marshall had spent the last fifteen years building on the legal strategy that Charles Hamilton Houston had envisioned in the early 1930s.
马歇尔在过去 15 年里一直致力于查尔斯·汉密尔顿·休斯顿在 1930 年代初设想的法律战略。
Marshall’s courtroom campaign was becoming the most important aspect of the NAACP’s work - and the most visible.
马歇尔的法庭活动正在成为全国有色人种协进会工作中最重要的方面，也是最引人注目的方面。
JOSE ANDERSON, PROFESSOR OF LAW: Thurgood and Walter both had egos, and they both like controlling their own sphere: White was the boss, Thurgood was in charge of the legal campaign.
何塞·安德森，法学教授：瑟古德和沃尔特都有自我，他们都喜欢控制自己的领域：怀特是老板，瑟古德负责法律活动。
That worked very well for a long time.
这在很长一段时间内都非常有效。
But when the legal campaign became the focal point of what the NAACP was doing, the relationship really started to deteriorate.
但当法律运动成为全国有色人种协进会所做工作的焦点时，这种关系确实开始恶化。
By 1949 Walter White had been at the NAACP for more than thirty years, had led it for twenty.
到 1949 年，沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 已经在全国有色人种协进会 (NAACP) 工作了三十多年，并领导了该协会二十多年。
The power struggles, the tensions, controversies, the accumulated trauma of decades of racial violence, and the endless, crushing responsibility: it was all slowly killing him.
权力斗争、紧张局势、争议、数十年种族暴力累积的创伤，以及无尽的、沉重的责任：这一切都在慢慢地杀死他。
He put on weight, he smoked incessantly and drank more than the doctors wanted.
他的体重不断增加，他不停地抽烟，酗酒超过了医生的要求。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: White has a heart attack.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：怀特心脏病发作。
And he is hospitalized for six days.
他住院六天了。
He started to realize that he was mortal and that nobody knows how much time they have left.
他开始意识到自己是凡人，没有人知道自己还剩下多少时间。
His marriage to Gladys, I wouldn't say it was a loveless one, but it was one in which they were just going through the motions.
他与格拉迪斯的婚姻，我不会说这是一场无爱的婚姻，但他们只是走过场。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: It was very hard for Gladys, and very hard for the family.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：这对格拉迪斯来说非常困难，对她的家人来说也非常困难。
I think they were probably growing apart.
我认为他们可能正在逐渐疏远。
In June of 1949, after twenty-seven years of marriage, Walter and Gladys White were divorced.
1949 年 6 月，沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 和格拉迪斯·怀特 (Gladys White) 离婚了，结婚二十七年后。
But very few people knew of it, let alone the rest of the story.
但很少有人知道这件事，更不用说故事的其余部分了。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: He's had a romance, a long running romance with Poppy Cannol who is a White woman.
帕特里夏·沙利文，历史学家：他与白人女性波比·坎诺尔有过一段恋情，一段长期的恋情。
She'd been three times divorced.
她已经离婚3次了。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: He ends up telling his favorite sister, Madeline// that he wanted to marry Poppy Cannon.
兰道夫·斯塔克曼，历史学家：他最终告诉他最喜欢的妹妹玛德琳//他想娶波比·坎农。
Madeline says to him, "Look, people might not know who the president is, they might not know who Abraham Lincoln is, but they know who Walter White is.
玛德琳对他说：“看，人们可能不知道总统是谁，他们可能不知道亚伯拉罕·林肯是谁，但他们知道沃尔特·怀特是谁。
Don't do this.”
不要这样做。”
On the 6th of July 1949, at a dingy municipal office in New Jersey, Walter White married Poppy Cannon.
1949 年 7 月 6 日，在新泽西州一个肮脏的市政办公室，沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 与波比·坎农 (Poppy Cannon) 结婚。
News of his divorce and remarriage leaked out soon after the new couple had left town for an extended global tour.
在这对新夫妇离开小镇进行长途环球旅行后不久，他离婚和再婚的消息就被泄露了。
“The selfishness is unbelievable,” Alice wrote her brother.
“这种自私令人难以置信，”爱丽丝写信给她的哥哥。
“I am glad Momma and Papa are not here to suffer this disgrace.” Walter’s children were appalled; Walter Jr went so far as to change his name to erase any connection to his father.
“我很高兴妈妈和爸爸不会在这里遭受这种耻辱。”沃尔特的孩子们感到震惊。小沃尔特甚至更改了自己的名字，以消除与父亲的任何联系。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: White saw it as a civil rights issue of him claiming the right of every person in the society to marry whoever he wanted.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：怀特认为这是一个民权问题，他声称社会上每个人都有权与他想嫁给的人结婚。
And some people agreed with White.
有些人同意怀特的观点。
But a whole lot of people did not.
但很多人没有。
“One should not blame Walter White for wanting to marry a white woman,” the Afro-American concluded; “the race itself is to blame for permitting a man who wanted to be white so bad to be their spokesman for so long.”
这位非裔美国人总结道：“人们不应该责怪沃尔特·怀特想娶白人女性。” “让一个如此渴望成为白人的人长期担任他们的代言人，应该归咎于种族本身。”
ROSE PALMER, NIECE OF WALTER WHITE: The moral convention of the time was not to divorce and marry...remarry.
沃尔特·怀特的侄女罗斯·帕尔默：当时的道德传统是不离婚、不结婚……再婚。
Especially not to marry white when you're a symbol of your race.
当你是你种族的象征时，尤其不要与白人结婚。
But I think she made the last five years of his life happy.
但我认为她让他生命的最后五年变得幸福。
Despite, or because of, the controversy Walter and Poppy became something of a celebrity couple.
尽管存在争议，或者正因为存在争议，沃尔特和波比成为了一对名人夫妇。
Walter White and his wife Poppy Cannon live in this four-story house on the east side of midtown New York City.
沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 和他的妻子波比·坎农 (Poppy Cannon) 住在纽约市中心东侧的这座四层楼房子里。
They have lived here for five years.
他们已经在这里住了五年了。
Evening Poppy!
晚上罂粟！
How are you?
你好吗？
Thank you.
谢谢。
Walter, I know that Poppy writes about food as well as prepares it.
沃尔特，我知道波比不仅会写食物，还会准备食物。
Could we look around your domain a little, Poppy?
Poppy，我们可以稍微浏览一下您的域名吗？
Oh yes, come and see what we have.
哦，是的，来看看我们有什么。
Walter devoted himself to his new family, to the exclusion of his own children.
沃尔特全身心投入到他的新家庭中，将自己的孩子排除在外。
CLAUDIA PHILLIPE, STEPDAUGHTER OF WALTER WHITE: My mother and Walter were very, very much in love.
克劳迪娅·菲利普，沃尔特·怀特的继女：我的母亲和沃尔特非常非常相爱。
I don't think that I've met anyone who was as kind and giving as he was.
我认为我没有遇到过像他这样善良、乐于奉献的人。
He was my loving stepfather.
他是我慈爱的继父。
Now Walter I wonder if we have time to meet
现在沃尔特我想知道我们是否有时间见面
your two daughters.
你的两个女儿。
Good evening Cynthia!
辛西娅晚上好！
And this is Claudia, Mr Murrow.
这是克劳迪娅，默罗先生。
CLAUDIA PHILLIPE, STEPDAUGHTER OF WALTER WHITE: People made me aware of the scandal.
克劳迪娅·菲利普，沃尔特·怀特的继女：人们让我意识到了这起丑闻。
I didn't know what the hell was going on.
我不知道到底发生了什么。
But I knew there was danger.
但我知道有危险。
I think they had some police keeping an eye on the neighborhood.
我认为他们有一些警察在监视着附近地区。
They had a great deal of trouble getting a mortgage for the house.
他们在获得房子抵押贷款时遇到了很大的困难。
And that was a matter of race.
这是种族问题。
And I don't think I put together until later that they were phasing him out at the NAACP.
我想直到后来我才意识到全国有色人种协进会正在逐步淘汰他。
By the spring of 1950 Charles Hamilton Houston, the architect of the NAACP’s courtroom strategy, knew he was dying of a degenerative heart condition.
1950 年春天，全国有色人种协进会法庭策略的设计者查尔斯·汉密尔顿·休斯顿 (Charles Hamilton Houston) 知道自己即将死于退行性心脏病。
He sent his wife and young son away, to spare them the final indignities.
他送走了他的妻子和年幼的儿子，以免他们遭受最后的侮辱。
Houston’s funeral drew hundreds of activists from across the civil rights movement.
休斯顿的葬礼吸引了数百名来自民权运动的积极分子。
But Walter White was conspicuously absent, on the other side of the world with his new bride.
但沃尔特·怀特显然缺席了，他和他的新婚新娘在世界的另一边。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: When White took his leave, he thought he'd do something else.
帕特里夏·沙利文，历史学家：当怀特离开时，他认为他会做点别的事情。
He really had a sense that he would have great opportunities, given who he knew and what he had done, and, but he didn't.
他确实有一种感觉，鉴于他认识的人以及他所做的事情，他将拥有很好的机会，但是他没有。
So he came back to the NAACP.
于是他又回到了全国有色人种协进会。
And there was some friction about that, about the coming back.
关于这件事、关于回归，存在一些摩擦。
In fact, many members wanted to be rid of White, but in June of 1950 he convinced the board to retain him, although in a diminished capacity.
事实上，许多成员都想摆脱怀特，但 1950 年 6 月，怀特说服董事会保留了他，尽管他的职位有所减少。
Walter White was the front man.
沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）是主唱。
And I had the legal side.
我有法律方面的帮助。
But at times the real problem would come because Walter White always thought he was a lawyer, and he would interfere with my legal business and he'd get his head chopped off.
但有时真正的问题会出现，因为沃尔特·怀特总是认为他是一名律师，他会干涉我的法律事务，然后他会被砍掉头。
JOSE ANDERSON, PROFESSOR OF LAW: As Marshall peaked in power, White was diminishing in power.
何塞·安德森，法学教授：当马歇尔的权力达到顶峰时，怀特的权力正在减弱。
And so he kind of was ushered out of the leadership of the organization.
因此，他有点被排除在组织的领导层之外。
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: I think Marshall felt that Walter White was self-promoting, which by that time he was.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：我认为马歇尔认为沃尔特·怀特在自我推销，当时他确实是这样。
Exactly, what have you accomplished?
确切地说，你完成了什么？
I think a good deal.
我认为很划算。
For example take the armed services, I was a war correspondent during the last war and I saw friction between white and Negro troops because they were segregated.
以武装部队为例，我在上次战争期间是一名战地记者，我看到了白人和黑人军队之间的摩擦，因为他们被隔离了。
And that has been eliminated and we have a more efficient and more economical army...
这已经被消除了，我们拥有一支更高效、更经济的军队……
KENNETH JANKEN, HISTORIAN: Walter White did not want to leave public life.
历史学家肯尼思·詹肯：沃尔特·怀特不想离开公共生活。
Three weeks after Houston’s funeral, Marshall summoned forty-three civil rights lawyers to plot out the final assault on legal segregation.
休斯顿葬礼三周后，马歇尔召集了 43 名民权律师，策划对法律种族隔离的最后攻击。
JOSE ANDERSON, PROFESSOR OF LAW: This was part of a plan that Houston had mapped out in the early 1930s.
何塞·安德森，法学教授：这是休斯顿在 1930 年代初制定的计划的一部分。
Marshall had just decided that the time had come to move on this set of cases and push to the finish line.
马歇尔刚刚决定，是时候继续处理这组案件并冲向终点线了。
And he wanted to make it clear to his soldiers that that's what was going to happen.
他想让他的士兵们明白这就是将要发生的事情。
It was time to abandon the equalization strategy and to try to desegregate all schools across the country.
是时候放弃平等战略并尝试废除全国所有学校的种族隔离了。
For the next four years, Marshall and his team of lawyers shepherded a set of carefully chosen school segregation cases all the way to the Supreme Court.
在接下来的四年里，马歇尔和他的律师团队将一系列精心挑选的学校种族隔离案件一直审理到最高法院。
CLAUDIA PHILLIPE, STEPDAUGHTER OF WALTER WHITE: The decision for// Brown versus the Board of Education.
克劳迪娅·菲利普，沃尔特·怀特的继女：布朗与教育委员会的决定。
We were very aware in the house that that was impending and we were just all awaiting it with anticipation.
我们在房子里非常清楚这即将发生，我们只是满怀期待地等待它。
We do believe that this decision in itself will encourage the people to take further steps without litigation in many areas.
我们确实相信，这一决定本身将鼓励人们在许多领域采取进一步的措施，而无需提起诉讼。
Walter White was three years old when the Supreme Court gave its blessing to racial segregation.
当最高法院批准种族隔离时，沃尔特·怀特才三岁。
He’d spent his entire adult life fighting to end it.
他一生都在为结束这一切而奋斗。
Figurehead or not, he was still the leader of the NAACP when the Supreme Court decision finally came down on the 17th of May 1954.
无论是否有名无实，当最高法院于 1954 年 5 月 17 日做出最终裁决时，他仍然是全国有色人种协进会的领导人。
WALTER WHITE (VO): The court did it not because it wanted to do it.
沃尔特·怀特（画外音）：法院这样做并不是因为它想这样做。
They did it because of the accumulation of cases that has taken place over the years…
他们之所以这么做，是因为这些年发生的案件不断积累……
because people in this room and other people had the courage to stand up and to be the protagonists in this struggle, even though that might have meant death for them.
因为这个房间里的人和其他人都有勇气站出来，成为这场斗争的主角，即使这对他们来说可能意味着死亡。
It took fifty-eight years of fighting, but we together have created a miracle.
五十八年的奋斗，我们共同创造了奇迹。
There are some of us who will not be around much longer…
我们中有些人不会活太久了……
But there will be new people coming into the struggle, and they have to complete the fight.
但还会有新的人加入斗争，他们必须完成斗争。
On the 21st of March 1955, Walter White died at home of a heart attack.
1955 年 3 月 21 日，沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 在家中因心脏病去世。
RANDOLPH STAKEMAN, HISTORIAN: His death was in all the major papers, not just the African-American press, It was a big deal.
历史学家伦道夫·斯塔克曼：他的死出现在所有主要报纸上，而不仅仅是非裔美国媒体，这是一件大事。
Nine months later, in Montgomery Alabama, Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on a bus.
九个月后，在阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利，罗莎·帕克斯拒绝在公交车上让座。
That moment would be remembered as the genesis of a new civil rights movement.
那一刻将作为新民权运动的起源而被人们铭记。
In fact it had been decades in the making, and the NAACP had been there all along.
事实上，它已经酝酿了几十年，全国有色人种协进会一直在那里。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: Rosa Parks wasn’t just a civilian who happened into a bus boycott.
阿德里安·伦茨-史密斯，历史学家：罗莎·帕克斯不仅仅是一个碰巧遭遇公交车抵制的平民。
Rosa Parks entered the movement in the 1930s through the Montgomery NAACP branches, raising money on behalf of the Scottsboro Boys.
罗莎·帕克斯 (Rosa Parks) 在 20 世纪 30 年代通过蒙哥马利全国有色人种协进会 (NAACP) 分支机构加入了这一运动，代表斯科茨伯勒男孩 (Scottsboro Boys) 筹集资金。
She was doing that as part of her NAACP work.
她这样做是全国有色人种协进会工作的一部分。
Although the Montgomery bus boycott had roots in the NAACP, it soon ushered a new generation of activists onto the scene, young people who were skeptical of their elders, of meeting white authorities on their own turf, and playing by their rules, and who were inspired by a phenomenally charismatic young preacher.
尽管蒙哥马利公交车抵制活动起源于全国有色人种协进会，但它很快就迎来了新一代活动家，这些年轻人对长辈持怀疑态度，在自己的地盘上与白人当局会面，遵守他们的规则，并受到一位极具魅力的年轻传教士的启发。
ELLIS MONK, HISTORIAN: You have more radical younger people who are unhappy with what is seen as a too-legalistic position of the NAACP.
历史学家埃利斯·蒙克：有更多激进的年轻人对全国有色人种协进会过于法律化的立场感到不满。
//You're seeing a much more radical protest movement.
//你正在看到一场更加激进的抗议运动。
One way and another, the NAACP was soon eclipsed by this vibrant new movement.
无论如何，全国有色人种协进会很快就被这一充满活力的新运动所掩盖。
Walter White in particular - Mr. NAACP - all but vanished from public memory overnight.
尤其是沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）——全国有色人种协进会先生——几乎一夜之间就从公众记忆中消失了。
ROSE PALMER, NIECE OF WALTER WHITE: The big motto at the time was, “Black is beautiful.” And I think that they didn't want to believe he was Black.
沃尔特·怀特 (Walter White) 的侄女罗斯·帕尔默 (Rose Palmer)：当时的座右铭是“黑色即美丽”。我认为他们不想相信他是黑人。
All the attention went to Martin Luther King and to the new movement.
所有的注意力都集中在马丁·路德·金和新运动上。
KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: Walter White gets forgotten.
历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：沃尔特·怀特被遗忘了。
But I think there are lessons to learn from him and his work about courage, about an ethic of care for victims of violence, about an unyielding fight for justice, a willingness to play the long game.
但我认为，我们可以从他和他的作品中学到一些教训，比如勇气、关心暴力受害者的道德、为正义而进行的不屈斗争以及愿意进行长期游戏的意愿。
Walter White is one of the unsung heroes of the 20th century.
沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）是 20 世纪的无名英雄之一。
KARLOS HILL, HISTORIAN: When we think about the civil rights movement today, we don't think so much about all those who laid the foundation.
历史学家卡洛斯·希尔：当我们思考今天的民权运动时，我们并没有过多地思考所有奠定基础的人。
ADRIANE LENTZ-SMITH, HISTORIAN: The NAACP is so many things and so many places and for so long.
阿德里安·伦茨-史密斯，历史学家：全国有色人种协进会有很多事情，有很多地方，而且持续了很长时间。
It’s the story of a nation that is perpetually trying to become a better thing, you know, and the people who are trying to define what that better thing might be.
你知道，这是一个不断努力变得更好的国家的故事，以及试图定义更好的事物可能是什么的人们的故事。
PATRICIA SULLIVAN, HISTORIAN: That kind of sustained effort across several generations, it's unprecedented in our history.
历史学家帕特里夏·沙利文：这种几代人的持续努力，在我们的历史上是前所未有的。
The NAACP was the group that said, “We shed our blood for this country.
全国有色人种协进会说：“我们为这个国家流血。
This is ours.”
这是我们的。”
The story of one of the most influential yet forgotten civil rights figures, Walter White.
沃尔特·怀特（Walter White）是最有影响力却被遗忘的民权人物之一的故事。
He put his life on the line for civil rights but many don't know his name.
他为了民权而冒着生命危险，但很多人不知道他的名字。
Do you?
你？
How did a flag on the streets of Manhattan help end lynching in the United States?
曼哈顿街道上的旗帜如何帮助结束美国的私刑？
He was once considered the most influential Black man in America, but his name has faded into obscurity.
他曾被认为是美国最有影响力的黑人，但他的名字已经逐渐淡出人们的视线。
Who is Walter F.
沃尔特·F.是谁？
White?
白色？
How a banner on the streets of Manhattan became part of the battle against white supremacy.
曼哈顿街道上的横幅如何成为反对白人至上的斗争的一部分。
Watch a preview of Forgotten Hero: Walter White and the NAACP
观看被遗忘的英雄的预览：沃尔特·怀特和全国有色人种协进会