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The Chinese Exclusion Act

排华法案
May 29, 2018  ·  American Experience (PBS)  ·  原文

Narrator: On June 30 th , 1885 – as the fund-raising campaign for the pedestal for the Statue of Liberty finally began to pick up speed – a letter appeared in the pages of The New York Sun – written by a young Chinese immigrant, and recent college graduate named Saum Song Bo – who had come to America years earlier as a small boy , and who dreamed of becoming a lawyer.

旁白:1885 年 6 月 30 日,随着为自由女神像基座筹款的活动终于开始加速,《纽约太阳报》的版面出现了一封信,这封信的作者是一位年轻的中国移民,刚从大学毕业的索姆·宋波,他早年来到美国,梦想成为一名律师。

Voice (Saum Song Bo): Sir: A paper was presented to me yesterday for subscription among my countrymen toward the Pedestal Fund of the Statue of Liberty .

声音(Saum Song Bo):先生:昨天向我提交了一份文件,供我国同胞认购自由女神像底座基金。

My countrymen and myself are honored in being thus appealed to as citizens in the cause of liberty.

我和我的同胞们很荣幸能够作为公民参与自由事业。

But the word liberty makes me think of the fact that this country is the land of liberty for men of all nations except the Chinese.

但自由这个词让我想起这样一个事实:这个国家是除中国人以外所有民族的自由之地。

That statue represents Liberty holding a torch – which lights the passage of those of all nations who come into this country.

这座雕像代表自由女神高举火炬,它照亮了进入这个国家的所有国家的通行道路。

But are the Chinese allowed to come?

但是中国人可以来吗?

Are the Chinese here allowed to enjoy liberty as men of all other nationalities enjoy it?

这里的中国人是否可以像其他民族一样享有自由?

Free from the insults, abuse, assaults, wrongs and injuries from which men of other nationalities are free?

免受其他国籍的男人所遭受的侮辱、虐待、攻击、错误和伤害吗?

By the law of this nation, a chinaman cannot become a citizen.

根据这个国家的法律,中国人不能成为公民。

Whether this statute against the Chinese – or the Statue of Liberty – will be the more lasting monument to tell future ages of the liberty and greatness of this country, will be known only to future generations.

这条针对中国人的法令——或者自由女神像——是否会成为告诉子孙后代这个国家的自由和伟大的更持久的纪念碑,只有子孙后代才知道。

Narrator: The solitary arm of the unfinished Statue of Liberty had languished on Madison Square in New York for more than five years – when on May 6 th , 1882 – on the eve of the greatest wave of immigration in American history – President Chester A.

旁白:未完成的自由女神像的孤臂已经在纽约麦迪逊广场上搁置了五年多——1882 年 5 月 6 日——在美国历史上最大规模的移民浪潮到来之前——总统切斯特·A·肯尼迪 (Chester A.

Arthur signed into law an extraordinary piece of federal legislation.

阿瑟签署了一项非凡的联邦立法,使之成为法律。

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。

It was called the Chinese Exclusion Act – and it was unlike any law enacted since the founding of the republic.

它被称为《排华法案》——它不同于共和国成立以来颁布的任何法律。

Singling out as never before a specific race and nationality for exclusion – it made it illegal for Chinese workers to come to America – and for Chinese nationals already here ever to become citizens of the United States.

前所未有地将特定种族和国籍排除在外——这使得中国工人来美国是非法的——也使得已经在这里的中国公民成为美国公民成为非法。

Fueled by deep seated tensions over race and class and national identity that had been festering since the founding of the republic, it was the first in a long line of acts targeting the Chinese for exclusion – and it would remain in force for more than sixty years.

自共和国成立以来,在种族、阶级和民族认同方面根深蒂固的紧张关系不断恶化,这是一系列针对华人的排挤法案中的第一例 — — 并且该法案将持续执行六十多年。

It continues to shape the debate about what it means to be an American to this day.

时至今日,它仍在影响着关于作为美国人意味着什么的争论。

Renqiu Yu, Historian: Chinese-Americans always have this identification with the founding principle of this country, so beautifully laid out by the Founding Fathers.

历史学家于任秋:美籍华人始终认同这个国家的建国原则,这是开国元勋们精心阐述的。

And so eloquently articulated in the Declaration of Independence and in American Constitution.

《独立宣言》和《美国宪法》对此进行了雄辩的阐述。

The Chinese identify with this fundamental principle of liberty, equality and justice for all, and all men are created equal.

中国人认同人人自由、平等、正义的基本原则,人人生而平等。

Now, how can you say that this is a group of people who are biologically, and culturally, unfit to live a civilized life; to appreciate and practice American culture, political and religious ideals.

现在,你怎么能说这是一群在生物学上和文化上不适合过文明生活的人?欣赏和实践美国文化、政治和宗教理想。

That’s why I think a lot of Americans had a hard time to learn that the Chinese Exclusion Act really exist, for 60 years.

这就是为什么我认为很多美国人花了 60 年的时间才知道排华法案确实存在。

They couldn't believe it, the government did that.

他们不敢相信,政府竟然这么做了。

Mae Ngai, Historian : We have to remember that for most of the 19th century, immigration into the United States was basically open.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:我们必须记住,在 19 世纪的大部分时间里,美国的移民基本上是开放的。

You just showed up.

你刚刚出现。

So the Chinese exclusion law is one of the first restrictive, really comprehensively restrictive, laws.

因此,中国的排除法是最早的限制性、真正全面限制性的法律之一。

And it's also the first and only time in the entire history of the United States — that a group is singled out by name — Chinese, by name -- as being undesirable.

这也是美国历史上第一次也是唯一一次——一个团体被点名——中国人——被点名为不受欢迎的群体。

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So this is truly a remarkable moment.

所以这确实是一个非凡的时刻。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: Starting in California, the Chinese were marked as different.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:从加利福尼亚州开始,中国人就被标记为与众不同。

And I see the 1882 bill as a link in a chain of bills and a chain of legislation, and race riots and purges that are trying to move the country toward ethnic cleansing.

我认为 1882 年的法案是一系列法案和立法链中的一个环节,而种族骚乱和清洗则试图将国家推向种族清洗。

I think the 1882 bill was not about labor.

我认为 1882 年的法案与劳工无关。

I think it was about white purity, and how do we get rid of people who were different?

我认为这是关于白人的纯洁性,以及我们如何摆脱与众不同的人?

David Lei, Community Advocate : Many people think of this Exclusion law as being very racist, very unfair.

David Lei,社区倡导者:很多人认为这项排除法非常种族主义、非常不公平。

But if you look at the world at that time – every country was like that, and almost every ethnicity.

但如果你看看当时的世界,每个国家都是这样,几乎每个民族都是这样。

Try to be a citizen of China, or try to be a citizen of Japan, is impossible, unless you're ethnically Chinese or Japanese.

试图成为中国公民,或试图成为日本公民,是不可能的,除非你是中国人或日本人。

But this is a group of people – Chinese-American, the Chinese that were here – who actually fought back, and made America better than what it was.

但这是一群人——美籍华人,这里的中国人——实际上进行了反击,并使美国变得比以前更好。

And helped make America what it is today – the values that we have including equal protection under the law; rights to education; what it means to be American.

并帮助美国成为今天的样子——我们所拥有的价值观,包括法律下的平等保护;受教育权;作为美国人意味着什么。

What makes you American – to be born here.

是什么让你成为美国人——出生在这里。

All these weren’t defined .

这些都没有定义。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: The 1882 exclusion law has been forgotten.

John Kuo Wei Tchen,历史学家:1882 年的排除法已被遗忘。

But once we remember it, it is outrageous – and it’s probably why we've forgotten it, because it is so outrageous.

但一旦我们记住它,它就变得令人无法容忍——这可能就是我们忘记它的原因,因为它是如此令人难以容忍。

Many Americans today cannot believe this happened.

今天许多美国人不敢相信这件事发生了。

How could this country – in its culture, in its politics, in its economics – do what it did, against a whole class of people?

这个国家——在其文化、政治、经济方面——怎么可能对整个阶层的人民做出这样的事呢?

The exclusion law said that whole race of people are banned from this country.

排除法规定,所有种族的人都被禁止进入这个国家。

So it’s a racial exclusion law – So that banning of a whole category of people directly challenges foundational questions of what American freedom means, and what American history means – who “we, the people” can constitute.

所以这是一部种族排斥法——因此,对一整类人的禁令直接挑战了美国自由意味着什么、美国历史意味着什么——“我们,人民”可以由谁组成的基本问题。

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Scott Wong, Historian: I think it’s essential that Americans know about the exclusion of Chinese – not because it's the Chinese, but because it reflects how America has come to develop.

史考特·黄(Scott Wong):我认为美国人了解对华人的排斥是至关重要的——不是因为这是华人,而是因为它反映了美国的发展方式。

And how America saw itself at one time, and how it continues to see itself.

以及美国曾经如何看待自己,以及它将如何看待自己。

It has much to do with the character of our national history.

这与我们民族历史的特点有很大关系。

And that, to me, is the most important thing in understanding how we became who we are today.

对我来说,这是理解我们如何成为今天的样子的最重要的事情。

Some of it has to do with the fact that we excluded Chinese for 60 years.

其中一部分与我们60年来排斥华人有关。

US Census 1840: Total population 17,069,453 Free White 14,195,695 Slaves 2,487,455 Free Colored 386,303 Indians (not included) Chinese 4

1840 年美国人口普查:总人口 17,069,453 自由白人 14,195,695 奴隶 2,487,455 自由有色人种 386,303 印第安人(不包括) 中国人 4

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: When James Polk was the president, he recruited a geographer by the name of Aaron Palmer – and asked him to make a survey of the entire West Coast, from California all the way to Alaska.

王令智,学者:詹姆斯·波尔克担任总统时,他招募了一位名叫亚伦·帕尔默的地理学家,并要求他对整个西海岸进行调查,从加利福尼亚一直到阿拉斯加。

And what potential there was for the United States future development.

以及美国未来的发展潜力有多大。

He was also very interested in finding a shorter route for the China trade.

他还对寻找一条更短的中国贸易路线非常感兴趣。

And in 1848, Palmer filed a report to President Polk And in the report he talked about the amazing natural resources and the importance of finding a more direct access to the West Coast.

1848年,帕尔默向波尔克总统提交了一份报告,他在报告中谈到了令人惊叹的自然资源以及找到更直接通往西海岸的通道的重要性。

and recommended that we establish Chinese colonies – import Chinese labor to the West Coast – to help develop the West.

并建议我们建立中国殖民地——向西海岸输入中国劳动力——以帮助开发西部。

And this is all before the gold was discovered in California.

这一切都是在加利福尼亚州发现黄金之前发生的。

Narrator: Long before the first Chinese immigrants stepped ashore in California in the mid 19 th century, the story of China and America had been deeply intertwined – for hundreds of years.

旁白:早在19世纪中叶第一批中国移民登陆加州之前,中美两国的故事就已经紧密地交织在一起了数百年。

Erika Lee, Historian: Where did America come from?

历史学家埃里卡·李:美国从哪里来?

America came from European colonization – from the fascination that explorers like Christopher Columbus had with China, And with the inception of the United States, our birth as a republic, one of the fascinating things is how important the China trade was for that revolutionary generation.

美国来自欧洲殖民统治——来自克里斯托弗·哥伦布等探险家对中国的迷恋,随着美国的诞生,我们作为共和国的诞生,令人着迷的事情之一就是中国贸易对于革命一代来说是多么重要。

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Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: After political independence one of the first things that the British did was to cut off our ability to trade within the British Commonwealth.

王令智,学者:政治独立后,英国人做的第一件事就是切断我们在英联邦内部的贸易能力。

China was among the few countries in the world not yet colonized by anybody and so we saw our opportunity to become economically independent linked to our trade with China.

中国是世界上少数几个尚未被任何人殖民的国家之一,因此我们看到了经济独立的机会与我们与中国的贸易有关。

Mae Ngai, Historian : China really didn't want to buy much from the United States or from England.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:中国确实不想从美国或英国购买太多东西。

So in the early 19 th century they began to import opium into China, against Chinese law, as a way of addressing their own balance of trade deficits.

因此,在 19 世纪初,他们开始违反中国法律,向中国进口鸦片,以此作为解决自身贸易逆差的一种方式。

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: and it was a very, very profitable trade.

王令智,学者:这是一笔非常非常有利可图的交易。

Millions of Chinese were addicted to this....

数以百万计的中国人沉迷于此......

Massive number of Chinese around Canton, the Pearl River Delta, became addicted to opium.

珠江三角洲地区的广州地区有大量华人吸食鸦片。

Mae Ngai, Historian : And finally the Chinese said, “Enough,” and confiscated and burned thousands of chests of opium – because they were breaking Chinese law by importing it – sneaking it into the country and that was the pretext that Great Britain needed to go to war.

历史学家美毅:最后,中国人说“够了”,并没收并烧毁了数千箱鸦片——因为他们进口鸦片违反了中国法律——将鸦片偷偷带入中国,这就是英国发动战争所需的借口。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: Of course, this provoked the British gunships, and the Americans came in with them, because the Americans were also involved in the opium trade.

历史学家陈国伟:当然,这激怒了英国的武装直升机,美国人也跟着进来,因为美国人也参与鸦片贸易。

Mae Ngai, Historian: They did it under the banner of free trade; free trade as the core expression of liberty.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:他们打着自由贸易的旗号这样做;自由贸易是自由的核心体现。

And how dare the Chinese say they can't trade opium into China?

中国人怎么敢说他们不能向中国进行鸦片贸易?

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: The first Opium War ended in 1841 with the Treaty of Nanking.

王令吉,学者:第一次鸦片战争于1841年以《南京条约》结束。

which opened five ports including Canton to Western trade

向西方贸易开放了包括广州在内的五个港口

Renqiu Yu, Historian: In one stroke, the canton system used to manage trade with Europeans was destroyed.

历史学家于任秋:一举摧毁了用于管理与欧洲人贸易的广州体系。

China was forced into this new international system.

中国被迫融入这个新的国际体系。

And gradually, in the Pearl River Delta the foreign intrusion really became disruptive to the local economy.

渐渐地,在珠江三角洲,外国的入侵确实对当地经济造成了破坏。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian : By the 1840's, what was happening in China is dire.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:到 1840 年代,中国发生的事情非常可怕。

It was a time of drought – a time of poverty.

那是一个干旱的时期——一个贫穷的时期。

The Qing Dynasty – the Chinese government – is falling apart.

清朝——中国政府——正在分崩离析。

And then there’s the Taiping Rebellion – which was a political, religious, utopian massacre.

然后是太平天国运动——这是一场政治、宗教、乌托邦式的屠杀。

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Scott Wong, Historian: Taiping Rebellion begins about 1850, And this goes on for fifteen years.

历史学家黄士革:太平天国运动大约始于1850年,持续了十五年。

Approximately 30 million people are slaughtered.

大约有3000万人被屠杀。

It's not just this millenarian rebellion.

这不仅仅是这场千禧年叛乱。

It’s the foreign intrusion.

这是外来入侵。

It's this dissatisfaction with the corruption of the Manchu government.

就是这种对满清政府腐败的不满。

The economy is faltering.

经济步履蹒跚。

And the opium trade is all part of this, too .

鸦片贸易也是其中的一部分。

And this takes place right above Southern China, so that all this farmland is trampled.

而这发生在中国南方的上空,所以所有的农田都被践踏了。

So when the Chinese hear of gold being discovered in California, U.S. ships are in Chinese ports and ready to go to take people to California, for the Gold Rush .

因此,当中国人听说加州发现金矿时,美国船只就停泊在中国港口,准备带人们去加州淘金。

Kevin Starr, Historian: The Gold Rush was a global event.

历史学家凯文斯塔尔:淘金热是一个全球性事件。

and for Anglo-America was an object lesson, in the fact that there were other kinds of people on the planet.

对于英美来说,这是一个直观的教训,因为地球上还有其他种类的人。

It brought, obviously, Anglo-Americans from the East Coast; it brought Mexicans from Sonora; it brought French mining groups; it brought English mining groups.

显然,它带来了来自东海岸的英裔美国人。它从索诺拉带来了墨西哥人;它带来了法国矿业集团;它带来了英国矿业集团。

But it also brought Chinese to California.

但它也把中国人带到了加州。

Narrator: They arrived in the midst of one of the most dramatic and tumultuous decades of expansion and change in American history.

旁白:他们来到美国历史上最戏剧性、最动荡的几十年扩张和变革之一。

David Lei, Community Advocate : 1846.

David Lei,社区倡导者:1846。

America went to war with Mexico...

美国与墨西哥开战了...

We took over Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California.

我们接管了德克萨斯州、新墨西哥州、亚利桑那州和加利福尼亚州。

July 1846, a ship called the USS Portsmouth was sent to take over the sleepy town of Yerba Buena – San Francisco.

1846 年 7 月,一艘名为朴茨茅斯号的舰艇被派去占领耶尔巴布埃纳——旧金山这座沉睡的小镇。

And maybe a hundred men, just walked up the hill from Montgomery Street – arrested the Mexican customs officer, raised the U.S. flag there and said, “This is America.”

也许有一百个人,刚刚从蒙哥马利街走上山,逮捕了墨西哥海关官员,在那里升起了美国国旗,并说:“这就是美国。”

Kevin Starr, Historian: California had a relatively small population in 1846; Americanized through conquest in 1846; occupied enemy territory from 1846 to '48; militarily administered United States territory of California from 1848 to '50; and then instant statehood, with full participation.

历史学家凯文·斯塔尔(Kevin Starr):1846 年加利福尼亚州人口相对较少; 1846 年通过征服实现美国化;从 1846 年到 48 年占领敌方领土; 1848 年至 50 年间受军事管辖的美国加利福尼亚州领土;然后在充分参与下立即建国。

Mae Ngai, Historian : Almost at the same time, really – 1849 – you have the Gold Rush in California.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:几乎在同一时间——1849 年——加利福尼亚州发生了淘金热。

And you have the opening of California to people from not just the Eastern United States, but from all over the world.

加州不仅向美国东部的人们开放,还向世界各地的人们开放。

The Chinese who came in the early years of the Gold Rush were mostly rural people.

淘金热初期来到这里的华人大多是农村人。

They're not the poorest of the population.

他们并不是人口中最贫穷的人。

The poorest don’t migrate, because they can’t afford to.

最贫穷的人不会迁移,因为他们负担不起。

The wealthy don't migrate, because they don't need to .

富人不会迁移,因为他们不需要迁移。

And they've heard, like everybody else around the world, of this opportunity.

和世界各地的其他人一样,他们也听说过这个机会。

Narrator: The first named Chinese immigrant to arrive in California was an enterprising merchant from the Pearl River Delta named Yuan Sheng – who years earlier, on a previous trip to South Carolina, had acquired U.S. citizenship, converted to Christianity, and changed his name to Norman Asing.

旁白:第一个到达加州的中国移民是一位来自珠江三角洲的富有进取精神的商人,名叫袁盛。他多年前在一次前往南卡罗来纳州的旅行中获得了美国公民身份,皈依了基督教,并改名为诺曼·阿辛。

On July 13 th , 1849, he entered San Francisco harbor on a ship called the Swallow , with two other Chinese sojourners on board.

1849年7月13日,他乘坐一艘名为“燕子号”的船进入旧金山港,船上还有另外两名中国侨民。

By the end of 1850, more than 4,000 Chinese immigrants had arrived in San Francisco harbor.

到1850年底,已有4000多名中国移民抵达旧金山港。

Two years later, the number had swelled to 20,000 – the vast majority from the impoverished port cities and ravaged countryside of the southern Chinese province of Guangdong .

两年后,这一数字已增至 20,000 人,其中绝大多数来自中国南部广东省的贫困港口城市和饱受蹂躏的农村。

David Lei, Community Advocate : There was an imperial edict, that if you’re Chinese you can't leave.

David Lei,社区倡导者:有一道圣旨,如果你是中国人,你就不能离开。

But they were near Guangzhou, from the Sze Yup area – near Hong Kong, near the coast – Beijing is far up to the north – so it was easy to leave.

但他们离广州很近,来自四邑地区——靠近香港,靠近海岸——北京在北边很远——所以很容易离开。

Erika Lee, Historian: We know the Chinese coming over for the Gold Rush – including someone like my great-great-great-grandfather would have docked into San Francisco – would have just disembarked like any other passenger.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):我们知道前来淘金的中国人 - 包括像我的曾曾祖父这样的人会停靠在旧金山 - 会像其他乘客一样下船。

There's no inspector; there's no customs official; there's no medical examination — there are no papers....

没有检查员;没有海关官员;没有体检——没有文件……

there are some state controls over immigration....

国家对移民有一些控制......

but in terms of a federal immigration bureaucracy, it does not exist.

但就联邦移民官僚机构而言,它并不存在。

..

..

..

..

Now the California that they came to was a rough-and-tumble place.

现在他们来到的加州是一个混乱的地方。

It was multinational and very unsettled, and most people were going straight to the hills to try to strike it rich in the goldfields.

它是跨国的,非常不稳定,大多数人都直接前往山上,试图在金矿中致富。

Mae Ngai, Historian : And in their wake, come merchants, who also smell opportunity.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:紧随其后的是商人,他们也嗅到了机遇。

Not in the gold itself, but to sell things to the miners.

不是黄金本身,而是把东西卖给矿工。

So you begin to have the emergence of communities.

所以你开始出现社区。

San Francisco develops a small Chinese quarter.

旧金山开发了一个小型华人区。

By 1852, there are some twenty Chinese shops operating in San Francisco.

到 1852 年,旧金山已有约 20 家华人商店营业。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: Initially the Chinese were tolerated.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:最初,中国人是被容忍的。

They were seen as a hardworking, generous, energetic people – who had a very serious set of moral codes.

他们被视为勤劳、慷慨、精力充沛的民族,有着一套非常严肃的道德准则。

But the tide really turns up in the goldfield.

但在金矿区,潮流确实出现了。

Erika Lee, Historian: By the time the Chinese come, the goldfields are very crowded.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):当中国人来的时候,金矿已经非常拥挤了。

And we know that, from very the beginning, there’s racial strife; there’s miners fighting over claims.

我们知道,从一开始,就存在种族冲突;矿工们为了索赔而发生争执。

Mae Ngai, Historian : By 1852, the American miners have pretty much driven out most foreign miners.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:到 1852 年,美国矿工几乎已经赶走了大多数外国矿工。

White Americans think, “Well, you know, it’s our gold, so we want it all.” So when the Chinese arrive there are really not that many other foreigners around .

美国白人认为,“嗯,你知道,这是我们的黄金,所以我们想要这一切。”所以当中国人到达时,周围的外国人确实不多。

And the anti-foreign sentiment, now becomes focused on the Chinese.

而排外情绪现在又集中在中国人身上。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: And as soon as the Chinese get to the goldfields, immediately there are purges.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:一旦中国人到达金矿,就会立即进行清洗。

And the miners hold miners' conventions.

矿工们召开矿工大会。

And they meet in the rough, they meet in a field -- and they very deliberately talked about: How do we purge the Chinese?

他们在荒野中相遇,在田野里相遇——他们非常刻意地谈论:我们如何清除中国人?

Mae Ngai, Historian : Many gold-mining camps, which made their own laws, passed resolutions that no Chinese could mine in their area.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:许多金矿开采营制定了自己的法律,并通过了任何中国人不得在其地区开采的决议。

Or, that Chinese could not be first owners of a claim.

或者说,中国人不可能是某项主权主张的第一所有者。

Narrator: As surface gold in the river beds became scarcer – hydraulic mining run by companies increasingly displaced the lone prospector panning for gold.

旁白:随着河床上的地表黄金变得越来越稀缺,公司经营的水力采矿越来越取代了孤独淘金的探矿者。

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: A lot of white independent prospector went bankrupt and became unemployed .

王令智,学者:很多白人独立探矿者破产、失业。

But instead of turning their anger against the gold-mining company and the water company for exploiting them, they turned against the Chinese.

但他们并没有将愤怒转向金矿公司和自来水公司的剥削,而是转向了中国人。

They say: “Ah, the Chinese were here.

他们说:“啊,中国人在这里。

They take away our jobs.” And so that is really the beginning of white working-class agitation for Chinese Exclusion.

他们抢走了我们的工作。”因此,这确实是白人工人阶级排华鼓动的开始。

Narrator: In 1852 , a calculating 47-year-old lawyer named John Bigler was elected governor of California – by what remains to this day the narrowest margin in state history – carried into office in part by the rising tide of anti-Chinese sentiment amongst white Californians.

旁白:1852 年,一位精于算计的 47 岁律师约翰·比格勒 (John Bigler) 当选为加州州长,这一选举结果至今仍是该州历史上最微弱的一次,其上台的部分原因是加州白人中反华情绪高涨。

Kevin Starr, Historian: Governor Bigler is brought into office at a time when the republic is first beginning to show serious signs of falling apart.

历史学家凯文·斯塔尔(Kevin Starr):比格勒州长上任之际,共和国刚刚开始显示出严重的分崩离析迹象。

Out here on the West Coast you have deep division growing between the pro-Southern, pro-slavery Californians and those who are from Northern states and are anti-slavery .

在西海岸,支持南方、支持奴隶制的加州人和来自北方各州、反对奴隶制的人之间的分歧日益加深。

Erika Lee, Historian: California had come in as a free state to Missouri's slave state and the question automatically comes up with the arrival of Chinese immigrants in California.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):加利福尼亚州从密苏里州的蓄奴州变成了自由州,随着中国移民抵达加利福尼亚州,这个问题自然而然地出现了。

Are they another race problem?

他们是另一个种族问题吗?

Can we afford to include another race problem?

我们能负担得起另一个种族问题吗?

Could they even become American?

他们甚至可以成为美国人吗?

And the answer is, “No.”

答案是“不”。

Mae Ngai, Historian : And so Bigler wants certain legislation passed.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:因此比格勒希望通过某些立法。

He wants a heavy tax on the Chinese, which he thinks will drive them away.

他希望对中国人征收重税,他认为这会赶走他们。

And he begins to articulate the idea that will become the constant in anti-Chinese politics for years to come – which is the idea that Chinese are coolies, or that they are serfs or slaves; that they come under bondage.

他开始阐明一种观点,这种观点将成为未来几年反华政治中的常态——即认为中国人是苦力,或者他们是农奴或奴隶;他们受到束缚。

And he wants a law passed that will prohibit anyone from China who comes under a contract to engage in mining.

他希望通过一项法律,禁止任何签订合同的中国人从事采矿活动。

Now most of the Chinese who came in the 1850s came on their own account -- they came as independent prospectors.

现在,大多数 1850 年代来到这里的中国人都是为了自己的利益而来的——他们是作为独立的探矿者而来的。

But Bigler raises this spectre of the coolie.

但比格勒提出了苦力的幽灵。

And he cites the figures of: there's 500 who came on this ship last week; there's another thousand on the way; there's 20,000 lined up in the ports to come.

他引用了这样的数字:上周有 500 人登上了这艘船;还有一千人正在路上;即将到来的港口有20,000人在排队。

So he invokes this specter of people who will be paid $4 a month and bring slavery into California, which is a free state.

因此,他援引了这种每月支付 4 美元的人的幽灵,并将奴隶制带入了加利福尼亚州,这是一个自由州。

And then he asks for these measures to exclude the Chinese.

然后他要求采取这些措施来排除中国人。

Bigler’s message is delivered to the Assembly, then printed up in leaflets, and distributed throughout the gold-mining districts.

比格勒的信息被传达给议会,然后印成传单,并在整个金矿区分发。

So now everybody has a kind of official license to go attack Chinese.

所以现在每个人都有一种攻击中国人的官方许可证。

Narrator: On May 5 th , 1852, Norman Asing – now one of the leading figures of San Francisco’s embattled Chinese community – published a soaring reply to Bigler’s proclamation in the Daily Alta California .

旁白:1852年5月5日,诺曼·阿辛(Norman Asing)——现在是旧金山陷入困境的华人社区的领军人物之一——在《阿尔塔加州日报》上发表了对比格勒声明的高调回应。

Voice (Norman Asing): To His Excellency Governor Bigler.

配音(诺曼·阿辛):致比格勒州长阁下。

Sir: I am a Chinaman, a republican, and a lover of free institutions; and am much attached to the principles of the government of the United States.

先生:我是一个中国人,一个共和党人,一个自由制度的爱好者;我非常重视美国政府的原则。

The effect of your late message has been to prejudice the public mind against my people, and to enable those who wait the opportunity to hunt them down, and rob them of the rewards of their toil.

你迟来的信息的影响是使公众对我的人民产生偏见,并使那些等待机会的人能够追捕他们,并剥夺他们辛劳的回报。

I am not much acquainted with your logic – that by excluding population from this State you enhance its wealth.

我不太熟悉你的逻辑——通过将人口排除在这个国家之外,你就增加了这个国家的财富。

Immigration has made you what you are and your nation what it is.

移民造就了你,也造就了你的国家。

But your further logic is more reprehensible.

但你的进一步逻辑更应该受到谴责。

You argue that the Constitution of the United States admits of no asylum to any other than the pale face.

你辩称,美国宪法除了苍白的面孔之外不承认任何人的庇护。

This proposition is false in the extreme, and you know it.

这个主张是极其错误的,你也知道这一点。

The declaration of your independence, and all the acts of your government, your people, and your history are all against you.

你们宣布独立,你们的政府、你们的人民和你们的历史的所有行为都反对你们。

You have no right to propose a measure for checking immigration.

你无权提出检查移民的措施。

As regards the color and complexion of our race, we are perfectly aware that our population are a little more tan than yours.

至于我们种族的肤色和肤色,我们完全清楚我们的人口比你们的肤色更深一些。

Your very obedient servant,

您非常听话的仆人,

Narrator: Bigler was unmoved – and in the years to come made sure the Foreign Miners’ Tax was explicitly re-written to target the Chinese.

旁白:比格勒不为所动——并在接下来的几年里确保外国矿工税被明确重写以针对中国人。

Narrator: But try as he might, Governor Bigler could never realize his ultimate ambition – outright legal exclusion of the Chinese from California.

旁白:但是,尽管比格勒州长竭尽全力,但他永远无法实现他的最终抱负——从法律上彻底将华人排除在加州之外。

Erika Lee, Historian: The U.S. government declares that this is not a state matter, but that it is a federal matter, and that the U.S. federal government should have, and does have, jurisdiction over international migrations.

历史学家埃里卡·李:美国政府宣称这不是州事务,而是联邦事务,美国联邦政府应该并且确实对国际移民拥有管辖权。

Narrator: On April 24 th , 1861, word reached San Francisco by Pony Express that the Confederates had fired on Fort Sumter two weeks earlier.

旁白:1861 年 4 月 24 日,消息通过《小马快车》传到旧金山,称南部联盟军在两周前向萨姆特堡开火。

In the weeks to come, crowds of pro-Union supporters thronged into the streets – to express solidarity with the embattled U.S. government on the far side of the continent.

在接下来的几周里,大批亲欧盟支持者涌上街头,表达对非洲大陆另一端陷入困境的美国政府的声援。

For the 35,000 Chinese immigrants who by 1861 were struggling to make a life for themselves in California, the war would bring new challenges, new dangers – and new opportunities.

对于 1861 年在加州努力谋生的 35,000 名中国移民来说,战争将带来新的挑战、新的危险 — — 和新的机遇。

Over the next four years, wartime initiatives set in motion by the federal government would strengthen ties between China and America – encourage the free flow of people and things between the two nations – and increase the influx of Chinese immigrants – to the dismay of the exclusionists.

在接下来的四年里,联邦政府发起的战时举措将加强中美之间的关系——鼓励两国之间人员和物品的自由流动——并增加中国移民的涌入——这令排外主义者感到沮丧。

Mai Ngai, Historian : Californians are still agitating for national legislation to exclude Chinese.

历史学家麦毅:加州人仍在鼓动国家立法排除华人。

But in Washington, this is seen as kind of a West Coast, local political question.

但在华盛顿,这被视为西海岸当地的政治问题。

And in Washington, they’re more concerned with trade with China – that’s the national interest.

在华盛顿,他们更关心与中国的贸易——这是国家利益。

In June 1861, Abraham Lincoln sent a one-time Massachusetts congressman named Anson Burlingame to Beijing – to improve relations with China – promote friendship and commerce – and to repair diplomatic ties damaged by the opium wars.

1861 年 6 月,亚伯拉罕·林肯 (Abraham Lincoln) 派出一位名叫安森·伯林格姆 (Anson Burlingame) 的前马萨诸塞州议员前往北京,以改善与中国的关系,促进友谊和商业,并修复因鸦片战争而受损的外交关系。

In July 1862 – at the darkest point of the war – Lincoln signed into law the Pacific Railway Act – clearing the way for the construction of a vast transcontinental railroad – that when complete would finally connect the Atlantic world to Pacific – and revolutionize trade with China.

1862 年 7 月,在战争的最黑暗时刻,林肯签署了《太平洋铁路法案》,为修建一条巨大的横贯大陆铁路扫清了道路,这条铁路建成后将最终将大西洋世界与太平洋连接起来,并彻底改变了与中国的贸易。

K.

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Scott Wong, Historian: The transcontinental railroad – called by some the “Iron Road to China” – is not just establishing links between the West Coast and the East Coast – but it’s also is to get us to the Pacific.

史考特·黄(Scott Wong):横贯大陆的铁路——被一些人称为“通往中国的钢铁之路”——不仅在西海岸和东海岸之间建立联系,而且还将我们带到太平洋。

And to establish American businesses, so that they can do business with Asia.

并建立美国企业,以便他们可以与亚洲做生意。

Kevin Starr, Historian: You need a very large labor force to build a railroad operation across the entire nation.

历史学家凯文·斯塔尔(Kevin Starr):你需要大量的劳动力来建设横跨全国的铁路运营。

The Central Pacific on West Coast looked at the Union Pacific building from the East and saw that it was employing recent Irish immigrants in large numbers.

西海岸的中央太平洋公司从东边观察联合太平洋大厦,发现它雇佣了大量新近的爱尔兰移民。

And there wasn't that kind of population in California .

加州并没有这样的人口。

Mae Ngai, Historian : There are a lot of unemployed Chinese miners out there.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:那里有很多失业的中国矿工。

And there’s a great demand for labor for the Western section.

西部地区对劳动力的需求很大。

And there are a lot of unemployed Chinese miners out there.

还有很多失业的中国矿工。

So Central Pacific has this idea to use Chinese.

所以中央太平洋就有了使用中文的想法。

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: And they found out very quickly, the Chinese are very diligent; very reliable; very hardworking.

王令智学者:他们很快就发现,中国人非常勤奋;非常可靠;非常勤奋。

And so immediately decided to massively recruit Chinese – including going all the way to China, to encourage more of them to come here.

于是立即决定大规模招募中国人——包括千里迢迢来到中国,鼓励更多的人来到这里。

Narrator: Between 1860 and 1870, nearly 30,000 Chinese immigrants would come to the United States – nearly doubling the Chinese population, to 63,000.

旁白:1860 年至 1870 年间,近 30,000 名中国移民来到美国——几乎是中国人口的两倍,达到 63,000 人。

Between ten and fifteen thousand of them would find work on the Central Pacific Rail Road.

其中一万到一万五千人将在中央太平洋铁路上找到工作。

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Scott Wong, Historian: Eventually, they would make up four-fifths of the workforce for the Central Pacific.

历史学家 Scott Wong:最终,他们将占中太平洋地区劳动力的五分之四。

And they have the hardest jobs – they go through the Sierras; over the Sierras; they work under the snow in the winter.

他们的工作是最艰苦的——他们要穿越山脉;越过山脉;冬天他们在雪下工作。

They build vast tunnel systems, in which they keep chipping away at the rock.

他们建造了巨大的隧道系统,并在其中不断地凿开岩石。

Kevin Starr, Historian: They organized themselves; they were capable of hard work; they took great chances; and they were physically strong.

历史学家凯文斯塔尔:他们自己组织起来;他们有能力努力工作;他们抓住了很大的机会;他们身体强壮。

They could do the labor .

他们可以做这项工作。

And you can see that from what they accomplished – the triumph of taking on the Sierra Nevada, the same way that, 2,000 years earlier, we took on the great mountains of China and built the Great Wall.

你可以从他们所取得的成就中看到这一点——攻克内华达山脉的胜利,就像2000年前我们攻克中国的伟大山脉并建造长城一样。

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: The Chinese could not have been able to come to the United States, to help build the transcendental railroad, had it not been for Anson Burlingame – the first American ambassador to China, because China prohibited Chinese people from going abroad.

王令智,学者:如果没有第一位美国驻华大使安森·伯林格姆,中国人不可能来到美国帮助修建这条超凡的铁路,因为中国禁止中国人出国。

And so what Burlingame did is commit the Chinese government to allow free immigration between China and the United States.

因此伯林格姆所做的就是向中国政府承诺允许中美之间自由移民。

Narrator: Less than a year before the railroad itself was completed, Anson Burlingame concluded an historic treaty between the United States and China – explicitly guaranteeing the free flow of people and trade between the two nations.

旁白:在铁路竣工前不到一年,安森·伯林格姆在美国和中国之间缔结了一项历史性条约——明确保障两国之间人员和贸易的自由流动。

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: The treaty essentially legitimized Chinese citizens’ ability to emigrate to the United States.

王令吉,学者:该条约本质上使中国公民移民美国的能力合法化。

Mae Ngai, Historian : The Burlingame Treaty had a structure of reciprocity.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:《伯林格姆条约》具有互惠结构。

Americans can freely enter China, and Chinese can freely enter the United States.

美国人可以自由进入中国,中国人也可以自由进入美国。

Trade goes both ways – people can go both ways.

贸易是双向的——人们可以双向进行。

And so this treaty is a huge obstacle – a huge set back – to the exclusionists.

因此,这项条约对于排外主义者来说是一个巨大的障碍——一个巨大的挫折。

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Scott Wong, Historian: And, finally, the railroads meet in Utah, at Promontory Point – that famous picture of the two iron horses there – but the Chinese are not allowed to be in the picture.

历史学家 Scott Wong:最后,铁路在犹他州的海岬交汇——那里有两匹铁马的著名照片——但中国人不允许出现在照片中。

They’re somewhere off to the side.

他们在旁边的某个地方。

They’re out of the frame.

他们脱离了框架。

They're there, but they're not.

他们在那里,但又不在。

And so they're erased from that history.

所以他们就从历史中被抹去了。

And then once that railroad's done, then what happens to these Chinese?

一旦这条铁路建成,这些中国人会怎样?

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: The paychecks end – they have to come down from the mountains.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:薪水结束了——他们必须从山上下来。

There’s nothing else up there for them to do.

他们没有其他事可做。

And most of them go west – toward the coast, toward Chinatowns across the state of California – and suddenly there's a big influx along the coast of Chinese people who have to create a new life outside of the railroads.

他们中的大多数人向西行进——走向海岸,走向加利福尼亚州的唐人街——突然间,大批华人涌入沿海地区,他们必须在铁路之外创造新的生活。

Narrator: The treaty and the railroad were triumphs of connection in an increasingly global world – tying America itself more closely together – accelerating trade with China – and bringing more Chinese immigrants to American shores.

旁白:条约和铁路是日益全球化的世界中联系的胜利——将美国本身更紧密地联系在一起——加速与中国的贸易——并将更多的中国移民带到美国海岸。

In the long run, however, the impact of both would be to nationalize what had previously been a remote West Coast issue – propelling to national attention the frought and volatile issue of Chinese labor – which by 1869 was increasingly being called “the Chinese Question.”

然而,从长远来看,两者的影响将是将以前遥远的西海岸问题国有化 — — 促使全国关注华人劳工的令人担忧和不稳定的问题 — — 到 1869 年,这个问题越来越被称为“华人问题”。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: This is an era when all of the promises of the Civil War are going to start falling apart.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:这是一个内战的所有承诺都将开始崩溃的时代。

After the Civil War , we had the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments.

内战结束后,我们有了第十三、十四和十五修正案。

Those are all civil-rights amendments.

这些都是民权修正案。

The 13th abolishes slavery, the 15th gives black men the right to vote.

第十三条废除奴隶制,第十五条赋予黑人投票权。

But the 14th Amendment, grants all civil rights to all persons.

但第十四修正案赋予所有人所有公民权利。

Narrator: On July 9 th , 1868 – just three weeks before the Burlingame Treaty was concluded – the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was formally adopted – despite bitter opposition from most states of the fallen Confederacy, which were forced to ratify it to regain representation in Congress.

旁白:1868 年 7 月 9 日,就在《伯林格姆条约》缔结前三周,美国宪法第十四修正案被正式通过,尽管遭到了垮台的南部邦联大多数州的强烈反对,这些州被迫批准了该修正案,以重新获得国会代表权。

Over-ruling the Supreme Court’s decision in Dred Scott, which had denied citizenship and all civil rights to black Americans – the 14 th amendment’s “citizenship clause” declared that “all persons, born or naturalized, in the United States, are citizens of the United States” – who cannot be deprived of life, liberty, due process, civil rights, or equal protection under the law.

推翻了最高法院在《德雷德·斯科特案》中否认美国黑人公民身份和所有公民权利的裁决——第十四修正案的“公民权条款”宣称“所有在美国出生或入籍的人都是美国公民”——他们不能被剥夺生命、自由、正当程序、公民权利或法律下的平等保护。

In the decades to come , the spare eighty-word text would form a last slender line of defense for the Chinese in America – as the country began a long slow descent – into an abyss of hatred and violence – directed against all people of color.

在未来的几十年里,这段多余的八十字文本将成为美国华人最后一道微弱的防线——因为这个国家开始长期缓慢下降——陷入针对所有有色人种的仇恨和暴力的深渊。

Voice (The Workingman's Advocate): February 6 th , 1869.

声音(《工人倡导者》):1869 年 2 月 6 日。

Chicago.

芝加哥。

We warn workingmen that a new and dangerous foe looms up in the far west.

我们警告工人们,一个新的危险敌人正在遥远的西部逼近。

Already our brothers of the Pacific have to meet it, and just as soon as the Pacific railroad is completed, these Chinamen will begin to swarm through the rocky mountains, like devouring locusts and spread out over the country this side.

我们太平洋的兄弟们已经要迎接它了,一旦太平洋铁路建成,这些中国人就会开始像吞噬蝗虫一样,穿过石山,遍布到这边的国家。

Men who can work for a dollar a day are a dangerous element in our country.

在我们国家,每天只能工作一美元的人是危险分子。

We must not sleep until the foe is upon us, but commence to fight him now.

我们决不能在敌人袭击我们之前睡觉,而是现在就开始与他作战。

In the name of the workingmen of our common country, we demand that our government forbid another Chinaman to set foot upon our shores.

以我们共同国家工人的名义,我们要求我们的政府禁止另一个中国人踏上我们的海岸。

Narrator: The first flashpoint came even before the railroad was completed – in the deep south – more than a thousand miles from the goldfields of northern California – in the troubled post-war cotton fields of the Mississippi Delta.

旁白:第一个爆发点甚至在铁路竣工之前就出现了——在南部腹地——距北加州金矿一千多英里——密西西比三角洲战后陷入困境的棉田。

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Scott Wong, Historian: After the Civil War, one of the first developments is that with the emancipation of African slaves and their descendants you get the demise of the plantation system in the South.

史考特·黄(Scott Wong):内战结束后,最先发生的事态发展之一是,随着非洲奴隶及其后代的解放,南方种植园制度也随之消亡。

The plantation owners in places like Mississippi and Louisiana still need work.

密西西比州和路易斯安那州等地的种植园主仍然需要工作。

Narrator: In 1869 – faced with a severe labor shortage and rising costs – plantation owners from across the south gathered in Memphis to find a solution to the problem.

旁白:1869 年,面对严重的劳动力短缺和成本上升,来自南方各地的种植园主聚集在孟菲斯寻找解决问题的办法。

Mary Ting Yi Lui, Historian: At the Memphis Convention, growers are coming together, and they’re talking about bringing Chinese laborers, en masse, to replace freedmen They’ve heard these stories about the Chinese laborers, miraculously building the toughest part of the transcontinental railroad, under very difficult circumstances.

历史学家吕婷宜:在孟菲斯大会上,种植者们聚集在一起,他们正在谈论大规模引进华工来取代自由民。他们听说过华工在非常困难的条件下奇迹般地建造了横贯大陆铁路最艰难部分的故事。

And they’re hoping that this may be the magic bullet, the cure, for their labor problems.

他们希望这可能是解决他们劳工问题的灵丹妙药。

Narrator: By the summer of 1869 – as newspapers across the country reported plans to import Chinese laborers to work on plantations, railroads, factories and homes – alarms began to go out – along with howls of protest, from workingmen’s groups and trade unions across the east – denouncing the scheme as unfair competition – and accusing malevolent capitalists of trafficking in a new form of slave labor – the Coolie Trade.

旁白:到了 1869 年夏天,当全国各地的报纸报道了引进中国劳工到种植园、铁路、工厂和住宅工作的计划时,警报开始响起,伴随着东部各地工人团体和工会的抗议声,谴责该计划是不公平竞争,并指责恶毒的资本家以一种新形式的奴隶劳工——苦力贸易——进行贩运。

Voice (Alexander Troup): We have abolished the slavery of the black men, but these capitalists are endeavoring to resurrect it.

声音(亚历山大·特鲁普):我们已经废除了黑人的奴隶制,但这些资本家正在努力复活它。

The workingmen throughout the country should rise in a body and raise such a shout that its echo will reach Washington.

全国工人应当团结起来,发出这样的呼声,使之回响到华盛顿。

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Scott Wong, Historian: And then, in Massachusetts – the little town of North Adams, Massachusetts – in 1870 – there’s a shoe strike.

历史学家 Scott Wong:然后,1870 年,在马萨诸塞州——马萨诸塞州北亚当斯小镇——发生了一场鞋鞋罢工事件。

And the owner of the shoe factory sends one of his job recruiters out to California and says, “See if the Chinese will come.” So he brings in about 75 workers, probably teenagers and young men, to North Adams, Massachusetts, to break this strike.

鞋厂老板派他的一名招聘人员到加利福尼亚州说:“看看中国人是否会来。”因此,他带来了大约 75 名工人,可能是青少年和年轻人,来到马萨诸塞州北亚当斯,以阻止这次罢工。

And they actually ride the transcontinental railroad, and various other connections, and get off the train in North Adams, Massachusetts.

他们实际上乘坐横贯大陆的铁路和其他各种连接,并在马萨诸塞州北亚当斯下车。

And for this brief moment of time, there are more Chinese in North Adams, than anywhere east of the Mississippi.

在这短暂的时刻,北亚当斯的中国人比密西西比河以东的任何地方都多。

But once that happens – once you get Chinese in North Adams – then you begin to see Chinese in Pennsylvania, working in various factories.

但一旦这种情况发生——一旦你在北亚当斯有了中国人——那么你就开始在宾夕法尼亚州看到中国人在各个工厂工作。

You get the burgeoning of New York Chinatown, Boston Chinatown; Philadelphia Chinatown; Baltimore.

你可以看到纽约唐人街、波士顿唐人街的蓬勃发展;费城唐人街;巴尔的摩。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: So not just the plantations in the South, but the Northeast, with their factories, are actually also experiencing this.

历史学家陈国伟:所以,不仅是南方的种植园,还有东北地区及其工厂,实际上也在经历着这种情况。

In all cases we're talking about small numbers.

在所有情况下,我们谈论的都是小数字。

But it’s so blown out of proportion in the press.

但这在媒体上被夸大了。

This becomes huge news.

这成为了一个大新闻。

Narrator: The Chinese in America numbered fewer than 64,000 in 1870 – and were never paid anything close to the starvation wages they were accused of settling for.

旁白:1870 年,在美国的华人数量不足 64,000 人,而且他们所获得的工资从未接近他们被指控的忍饥挨饿的工资。

But the facts didn’t matter, and they would soon find themselves at the center of a rising tide of anti-Chinese sentiment across the country – feared and vilified by white workers as scab labor and pawns of the monopolists – and viciously caricatured in the national press as servile automatons.

但事实并不重要,他们很快就会发现自己处于全国范围内不断高涨的反华情绪的中心——被白人工人恐惧和诽谤为工贼和垄断者的走卒——并在全国媒体上被恶毒地讽刺为奴隶机器人。

Mary Ting Yi Lui, Historian: If you look at the political cartoons, in something like Harper's Weekly , you suddenly see these concerns about.

吕婷仪,历史学家:如果你看政治漫画,比如《哈珀周刊》,你会突然看到这些担忧。

Coolie laborers , who are going to march across the nation and take over every single job.

苦力劳工,他们将在全国范围内游行并接管每一项工作。

That this is going to be a threat to every white workingman in the nation – whether you are a boot maker, or a cigar maker.

这将对全国每一个白人工人构成威胁——无论你是靴子制造商,还是雪茄制造商。

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: So what happens is that class and racialization converge – get confused.

约翰·郭维·陈(John Kuo Wei Tchen),历史学家:所以发生的情况是阶级和种族化融合在一起——变得混乱。

And the “Coolie question,” and the Chinese question, really become the big question nationally of labor and class.

而“苦力问题”和华人问题,真正成为全国劳工和阶级的大问题。

Can the American man compete with this degraded Asian male form of labor?

美国男人能与这种堕落的亚洲男性劳动力竞争吗?

They don't eat as much; their nerves are farther away from the surface of the skin, so they don't feel as much; they eat rats.

他们吃得不多;他们的神经距离皮肤表面较远,因此感觉不那么强烈;他们吃老鼠。

You know, all this gets played out even more and more around not just class lines and racialization, but also around gender.

你知道,这一切不仅越来越围绕阶级界限和种族化,而且还越来越围绕性别。

The Chinese male is inferior – is not the same as white manhood, right.

中国男性是低等的——和白人男性不一样,对吧。

So you have that famous cover – “Meat versus Rice.” American manhood vs. Asiatic coolie-ism,?

所以你就有了那个著名的封面——“肉与米饭”。美国的男子气概与亚洲的苦力主义,?

And, of course, the Asian male is inferior – but tenacious, because there are a lot of them.

当然,亚洲男性的地位较低,但很顽强,因为他们的数量很多。

So they're dangerous because they're so many of them, right.

所以它们很危险,因为它们的数量太多了,对吧。

Not because they really rival the actually superior white male.

并不是因为他们真的可以与真正优秀的白人男性相媲美。

Narrator: It was only a matter of time before the anti-Chinese feelings erupted into violence

旁白:反华情绪爆发为暴力只是时间问题

Mae Ngai, Historian : When California’s connected to the rest of the country, it doesn’t have the effects that people thought it would have.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:当加州与美国其他地区建立联系时,它并没有产生人们想象的效果。

It connects California as part of a national market – but that also means that cheap manufactured goods from the East now flood the Western market; prices and wages are depressed; there's actually more unemployment than there was previously in California; and in fact, the depression of the 1870s in the East will be brought by the railroad to the west a few years later.

它将加利福尼亚州作为全国市场的一部分连接起来——但这也意味着来自东方的廉价制成品现在涌入西方市场;物价和工资低迷;事实上,加州的失业率比以前还要高;事实上,东方1870年代的萧条几年后就会被铁路带到西方。

So now you have a large unemployed population.

所以现在有大量失业人口。

And in the cities, then, you have a much more explosive kind of racial dynamic.

那么,在城市里,你会看到更具爆炸性的种族动态。

Where the ideas that targeted Chinese in the gold fields are refashioned for this urban context – and they get a new lease on life.

针对中国金矿开采者的想法在城市环境中得到了重新设计,并获得了新的生命。

And this is really where it becomes incendiary – where there are race riots in the streets.

这确实是事情变得具有煽动性的地方——街道上发生种族骚乱。

Narrator: On the night of October 24 th , 1871, hundreds of enraged white and Mexican Angelinos descended on Chinatown in Los Angeles – allegedly in response to the killing of a white man – caught in the cross-fire when a gunfight broke out between two Chinese immigrants.

旁白:1871 年 10 月 24 日晚上,数百名愤怒的白人和墨西哥安吉利诺人涌入洛杉矶唐人街——据称是为了回应一名白人被杀的事件——两名中国移民之间爆发枪战,陷入交火。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: Chinatown was called “Calle de los Negros” – or, as it was known at the time: “Nigger Alley.” And the population of Los Angeles rushes in for this really brutal race riot.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:唐人街被称为“Calle de los Negros”,或者按照当时的说法:“黑鬼巷”。洛杉矶的人们涌入这场真正残酷的种族骚乱。

White people and Mexicans flock down to Chinatown.

白人和墨西哥人涌向唐人街。

And as they capture Chinese people, they lynch them.

当他们抓捕中国人时,他们会用私刑处死他们。

They hang them from a church steeple; they hang them from the top of a covered wagon; from a gatepost.

他们把它们挂在教堂的尖塔上;他们把它们挂在有盖马车的顶部;从门柱。

They cut off the finger of one of the Chinese men.

他们砍掉了其中一名中国男子的手指。

One of those lynched is a child, and two Chinese women are lynched.

其中一名被私刑处决的是一名儿童,两名中国妇女被私刑处决。

And then they torch Chinatown.

然后他们烧毁了唐人街。

The Chinese people fight back.

中国人民反击了。

One Chinese woman picks up a rifle that one of the vigilantes drops and starts shooting at the mob.

一名中国妇女捡起一名治安维持者掉落的步枪,开始向暴徒射击。

But the mob cuts holes in the roofs of the houses in Chinatown and drops flaming torches into these holes on the roof.

但暴民在唐人街房屋的屋顶上凿了几个洞,并将燃烧的火把扔进屋顶上的这些洞里。

And Chinatown burns .

唐人街也着火了。

Voice (Daily Alta California): Eighteen Chinamen were buried yesterday.

之声(加州阿尔塔日报):昨天埋葬了十八名中国人。

They presented a most ghastly and horrible sight.

他们呈现出极其可怕的景象。

Witnesses are very careful in giving their testimony, fearing to name individuals whom they know to have taken an active part in the lynching, lest they may be similarly dealt with themselves.

证人在提供证词时非常小心,不敢说出他们所知道的积极参与私刑的个人的名字,以免他们自己也受到同样的对待。

There seems to be but one sentiment expressed by the better class of our citizens; that a great wrong has been done, which years may not efface; that the scenes of Tuesday night are a disgrace to our city.

我们公民中的上层阶级似乎只表达了一种情感:犯下的大错是岁月也无法抹去的;周二晚上的场景是我们城市的耻辱。

Erika Lee, Historian: It’s still the largest mass lynching in U.S. history.

历史学家埃里卡·李:这仍然是美国历史上最大规模的大规模私刑。

We often think that this must have happened in the South somewhere, but it actually happened in L.A.

我们常常认为这一定发生在南方的某个地方,但它实际上发生在洛杉矶。

And not with African-Americans but with Chinese-Americans.

不是针对非裔美国人,而是针对华裔美国人。

Kevin Starr, Historian: That lynching was a horrible overture to a decade of projecting the difficulties of the 1870s onto the Chinese – suggesting a deep, sub-evil looking for a victim in the California psyche .

历史学家凯文·斯塔尔(Kevin Starr):那场私刑是将 1870 年代的困难投射到中国人身上的十年的可怕序幕 — — 暗示着加州心灵深处正在寻找受害者。

By the early 70's, the failure of banks; the great depression that hit California; had filled San Francisco with unemployed, single white males.

到了70年代初,银行倒闭;袭击加利福尼亚州的大萧条;旧金山充满了失业的单身白人男性。

Looking for work and not being able to find it.

正在寻找工作却找不到。

So In San Francisco with the Board of Supervisors there, you began to get harassment of the Chinese.

所以在旧金山,监事会在那里,你开始受到对中国人的骚扰。

Mae Ngai, Historian : The city passed numerous ordinances to harass the Chinese, thinking that if you made life miserable enough for people, they would leave.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:这座城市通过了许多法令来骚扰华人,认为如果你让人们的生活变得足够悲惨,他们就会离开。

So there was an ordinance that you couldn't walk on a sidewalk with a pole on your shoulder.

所以有一条规定,肩膀上不能扛着杆子走在人行道上。

This is how Chinese vegetable peddlers, and other businesses, carried their wares.

这就是中国菜贩和其他企业运送货物的方式。

There was an ordinance that said that any Chinese who was arrested would have his hair shorn to within an inch of his scalp.

有一项法令规定,任何被捕的中国人都会将头发剃至距头皮一英寸以内。

Now, this was really obnoxious, because it meant cutting the queue , or the pigtail, which was a required form of dress for Chinese men.

现在,这真的很令人讨厌,因为这意味着剪掉辫子或辫子,而这是中国男人所要求的着装形式。

That was so obnoxious that it was overturned by the courts.

这太令人讨厌了,以至于被法院推翻了。

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: So all these, “obnoxious local ordinances and state laws” against the Chinese — every one of them eventually got challenged in court and ruled in violation of the Burlingame treaty.

王令智,学者:所有这些针对中国人的“令人讨厌的地方法令和州法律”——每一项最终都在法庭上受到质疑,并被裁定违反了伯林格姆条约。

Mae Ngai, Historian : So while in California they’re trying to think of all kinds of ways to get rid of the Chinese – without passing an exclusion law.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:因此,在加利福尼亚州,他们试图想出各种方法来驱逐华人——而不是通过排外法。

they’re also lobbying in Congress to get an exclusion law passed.

他们还在国会游说,要求通过排除法。

Narrator: Lawmakers in Congress, for their part – still led by Radical Republicans whose principles had been forged in the fight against slavery – continued to resist all efforts to get them to legislate against the Chinese on the basis of their race.

旁白:国会议员们——仍然由激进共和党人领导,其原则是在反对奴隶制的斗争中形成的——继续抵制所有让他们根据种族立法反对华人的努力。

But by 1875, the political dynamic in America had begun to shift – as Democrats in Washington began to understand that the Chinese issue could be indispensable to the post Civil War rehabilitation of the Democratic Party.

但到了 1875 年,美国的政治动态开始发生转变 — — 华盛顿的民主党人开始认识到,中国问题对于民主党内战后的复兴可能是不可或缺的。

Mary Ting Yi Lui, Historian: The issue of Chinese labor becomes a very easy one to galvanise the constituents of the Democratic Party, many of whom come from European immigrant backgrounds, would have been working-class -- would have been concerned about what appeared to be the flooding of Chinese workers into the nation And that's where we don't have just simply a local story, but one that then has large national resonance.

历史学家吕婷宜:中国劳工问题成为一个很容易激发民主党选民的问题,他们中的许多人来自欧洲移民背景,本来是工人阶级,他们会担心中国工人涌入这个国家。这就是我们不只是一个地方性的故事,而是一个在全国范围内引起广泛共鸣的故事。

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: The Democrats suggest that the Chinese labor were actually equivalent to black slaves So you had this political pressure against the Republicans, who were accused of advocating for Chinese coolies.

王令智,学者:民主党人认为华人劳工实际上相当于黑奴。因此,共和党人受到政治压力,他们被指控提倡华人苦力。

And so that make it possible for the Exclusion movement to get the support, from the East Coast politicians.

这使得排外运动有可能获得东海岸政客的支持。

Narrator: For the first time, a pathway to Chinese Exclusion – stymied at the national level for twenty years – now began to open.

旁白:一条在国家层面阻碍了二十年的排华之路现在第一次打开了。

Mae Ngai, Historian : In 1875, Congress passes the Page Act, which is an effort to speak to the demands of the Californians, without circumventing the Burlingame Treaty.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:1875 年,国会通过了《佩奇法案》,该法案旨在满足加利福尼亚人的要求,同时又不规避《伯林格姆条约》。

The Page Act prohibits the immigration of people coming under contracts to work and prostitutes.

《佩吉法案》禁止签订工作合同的人和妓女移民。

Now Chinese have been stereotyped already – all the men are coolies, all the women are prostitutes – so they think this is the way they're going to stop the Chinese immigration .

现在中国人已经被刻板印象了——所有的男人都是苦力,所有的女人都是妓女——所以他们认为这就是他们阻止中国移民的方式。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: There developed this sexist, racist, misogynist attitude among Americans, that Chinese women were naturally prone to become prostitutes.

历史学家斯科特·黄(Scott Wong):美国人中形成了这种性别歧视、种族主义和厌恶女性的态度,认为中国女性天生就容易成为妓女。

And, therefore, Chinese women, who wanted to come to the U.S., had to prove that they were never prostitutes; that they weren't prostitutes then; nor would they ever become prostitutes.

因此,想要来美国的中国女性必须证明她们从来不是妓女;那时她们还不是妓女;她们也永远不会成为妓女。

Now, of course, one can't prove what will not happen or happen in the future .

当然,现在我们无法证明什么不会发生或将来会发生。

So many women chose not to even go through that humiliation.

许多女性甚至选择不经历这种羞辱。

So we had that first act that's passed, that is very racial and gender-specific.

所以我们通过了第一幕,这是非常针对种族和性别的。

Mae Ngai, Historian : The Page Act is spectacularly successful at keeping women out.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:《佩奇法案》在将女性拒之门外方面取得了惊人的成功。

Not because all women coming were prostitutes, although some were, but because the interrogation of the female arrivals was so horrific that once you hear about this, you don't want to try it.

并不是因为所有来的女性都是妓女,尽管有些是,而是因为对女性抵达者的审讯是如此可怕,以至于一旦你听说了这件事,你就不想尝试了。

So female immigration plummets .

因此,女性移民数量直线下降。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: When the United States Congress passes the Page Act in 1875, and it bans most women, except merchants's wives, from entering the country – that's ethnic cleansing.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:当美国国会于 1875 年通过《佩奇法案》时,它禁止大多数妇女(商人的妻子除外)进入该国,这就是种族清洗。

Without women there won't be family; progeny; lineage; children -- and so the population will just die off.

没有女人就没有家庭;没有女人就没有家庭。后代;血统;儿童——因此人口将会死亡。

And it was intended to die off…

它的目的是消亡……

Narrator: By 1876, a starkly reconsolidated white racial calculus was on the rise across America – from the streets of San Francisco to the halls of Congress.

旁白:到了 1876 年,一种彻底重新整合的白人种族算计在美国各地兴起——从旧金山的街道到国会大厅。

That year, Reconstruction would collapse entirely in the bitterly contested presidential election of 1876 – when Republicans in Congress – choosing self-interest over justice and equal rights – agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South – in a back room deal that sent their party’s nominee, Rutherford B.

那一年,重建运动在 1876 年竞争激烈的总统选举中彻底崩溃,当时国会中的共和党人选择将自身利益置于正义和平等权利之上,同意从南方撤军,这是一项幕后协议,该党的提名人卢瑟福 B.

Hayes, to the White House – even though he had lost the popular vote to his Democratic rival, Samuel Tilden.

海耶斯入主白宫——尽管他在普选中输给了民主党竞争对手塞缪尔·蒂尔登。

During the campaign itself platforms of both major parties openly called for excluding Chinese.

在竞选期间,两大政党的政纲都公开呼吁排除华人。

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: It came at a time when American politics was sort of balanced on a knife's edge between Republicans and Democrats.

戈尔德律师:当时美国政治在共和党和民主党之间处于刀锋上,处于平衡状态。

If you look at the period between 1876 and 1896, you have five Presidential elections in that period.

如果你看看 1876 年至 1896 年间,你会发现这一时期有五次总统选举。

They were all very close.

他们都非常亲密。

The 1876 election in which the winner of the electoral college and the winner of the popular vote were different –- the difference in the Electoral College was one vote.

1876年的选举中,选举团的获胜者和普选的获胜者是不同的——选举团的差别是一票。

Now, California had six electoral votes – maybe they're decisive.

现在,加州有六张选举人票——也许它们是决定性的。

Oregon had three; Nevada had three – maybe they're decisive.

俄勒冈州有三个;内华达州有三个——也许它们是决定性的。

So the pandering for political support from the Pacific coast votes converts what would have been a local issue, with local agitation, into a national political issue.

因此,迎合太平洋沿岸选票的政治支持,将本来是一个地方性的问题,伴随着地方性的骚动,转变为一个全国性的政治问题。

Narrator: Legitimized by recent federal legislation and the stunning outcome of the 1876 election, a rising tide of political reaction now washed back across the country to California.

旁白:随着最近的联邦立法和 1876 年选举的惊人结果的合法化,一股不断高涨的政治反应浪潮现在席卷全国,回到了加利福尼亚州。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: The minute the Northern troops are withdrawn from the South – and Reconstruction falls apart – and the South is voting again in Congress, and can take apart the civil-rights victories of the Civil War – it becomes an invitation to race wars.

历史学家让·普法尔泽:一旦北方军队从南方撤出 — — 重建工作分崩离析 — — 南方再次在国会投票,并且能够破坏内战中的民权胜利 — — 它就成为种族战争的邀请。

Mae Ngai, Historian : So you have in California a political movement for exclusion – you have all this legislation going on; you have violence; you had gangs of kids that would throw rocks at the wagons of Chinese arriving from the docks, on their way to Chinatown.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:加利福尼亚州有一场排斥政治的政治运动——所有这些立法都在进行;你有暴力行为;有一群孩子会向从码头到唐人街的中国人的马车扔石头。

They’d stand on the bridges and throw rocks at people, or spit upon them.

他们会站在桥上向人们扔石头,或者向人们吐口水。

It was horrific.

太可怕了。

And then Chinese become the target of a so-called “Workingmen's Party”and a Workingmen's movement Denis Kearney – a recently naturalized Irishman – emerges as a leader of the Workingmen's Party in San Francisco.

然后,华人成为所谓“工人党”和工人运动的目标。最近入籍的爱尔兰人丹尼斯·卡尼(Denis Kearney)成为旧金山工人党的领导人。

Erika Lee, Historian: He was very effective in pointing to Chinese immigrant men, male laborers, as being the source of the white workers’ trouble.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):他非常有效地指出中国移民男性、男性劳工是白人工人麻烦的根源。

Because the Chinese immigrant was the tool – he was the slave of the fat-cat industrialist boss, who was exploiting workers – not paying a living wage – and out to prevent white workers from gaining their fair share.

因为中国移民是工具——他是肥猫实业家老板的奴隶,后者剥削工人——不支付生活工资——并阻止白人工人获得公平的份额。

Mae Ngai, Historian : And they have sandlot rallies, with incendiary speeches.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:他们举行沙地集会,发表煽动性演讲。

And their slogan is: “The Chinese must go!” And Kearney would rile up these crowds.

他们的口号是:“中国人必须走!”科尔尼会激怒这些人群。

And after the rallies people would fan out into the streets, and they would burn down Chinese wash houses and attack any poor soul that would happen to be on the street.

集会结束后,人们会散布到街上,烧毁中国人的洗衣房,攻击街上任何可怜的人。

It was just utter chaos.

简直是一片混乱。

And the city of San Francisco actually had to dispatch police and citizens groups to hold back these mobs.

而旧金山市实际上不得不派遣警察和公民团体来阻止这些暴徒。

Narrator: And now, in Congress, the firewall of Republican opposition itself began to crumble.

旁白:现在,在国会,共和党反对派本身的防火墙开始崩溃。

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: So, finally, the issue had been agitated for such a long time, and the political impact of the issue had taken root in the Congress, that you got the 1879 15-Passenger bill.That was a bill that said that there could not be more than 15 passengers of Chinese background on any ship entering the United States.

戈尔德律师:所以,最后,这个问题已经闹了这么长时间了,这个问题的政治影响已经在国会扎根了,所以你才得到了1879年的15名乘客法案。这个法案规定,任何进入美国的船只上,有中国背景的乘客不能超过15名。

Otherwise, the ship would be turned back, and the captain would be fined, and so on and so forth.

否则,船就会被退回,船长会被罚款等等。

In the first major debate in the Congress, on the 1879 15-Passenger Bill -- Senator James G.

在国会关于 1879 年 15 名乘客法案的第一次重大辩论中,参议员 James G.

Blaine of Maine broke from the northeastern Republicans, who basically opposed Chinese exclusion, to support exclusion....

缅因州的布莱恩与基本上反对排华的东北部共和党人决裂,转而支持排华……

.

。

His theory was, if you had people who could not assimilate and become part of the body politic -- and, therefore, should not become American citizens -- then you also should not permit them to immigrate.

他的理论是,如果有人无法同化并成为政治体的一部分,因此不应该成为美国公民,那么你也不应该允许他们移民。

Because if you allowed them to immigrate, you would always have a political underclass -- seething with resentment; unable to enjoy the full fruits of the American Dream.

因为如果你允许他们移民,你就会永远有一个政治下层阶级——充满怨恨;无法享受美国梦的全部果实。

That, he said, would create social problems for the country.

他说,这会给国家带来社会问题。

So better not to let them come at all.

所以最好根本不让他们来。

Senator Blaine makes this statement: “We have today to decide whether we shall have on the Pacific coast of the United States the kingdom of Christ or the kingdom of Confucius.” So a choice had to be made: restrict immigration and restrict citizenship rights, or give the Pacific coast over to an alien culture and an unassimilable population, unfit for citizenship.

布莱恩参议员发表了这样的声明:“我们今天必须决定在美国太平洋沿岸是否应该拥有基督的王国或孔子的王国。”因此必须做出选择:限制移民并限制公民权利,或者将太平洋沿岸交给外来文化和不适合公民身份的不可同化人口。

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: The 15 Passenger bill ultimately got vetoed.

Gold,律师:15名乘客的法案最终被否决了。

Because President Rutherford Hayes, on the advice of his Secretary of State, said: “We have treaties with China -- the Burlingame Treaty, specifically — that appears to allow for the free movement of peoples between China and the United States.

因为卢瑟福·海耶斯总统根据国务卿的建议表示:“我们与中国签订了条约,特别是《伯林格姆条约》,该条约似乎允许中美两国人民自由流动。

And the 1879 legislation violates the treaty.” People in the Congress knew it violated the treaty.

1879 年的立法违反了该条约。”国会里的人知道它违反了条约。

At the same time, however, President Hayes then sent a delegation to China to renegotiate the Burlingame treaty, so that some kind of legislation could pass .

但与此同时,海斯总统随后派出一个代表团前往中国重新谈判《伯林格姆条约》,以便某种立法能够获得通过。

And that negotiation gave the United States the right to restrict, or to suspend, immigration of Chinese labor.

那次谈判赋予美国限制或暂停中国劳工移民的权利。

The Chinese government really didn't want that treaty.

中国政府确实不想要该条约。

America pushed it on them.

美国把它强加给他们。

China objected.

中国表示反对。

America assured them that the treaty would be administered in a fair way

美国向他们保证该条约将以公平的方式实施

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: So in April of 1882, when they passed a 20-year exclusion act, which essentially barred an entire generation of Chinese labor from coming into the United States .

戈德律师:1882 年 4 月,他们通过了一项为期 20 年的排斥法案,基本上禁止了整整一代中国劳工进入美国。

That evoked a veto from President Chester Arthur.

这引起了切斯特·阿瑟总统的否决。

And then Congress came back, very shortly thereafter, with a 10-year bill.

此后不久,国会回来了,提出了一项十年期法案。

And at that point President Arthur said: “Look.

就在那时,亚瑟总统说:“看。

This is apparently the will of the Congress.

这显然是国会的意愿。

Ten years is not as offensive as 20 years.” And he didn't exercise the veto pen again.

十年不如二十年那么令人反感。”他也没有再次行使否决权。

And May 6th, 1882 the legislation becomes law.

1882 年 5 月 6 日,该立法成为法律。

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: I daresay that people who voted for the Chinese exclusion laws, who came from Ohio – or Michigan – or Minnesota – probably never saw a Chinese person at the time they voted for those laws.

戈尔德律师:我敢说那些投票支持排华法的人,来自俄亥俄州、密歇根州或明尼苏达州的人,在投票支持这些法律时可能从未见过中国人。

And, certainly, the Southern states were full of people who had never seen Chinese people either.

当然,南方各州也有很多从未见过中国人的人。

Southern Senators and Congressmen voted for Chinese exclusion – not because they had a Chinese issue within their own constituency, but because they felt if they attuned themselves to the political exclusionary interests on the Pacific coast, they would gain sympathy for what they wanted to do in their own region of the country, to voters of African background.

南方参议员和国会议员投票支持排斥华人 — — 不是因为他们在自己的选区存在华人问题,而​​是因为他们觉得,如果他们能够适应太平洋沿岸的政治排斥利益,他们就会获得非洲背景选民对他们在自己地区想做的事情的同情。

which is: disenfranchise them.

这就是:剥夺他们的权利。

The fundamental point is: “You have your problem and we have our problem.

基本要点是:“你有你的问题,我们有我们的问题。

We'll support you – you support us.”

我们会支持你——你也支持我们。”

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: It was an argument against civil rights, and it was an argument against immigration .

戈尔德律师:这是反对公民权利的论点,也是反对移民的论点。

But there was still lots of dissension in the Congress against barring immigration, and there was absolutely dissension against barring naturalization.

但国会中仍然存在很多反对禁止移民的分歧,而且反对禁止入籍也存在绝对的分歧。

Hannibal Hamlin of Maine – Abraham Lincoln's first Vice-President – chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee – was very opposed to it.

亚伯拉罕·林肯的第一任副总统、参议院外交关系委员会主席、缅因州的汉尼拔·哈姆林对此表示强烈反对。

And on the floor of the Senate he denounced it.

他在参议院谴责了这一行为。

And he said, “I'm opposed to this.

他说:“我反对这个。

It violates fundamental American principles.” And he says, “I leave my vote, the last legacy to my children, that they may esteem it the brightest act of my life.” This is a person with enormous moral authority.

这违反了美国的基本原则。”他说:“我把我的选票留给我的孩子们,这是我最后的遗产,这样他们就会认为这是我一生中最明智的行为。”这是一个具有巨大道德权威的人。

So, as the Congress acted, the voices of dissent were not muted.

因此,当国会采取行动时,反对的声音并没有减弱。

They were, in fact, active – eloquent – prominent – and, ultimately, insufficient.

事实上,他们是活跃的、雄辩的、杰出的,但最终还是不够的。

So anything that the Congress did in these years was not by accident.

所以国会这些年所做的一切都不是偶然的。

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: It really did two things.

Gold,律师:它确实做了两件事。

One is an exclusion from immigration, and the other thing was an exclusion from citizenship.

一是被排除在移民之外,另一件事是被排除在公民身份之外。

at the time there were approximately 105,000 Chinese in America.

当时在美国大约有105,000名华人。

Now, they were just two-tenths of one percent of the overall American population.

现在,他们仅占美国总人口的百分之一的十分之二。

So what happens to the people who are already here – people legally in the United States?

那么那些已经在这里的人——合法居住在美国的人——会发生什么呢?

And what that law said was, “These people cannot assimilate.

该法律说的是:“这些人无法同化。

They are too different in terms of their culture – in terms of their appearance – in terms of their language – the clothes that they wear – and the food that they eat – and the gods that they worship.

他们的文化、外貌、语言、穿的衣服、吃的食物以及崇拜的神明都有很大的不同。

They cannot assimilate into the American population.

他们无法融入美国民众。

And in that sense, they are different from European immigrants.

从这个意义上说,他们与欧洲移民不同。

So we’re going to make, as a Congress, a judgment.

因此,作为国会,我们将做出判断。

We’re going to say that because they are an unassimilable population, they cannot come to the United States, and those that are here cannot become American citizens.”

我们要说的是,因为他们是不可同化的人群,所以他们无法来到美国,而在这里的人也无法成为美国公民。”

Mae Ngai, Historian : When the exclusion law is first passed, it’s a 10-year suspension of immigration of laborers.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:当排斥法首次通过时,暂停劳工移民10年。

And then they renew it in 10 years, and a whole slew of ancillary laws get passed to control, or to prohibit, the entry of people.

然后他们在十年内更新它,并通过了一系列辅助法律来控制或禁止人员入境。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: : The first Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, really sets the parameters of which Chinese can and cannot be in this country.

历史学家 Scott Wong: 1882 年第一部排华法案真正设定了华人可以或不可以在这个国家居住的参数。

It says no Chinese laborers may enter for a period of 10 years.

规定10年内禁止中国劳工入境。

It also says they can’t become citizens, they cannot bring their wives, and they can’t have families.

它还说他们不能成为公民,不能带妻子,也不能有家庭。

At least, laborers.

至少,劳动者。

Now, merchants were allowed to enter they could bring their families; students were allowed to enter.

现在,商人可以带着家人进入;学生被允许进入。

But as the years passed, the definition of a merchant became narrower and narrower, as well as students, and the definition of laborers became broader.

但随着时间的推移,商人的定义越来越窄,学生的定义也越来越窄,而劳工的定义也变得越来越宽泛。

Erika Lee, Historian: The challenge for Chinese immigrants living under the exclusion era was multiple – because the exclusion laws were so restrictive.

历史学家李艾丽卡(Erika Lee):生活在排斥时代的中国移民面临着多重挑战——因为排斥法的限制性非常大。

There’s the whole ordeal about entering the country under the exclusion laws.

根据排除法,进入该国是一个严峻的考验。

And then there’s the similarly difficult ordeal of living under the shadow of exclusion and trying to reunite with family.

然后,还有同样困难的考验,即生活在排斥的阴影下并试图与家人团聚。

Mary Ting Yi Lui, Historian: And Chinese-American families have to really make some hard decisions about what to do with their children, and what to do with their families.

历史学家Mary Ting Yi Lui:华裔美国家庭必须真正做出一些艰难的决定,如何对待他们的孩子,如何对待他们的家人。

Where should they really think about their future?

他们应该在哪里真正考虑自己的未来?

Is it going to be in the United States, or will it have to be back in China – with the political conditions there being so uncertain in this period.

是在美国,还是必须回到中国——因为这个时期那里的政治条件如此不确定。

Mae Ngai, Historian : At the same time, Chinatowns themselves become much more insular and segregated, in a way, because it was dangerous to live outside of the community.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:与此同时,唐人街本身在某种程度上变得更加孤立和隔离,因为生活在社区之外是危险的。

You could be much more easily attacked.

你可能更容易受到攻击。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: So you see Chinese predominantly living in Chinatowns – ethnic enclaves – for two reasons.

历史学家斯科特·黄(Scott Wong):所以你看到华人主要居住在唐人街——少数民族飞地——有两个原因。

One, self-protection; and, two, because they're not allowed to move out.

一、自我保护;第二,因为他们不被允许搬出去。

It's hard for them to find property or businesses that will take them outside of Chinatown.

他们很难找到可以带他们离开唐人街的房产或企业。

I think, to a great extent, it keeps Chinese right where many Euro-Americans wanted them.

我认为,在很大程度上,它让中国人处于许多欧美人想要的地方。

And the borders are permeable only to a certain extent.

而且边界仅在一定程度上是可渗透的。

And they're more permeable for non-Chinese.

而且它们对于非中国人来说更具渗透性。

So Chinatowns do become walled off.

所以唐人街确实被围起来了。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: As we look at this dark period, I think it’s important to think about Chinese people in the context of Jim Crow; of what was happening to African-American people; of putting Native Americans on reservations.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:当我们审视这个黑暗时期时,我认为在种族隔离的背景下思考中国人民是很重要的;非裔美国人身上发生的事情;将美洲原住民置于保留地。

In California, what had started as a population of 200,000 Native Americans, by the time of the Chinese Exclusion Act there were only 16,000 Native Americans in California.

在加利福尼亚州,最初有 20 万美洲原住民,到排华法案颁布时,加利福尼亚州只剩下 16,000 名美洲原住民。

So the effectiveness of racism, and the presumptions of what we now call “whiteness," ran very deep.

因此,种族主义的有效性以及我们现在所说的“白人”的假设是非常根深蒂固的。

Narrator: The passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 opened the floodgates to an era of violence and brutality towards Chinese Americans – and all people of color – almost without precedent in America history.

旁白:1882 年《排华法案》的通过,开启了针对华裔美国人以及所有有色人种的暴力和残暴时代的闸门,这在美国历史上几乎是史无前例的。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: The Chinese Exclusion Act codified a lot of energies that were happening at the local level.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:《排华法案》将地方层面发生的许多能量编入法典。

At this point the Chinese people weren't just on the Pacific West Coast.

此时,中国人民不仅仅生活在太平洋西海岸。

And all through the 1880's there was horrific violence going on against the Chinese people – and brutality, that never found justice.

整个 1880 年代,针对中国人民的可怕暴力不断发生,而这些暴行从未得到正义的对待。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: There was widespread violence throughout the West against Chinese.

历史学家斯科特·黄:整个西方普遍存在针对华人的暴力行为。

They are driven out of towns; they’re driven off of small farms that they might have homesteaded.

他们被赶出城镇;他们被赶出了原本可以自耕种的小农场。

Narrator: On the night of February 6 th , 1885, a mob of 600 angry white Californians in the north coast lumber town of Eureka – enraged by the killing of a member of the town council – descended on Chinatown, screaming “Murder the Chinese” – and “Burn Chinatown” – then drove every Chinese immigrant in Eureka out of town and onto ships bound for San Francisco.

旁白:1885 年 2 月 6 日晚上,北海岸木材小镇尤里卡的 600 名愤怒的加州白人暴徒,因镇议会成员被杀而愤怒不已,突然袭击唐人街,高呼“谋杀华人”和“烧毁唐人街”,然后将尤里卡的所有中国移民赶出城镇,并登上开往旧金山的船只。

After the purge, the town council passed an ordinance excluding Chinese – that remained in force until 1950.

清洗之后,镇议会通过了一项排除华人的法令,该法令一直有效到 1950 年。

In September 1885, at a coal mine owned by the Union Pacific Railroad in Rock Springs, Wyoming, angry white coal miners – many of them immigrants themselves – attacked a group of Chinese miners following a labor dispute – and burned their homes to the ground.

1885 年 9 月,在怀俄明州罗克斯普林斯联合太平洋铁路公司拥有的一个煤矿,愤怒的白人煤矿工人(其中许多人本身就是移民)在劳资纠纷后袭击了一群中国矿工,并将他们的房屋夷为平地。

Voice: Some of the Chinese were burned alive in the houses.

声音:一些中国人在房子里被活活烧死。

The whole number of Chinese killed was twenty-eight and those wounded fifteen.

中国阵亡总数为二十八人,受伤十五人。

Erika Lee, Historian: The examples are too numerous to cite.

历史学家埃里卡·李:这样的例子太多了,无法一一列举。

And, again, they happen in small towns that are isolated, but in huge cities like Tacoma and Seattle.

而且,它们再次发生在偏僻的小镇,但也发生在塔科马和西雅图等大城市。

The example of Tacoma is striking in and of itself .

塔科马的例子本身就很引人注目。

The entire Chinese population is expelled from Tacoma in 1885 – 800 to 900 people.

1885 年,800 至 900 名华人被驱逐出塔科马。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: There are 300 purges across California, Oregon, up to Seattle in Washington, as far East as Rock Springs in Wyoming.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:从加利福尼亚州、俄勒冈州,一直到华盛顿州的西雅图,最东到怀俄明州的罗克斯普林斯,发生了 300 次清洗。

So they’re all over the West.

所以他们遍布西方。

Narrator: In early June 1887 – along a remote stretch of the Snake River, separating Idaho and Oregon – a settler thirty miles south of Lewiston caught sight of the first of many badly decomposed bodies – washed loose by the heavy spring rains, and floating down stream.

旁白:1887 年 6 月上旬,沿着爱达荷州和俄勒冈州之间的斯内克河的一条偏远河段,刘易斯顿以南 30 英里处的一位定居者看到了许多严重腐烂的尸体中的第一具,这些尸体被春雨冲刷松散,顺流而下。

The mutilated corpses – riddled with gunshot wounds and partially dismembered – were all that remained of 34 Chinese gold miners – who in late May, investigations revealed, had been ambushed, savagely tortured, and systematically executed, by a gang of horse thieves and schoolboys from Wallowa County, Oregon, sixty-five miles upstream.

这些满是枪伤且部分肢解的尸体是 34 名中国金矿工人的全部遗骸。调查显示,5 月下旬,他们遭到来自上游 65 英里俄勒冈州瓦洛厄县瓦洛厄县的一伙马贼和学童的伏击、野蛮折磨和系统处决。

“Every one was shot and cut up, then stripped and thrown in the river,” an investigator reported.

“每个人都被枪杀、肢解,然后脱光衣服扔进河里,”一名调查员报告说。

Six white men were eventually indicted by a grand jury.

六名白人最终被大陪审团起诉。

“I guess if they had killed thirty-one white men,” one man said, “something would have been done about it.

“我想如果他们杀了三十一名白人,”一名男子说,“就会采取一些措施。

But none of the jury knew the Chinamen or knew much about it, so they turned the men loose.”

但陪审团都不认识这些中国人,也不了解太多,所以他们释放了这些人。”

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: I don't know.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:我不知道。

You know, I think that the racism of the era was so ingrained, and the creative ways people were coming up with to tag and mark people as different, were invoked as ways of making it impossible for them to survive.

你知道,我认为那个时代的种族主义是如此根深蒂固,人们想出的创造性方法来给人们贴上不同的标签,被认为是让他们无法生存的方式。

I truly can only intellectually argue that.

我确实只能从理智上论证这一点。

In some ways, I can't wrap my mind around the quantity of violence and hatred.

在某些方面,我无法全神贯注于暴力和仇恨的数量。

Erika Lee, Historian: Once exclusion was the law of the land, then Chinese immigrants turned to trying to figure out how to open up avenues within the laws.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):一旦排斥成为这片土地的法律,那么中国移民就转向试图找出如何在法律范围内开辟道路。

We know how active Chinese immigrants were in resisting, protesting, challenging these laws by every means possible: by writing to presidents; talking about the injustice in the newspapers; and taking cases to court.

我们知道中国移民是多么积极地通过一切可能的方式抵制、抗议、挑战这些法律:写信给总统;谈论报纸上的不公正现象;并将案件提交法庭。

Mary Ting Yi Lui, Historian: You see people immediately taking up the pen, and writing essays.

历史学家吕婷仪:你看到人们立即拿起笔,写文章。

You have Chinese intellectuals who are here in the United States during this period – like Wong Chin Foo, for example – who writes and decries the Chinese Exclusion Act as anathema to American values.

在此期间,有一些中国知识分子在美国,例如黄进富,他们撰写并谴责《排华法案》,认为这是对美国价值观的诅咒。

And says, “Why are you particularly persecuting the Chinese?”

并说:“你们为什么特别迫害中国人?”

David Lei, Community Advocate : He started a newspaper, called The Chinese American – the first time that that term was ever used.

David Lei,社区倡导者:他创办了一份报纸,名为《华裔美国人》——这是该词首次被使用。

And he thought the Chinese would become American, and should vote, and this is a country that Chinese should settle.

他认为中国人会成为美国人,应该投票,这是一个中国人应该定居的国家。

Renqiu Yu, Historian: What made the Chinese survive the most difficult conditions in this country is mainly their identification with American founding principles – and also their faith in themselves; and that they refused to be excluded.

历史学家余任秋:中国人能够在这个国家最困难的条件下生存下来,主要是因为他们对美国立国原则的认同,以及对自己的信仰;并且他们拒绝被排除在外。

Voice (Yan Phou Lee “The Chinese Must Stay” The North American Review): No nation can afford to let go its high ideals.

声音(Yan Phou Lee“中国人必须留下来”北美评论):任何国家都不能放弃其崇高理想。

The founders of the American Republic – asserted the principle – that all men are created equal, and made this fair land a refuge for the whole world.

美利坚共和国的创始人坚称人人生而平等,并使这片公平的土地成为全世界的避难所。

Its manifest destiny, therefore, is to be the teacher and leader of nations in liberty.

因此,它的明确使命是成为自由国家的导师和领导者。

Its supremacy should be maintained by good faith and righteous dealing, and not by the display of selfishness and greed.

它的至高无上的地位应该通过诚信和正义的交易来维护,而不是通过自私和贪婪的表现来维持。

But now, looking at the actions of this generation of Americans in their treatment of other races, who can get rid of the idea that that Nation, which Abraham Lincoln said was conceived in liberty, waxed great through oppression, and was really dedicated to the proposition that all men are created to prey on one another?

但现在,看看这一代美国人对待其他种族的行为,谁能摆脱这样一种观念:亚伯拉罕·林肯所说的这个诞生于自由之中的国家,是通过压迫而变得伟大的,并且真正致力于所有人都生来互相掠夺的主张?

How far this Republic has departed from its high ideals – and reversed its traditionary policy – may be seen in the laws passed against the Chinese.

这个共和国背离其崇高理想有多远 — — 并扭转了其传统政策 — — 从针对中国人通过的法律中可以看出。

Renqiu Yu, Historian: This is the basic theme in Chinese-American history.

历史学家余任秋:这是美籍华人历史的基本主题。

The Chinese-Americans always challenge the anti-Chinese Act and policies.

美国华人一直对反华法案和政策提出挑战。

They always appealed to the American judiciary system to protect their rights.

他们一直呼吁美国司法系统保护他们的权利。

Under the most difficult conditions, these people actually did not give up their faith.

在最困难的条件下,这些人其实并没有放弃自己的信仰。

They fought – they fought for decades.

他们战斗了——他们战斗了几十年。

It is a remarkable resilience.

这是一种非凡的韧性。

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: They looked to the law to protect themselves, because they could not look to the political institutions to protect them.

戈尔德律师:他们指望法律来保护自己,因为他们无法指望政治机构来保护他们。

Their only recourse was the courts.

他们唯一的求助途径就是法庭。

Sometimes they won, often they didn't.

有时他们赢了,但通常他们没有赢。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: This is where the 14 th amendment becomes critical.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:这就是第 14 修正案变得至关重要的地方。

The Chinese can’t become citizens.

中国人不能成为公民。

There are a series of laws that says that can’t be naturalized.

有一系列法律规定不能入籍。

But the fourteenth Amendment, really grants all civil rights to persons.

但第十四修正案确实赋予了个人所有公民权利。

And it's Chinese litigants who are going to discover in the 14th Amendment that it applies to persons, not to citizens.

中国的诉讼当事人将会在第十四修正案中发现它适用于个人,而不是公民。

David Lei, Community Advocate : Between the exclusion law 1882 and 1905.

David Lei,社区倡导者:1882 年和 1905 年排除法之间。

There were more than 10,000 lawsuits the Chinese filed with the federal courts.

中国人向联邦法院提起了一万多起诉讼。

And about twenty of these went to the Supreme Court.

其中大约二十人被上诉至最高法院。

.

。

And the population of Chinese in America was about 110,000 at the time.

当时美国华人人口约为11万。

This is 8 – 9% of the people sued the federal government to change this.

8-9%的人起诉联邦政府要求改变这一点。

Mae Ngai, Historian : Chinese used the courts in large part because they didn't have access to the ballot box – they didn't have the vote.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:华人使用法庭很大程度上是因为他们无法进入投票箱——他们没有投票权。

But they knew they could use the courts, so this becomes their principal strategy for legal change.

但他们知道他们可以诉诸法院,因此这成为他们进行法律变革的主要策略。

And from the 1880s through the end of the 19th century, there are a slew of constitutional cases.

从 1880 年代到 19 世纪末,存在大量宪法案例。

One type has to do with immigration, and the other type has to do with civil rights.

一类与移民有关,另一类与公民权利有关。

They mostly lose the immigration cases.

他们大多在移民案件中败诉。

.

。

But in the question of civil rights it’s a little more mixed.

但在公民权利问题上,情况就有点复杂了。

The most famous civil-rights case is Yick Wo v.

最著名的民权案件是益和诉。

Hopkins in 1886.

1886 年霍普金斯。

That’s the laundry case, where San Francisco had passed an ordinance that said nobody could have a wooden structure for a laundry.

这就是洗衣房案,旧金山通过了一项法令,规定任何人都不能拥有木结构的洗衣房。

But if it had been built before that time, you could still operate it if you had a permit.

但如果它是在那之前建成的,如果你有许可证,你仍然可以经营它。

And they just refused to give permits to Chinese, but they gave permits to whites.

他们只是拒绝向中国人发放许可证,但向白人发放许可证。

David Lei, Community Advocate : Right away, 280 laundries applied, and 80 got their permit, 200 did not.

David Lei,社区倡导者:立即就有 280 家洗衣店提出了申请,其中 80 家获得了许可证,200 家没有获得许可。

The problem was all 80 were white, and all 200 were Chinese.

问题是 80 名都是白人,200 名都是中国人。

Now there was this guy named San Lee, he had this laundry, called Yick Wo.

现在有一个叫 San Lee 的人,他有一家洗衣店,名叫 Yick Wo。

And he stood up and said, “I'm gonna operate without this permit, and be arrested to test this law.” So he was arrested.

他站起来说:“我将在没有许可证的情况下进行经营,并被逮捕以检验这项法律。”于是他被捕了。

The China Six Company and the laundry association backed him .

中国六公司和洗衣协会都支持他。

And they took it all the way to the Supreme Court – saying that – although a law is good on the surface – if you apply it differently to different groups of people –it is against the 14th Amendment – which provide equal protection under the law.

他们一路向最高法院提起诉讼,称虽然法律表面上是好的,但如果对不同人群以不同的方式应用它,那就违反了第十四修正案,该修正案提供了法律下的平等保护。

It was never tested before.

以前从未测试过。

Kevin Starr, Historian: The idea of a Chinese person being harassed, seeking the courts at remedy, at the same time that his people are being excluded from the country, to mix ethnic metaphors, shows a lot of chutzpa.

历史学家凯文·斯塔尔(Kevin Starr):一个中国人受到骚扰,向法院寻求救济,同时他的人民被排除在这个国家之外,混合种族隐喻,这表明了很多人的厚颜无耻。

And Yick Wo pulled it off – he pulled it off.

益和成功了——他成功了。

.

。

Mae Ngai, Historian : And this is a really important case, because the court said, first, that the 14th Amendment provision for equal protection applies to all persons.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:这是一个非常重要的案件,因为法院说,首先,第十四修正案关于平等保护的规定适用于所有人。

That's the language of the Amendment.

这就是修正案的语言。

Not just citizens – not just whites – all persons.

不仅仅是公民——不仅仅是白人——所有人。

So this is the key ruling that applies the 14th Amendment to aliens, to immigrants.

所以这是将第十四修正案适用于外国人、移民的关键裁决。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian : The Chinese Exclusion Act had to be re-upped every 10 years.

Jean Pfaelzer,历史学家:排华法案必须每十年重新修订一次。

And in 1892, it’s re-upped again by Congress with the Geary Act.

1892 年,国会通过《吉尔里法案》再次强化了这一规定。

And this time they add a provision that every Chinese person has to carry on their person a photo identity card.

这次他们增加了一项规定,即每个中国人都必须随身携带有照片的身份证。

The United States never has had, and still does not have, an internal passport, and this was the first.

美国从来没有、现在也没有内部护照,这是第一本。

Mae Ngai, Historian : And if you don't have it, you'll be deported.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:如果你没有它,你就会被驱逐出境。

And if there’s a good reason why you don’t have it – like your house burned down or something – we’ll only let you stay if you have at least one white witness to vouch for you.

如果你有充分的理由不这样做——比如你的房子被烧毁或其他什么——只有当你有至少一名白人证人为你作证时,我们才会让你留下来。

Renqiu Yu, Historian: Now, the Chinese refuse to believe that this could be a law of this country.

历史学家余任秋:现在,中国人拒绝相信这可能是这个国家的法律。

Mae Ngai, Historian : So the Chinese say, “You know what?

Mae Ngai,历史学家:所以中国人说,“你知道吗?

We’re not going to respect this law.” And the leadership of the community organizes a boycott.

我们不会尊重这项法律。”社区领导层组织抵制。

And this is very daring.

这是非常大胆的。

They're telling people: “Don’t get the certificate.

他们告诉人们:“不要获得证书。

We’re going to have a mass civil disobedience, basically.”

基本上,我们将发生大规模的公民抗命。”

Voice (Jee Gam, February 1892): If America is fair in her dealing, her laws ought to be applicable to all people, regardless of nationality.

Voice(Jee Gam,1892 年 2 月):如果美国公平对待,她的法律应该适用于所有人,无论国籍如何。

To single out the despised Chinese, the only people who hold no votes, shows cowardliness.

把唯一没有选票的被鄙视的中国人挑出来,这是懦弱的表现。

For the only class that are required to give photographs are the criminals, and the only animal that must wear a tag is a dog.

因为唯一需要提供照片的类别是罪犯,唯一必须佩戴标签的动物是狗。

The Chinese decline to be counted in with either of these classes, so they refuse to register, and I do not blame them.

中国人拒绝被算入这两个阶层,所以他们拒绝登记,我不怪他们。

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: And one morning, across the country, posters emerge saying, “Do not register for this card.” And over 103,000 refuse – they don’t register.

让·法埃尔泽 (Jean Pfaelzer),历史学家:一天早上,全国各地都出现了海报,上面写着:“不要注册这张卡。”超过 103,000 人拒绝——他们没有登记。

The mass refusal of over 100,000 Chinese I think is the largest act of civil disobedience to date.

我认为超过10万中国人的大规模拒绝是迄今为止最大规模的公民不服从行为。

Mae Ngai, Historian : And the Chinese then went to court, to challenge the constitutionality of the Geary Act, and they lost – they lost.

历史学家 Mae Ngai:然后中国人上法庭,质疑《吉尔里法案》的合宪性,但他们输了——他们输了。

Martin B.

马丁·B.

Gold, Attorney: The Supreme Court said , “Congress has the power to do what it’s doing.” So it’s not for us to decide, as the court, whether the political branch is doing the proper thing.

戈尔德,律师:最高法院说,“国会有权做它正在做的事情。”因此,作为法院,我们不能决定政治部门是否在做正确的事情。

They have the power to do it.

他们有能力做到这一点。

So if you have a quarrel with what they’ve done, take it up with them.

因此,如果您对他们的行为有异议,请向他们提出。

Except you don’t have any power to take it up with them, because you’re not a voter.

但你没有任何权力与他们讨论,因为你不是选民。

Narrator: Soon, an even more fateful and fundamental legal battle was under way – over the very definition of citizenship in America.

旁白:很快,一场更为决定性和根本性的法律斗争正在进行——围绕美国公民身份的定义。

Erika Lee, Historian: Wong Kim Ark was a native-born American, born of Chinese immigrant parents in California in the 1870s.

Erika Lee,历史学家:黄金德是土生土长的美国人,父母是 1870 年代加利福尼亚州的中国移民。

He had made several trips to China a few times before.

此前,他曾多次前往中国。

But in 1894, he goes again and he comes back through San Francisco.

但 1894 年,他再次出发,经过旧金山回来。

And at that time the San Francisco collector of customs is a well-known anti-Chinese opponent named John Wise.

而当时旧金山的海关收税员是一位著名的反华对手,名叫约翰·怀斯(John Wise)。

And he was eager for a test case to have the U.S. government consider: “Is there such a thing as a native-born Chinese-American who can be a U.S. citizen – if his parents are ineligible for citizenship under the nation's naturalization laws?” So even though Wong Kim Ark had been allowed to reenter the United States a few times before as a native citizen born in the United States – John Wise decides to deny him reentry in 1894.

他渴望有一个测试案例让美国政府考虑:“是否有一个土生土长的华裔美国人可以成为美国公民——如果他的父母没有资格根据美国的入籍法获得公民身份?”因此,尽管黄金德之前曾多次被允许作为出生在美国的本土公民重新进入美国,但约翰·怀斯 (John Wise) 在 1894 年决定拒绝他重新入境。

N: arrator: At stake was a bed-rock constitutional issue: under the 14 th Amendment, could a Chinese American, born in the U.S. of immigrant parents, be considered an American citizen – or not?

N:解说员:关键是一个基本的宪法问题:根据第十四修正案,在美国出生的移民父母是否可以被视为美国公民?

The U.S. Attorney arguing the government’s case insisted that even though Wong Kim Ark had been born in the United States, it was an accident of birth, that did not override the fact that his parents were foreigners, ineligible for citizenship.

为政府案件辩护的美国检察官坚称,尽管黄金德出生在美国,但这只是出生的意外,但这并不能掩盖他的父母是外国人、没有资格获得公民身份的事实。

David Lei, Community Advocate : Wong Kim Ark fought it all the way to the Supreme Court – to establish something that we take for granted today.

David Lei,社区倡导者:黄金德一直抗争到最高法院,才建立了我们今天认为理所当然的东西。

Narrator: In 1898, in a landmark ruling, the U.S. Supreme Court – citing the citizenship clause of the 14 th Amendment – ruled that Wong Kim Ark, like any one else born on American soil, was an American citizen.

旁白:1898年,美国最高法院做出了一项具有里程碑意义的裁决,援引第十四条修正案的公民身份条款,裁定黄金德和其他出生在美国土地上的人一样,是美国公民。

Erika Lee, Historian: And this is the case – this is the precedent – that establishes a U.S. birthright citizenship – for all.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):情况就是这样——这是先例——为所有人建立了美国与生俱来的公民身份。

Mae Ngai, Historian : Wong Kim Ark, of 1898, is really important, because it secures the citizenship status of Chinese born in the United States, and all children born of immigrants in the United States.

历史学家Mae Ngai:1898年的黄金德非常重要,因为它确保了在美国出生的华人以及在美国出生的所有移民子女的公民身份。

The court said that the language of the 14th Amendment is plain.

法院表示,第十四修正案的语言很简单。

And if you started to tinker with it, you would jeopardize the citizenship of all the children of Europeans in this country.

如果你开始修补它,你就会危及这个国家所有欧洲人孩子的公民身份。

So it was not necessarily out of any love for Chinese people, but an understanding of what the implications would be more broadly.

因此,这并不一定是出于对中国人民的热爱,而是对更广泛含义的理解。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: As the years passed, the Chinese Exclusion bill is reenacted – first in 1892 – then again in 1902 – and then tacked onto a bill that had nothing to do with immigration whatsoever – in 1904, that simply declared: “All existing Chinese Exclusion Acts will be extended indefinitely.”

历史学家 Scott Wong:随着岁月的流逝,排华法案被重新制定——首先是在 1892 年,然后是 1902 年——然后在 1904 年又加上了一项与移民无关的法案,该法案简单地宣布:“所有现有的排华法案将无限期延长。”

Narrator: The tribulations of California’s despised community of Chinese residents would soon be compounded – when in 1906 one of the worst natural disasters in American history struck San Francisco – and with it, the heart of the oldest and largest Chinatown in North America.

旁白:1906 年,美国历史上最严重的自然灾害之一袭击了旧金山,加州受人鄙视的华人社区的苦难很快就会加剧,北美最古老、最大的唐人街的中心也随之而来。

David Lei, Community Advocate : The earthquake totally destroyed San Francisco's Chinatown.

David Lei,社区倡导者:地震完全摧毁了旧金山的唐人街。

But the Chinese word for crisis has the word for opportunity in it.

但中国的危机一词中也蕴藏着机遇。

That whenever there's some danger, there's always opportunity.

每当有危险时,总会有机会。

So the flip side was, all the records were destroyed in City Hall of who was born here; who immigrated here; who had kids here.

所以另一面是,市政厅里所有出生在这里的记录都被销毁了;谁移民到这里;谁在这里有孩子。

So all the records were gone -- a clean slate.

所以所有的记录都消失了——一张白纸。

Erika Lee, Historian: Chinese were very, very clear in their own minds that what was happening to them and the exclusion laws was unjust: Knowing that the United States was open to every other immigrant group who was coming over; that there were jobs; that there was economic opportunity.

埃里卡·李(Erika Lee),历史学家:中国人自己心里非常清楚,他们所发生的事情以及排外法是不公正的:知道美国对所有其他移民群体开放;有工作机会;存在经济机会。

Yet, they had been singled out.

然而,他们却被挑出来了。

So you have undocumented border crossings, as well as the birth of what we call the "paper son system," or immigration through fraudulent papers and with false relationships.

因此,出现了无证过境,以及我们所说的“纸儿子系统”的诞生,即通过欺诈性文件和虚假关系进行移民。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: This paper son system really picks up after the San Francisco earthquake ,.

历史学家 Scott Wong:这个纸质子系统在旧金山地震后确实恢复了。

When all of the records in San Francisco are destroyed.

当旧金山的所有记录都被销毁时。

All the birth records – all the immigration records.

所有的出生记录 - 所有的移民记录。

The Chinese figure out, “They have no idea who's legal, who’s not legal.

中国人发现,“他们不知道谁是合法的,谁是不合法的。

They don't know who's born here, who's not born here.” So the Chinese developed this system – this paper son system – in which they eventually tell the authorities: “I was born here, in America, at such a date.

他们不知道谁出生在这里,谁不是出生在这里。”所以中国人开发了这个系统——这个纸儿子系统——他们最终告诉当局:“我在美国出生,在这样的日子。

And during this time, I have gone back to the village in China to visit my parents.

这段时间,我回中国的村庄看望我的父母。

Or my grandparents.

或者我的祖父母。

And, during that time, I also married.

而且,在那段时间,我也结婚了。

But because of your laws, I can't bring my wife.

但因为你们的法律,我不能带我的妻子来。

Or my wife is taking care of my parents still in China.

或者我的妻子正在照顾仍在中国的父母。

But during all these trips, I have fathered three sons.

但在所有这些旅行中,我生了三个儿子。

These are their names – these are their ages.” And the American authorities would take that information down.

这些是他们的名字——这些是他们的年龄。”美国当局会记下该信息。

That gentleman would then let it be known, both in Chinatown, and back to the village in China: “I have just created three slots.

然后那位先生会在唐人街和中国的村庄里让大家知道:“我刚刚创建了三个老虎机。

I’ve created three fictional men.” And those slots would go up for sale.

我创造了三个虚构的男人。”这些插槽将被出售。

People in the village would buy those slots.

村里的人会购买这些老虎机。

They would have to learn the fictional lives that people would create, in order to enter the country.

为了进入这个国家,他们必须了解人们创造的虚构生活。

Narrator: In 1910 – as Chinatown rose from the ashes and rubble of the earthquake – and as enforcement issues of the Exclusion Act spiked upward – a new immigration facility opened on an island far out in San Francisco Bay – that in the years to come would become synonymous with the hardships, heartbreak, and long-deferred or broken dreams of the Exclusion era.

旁白:1910 年,当唐人街从地震的废墟中崛起时,随着《排华法案》的执行问题急剧上升,一个新的移民设施在旧金山湾的一个遥远的岛屿上开业,在接下来的几年里,这里将成为排华时代的艰辛、心碎和长期推迟或破碎的梦想的代名词。

Mai Ngai, Historian : Somebody once said that Ellis Island was to let people in – and Angel Island was to keep people out.

Mai Ngai,历史学家:有人曾经说过,埃利斯岛是让人们进来的,而天使岛是把人们拒之门外的。

Only 1% of the people who showed up at Ellis Island were turned back.

出现在埃利斯岛的人中只有 1% 被拒绝。

So Ellis Island really was a gate that swung in, and Angel Island was where the gate was closed, and you had to really fight to get in.

所以埃利斯岛确实是一扇打开的大门,而天使岛是大门关闭的地方,你必须真正努力才能进去。

Narrator: Over the next three decades, from 1910 to 1940 – when the immigration facility finally closed – just three years before exclusion itself was rescinded – more than a hundred thousand Chinese immigrants would come through Angel Island – whose principle purpose was to enforce exclusion more strictly than ever before – weeding out as much as possible paper sons – segregating detainees from family and friends - and at the same time safeguarding American citizens from foreign contamination.

旁白:在接下来的三十年里,从1910年到1940年——当移民设施最终关闭时——就在排斥本身被废除的三年前——超过十万中国移民将通过天使岛——其主要目的是比以往任何时候都更严格地执行排斥——淘汰尽可能多的纸儿子——将被拘留者与家人和朋友隔离——同时保护美国公民免受外国污染。

Unlike Ellis Island, where 98 percent of the incoming immigrants made their way through, eighteen percent of the applicants at Angel Island were initially rejected – and five percent deported outright – after grueling interrogations, and harrowing detentions – that averaged more than two weeks – and sometimes stretched to more than a year.

与埃利斯岛不同的是,埃利斯岛 98% 的新移民顺利通过,而天使岛 18% 的申请者在经历了艰苦的审讯和痛苦的拘留(平均超过两周,有时甚至长达一年以上)后最初被拒绝,5% 被彻底驱逐出境。

Erika Lee, Historian: The longest detention that we know of was 756 days.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):据我们所知,最长的拘留是 756 天。

Questions could range from 200 questions asked to a thousand questions asked.

问题范围可以从 200 个问题到 1000 个问题不等。

Angel Island is not unlike the history of Chinese Exclusion, in that it is hidden in plain sight.

天使岛与排华历史无异,因为它隐藏在众目睽睽之下。

It has had so much impact on our history, and on who we are as a people – yet it remains almost out of reach – almost mysterious – it's in the middle of this urban area – yet so few people know about it.

它对我们的历史以及我们作为一个民族的身份产生了如此大的影响,但它仍然几乎遥不可及,几乎神秘,它位于这个城市地区的中心,但很少有人知道它。

And then there's the ghostly presence of the building itself.

然后是建筑物本身的幽灵般的存在。

Narrator: In counterpoint to the harsh and bureaucratic reality of the processing center itself was the palimpsest of writings scores of Angel Island inmates carved on the walls of the barracks-like detention center.

旁白:与处理中心本身的严酷和官僚现实形成鲜明对比的是,在军营般的拘留中心的墙壁上刻有数十名天使岛囚犯的重写本。

Erika Lee, Historian: You can still see the peeling paint – the layers of paint that immigration officials had continuously put over the walls of the detention barracks, to cover up what they thought was graffiti.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):你仍然可以看到剥落的油漆——移民官员不断在拘留营的墙壁上涂上一层层油漆,以掩盖他们认为是涂鸦的东西。

And how the immigrants kept on reclaiming that space, and writing it over, or carving it even deeper.

以及移民如何不断地夺回这个空间,并将其重写,或者雕刻得更深。

So there’s so much about that space – where the walls literally talk to you.

所以这个空间有很多东西——墙壁真的在和你说话。

Voice: Grief and bitterness entwined are heaven sent.

声音:悲伤和痛苦交织在一起,是上天赐予的。

The sad person sits alone, leaning by a window.

悲伤的人独自坐在窗边。

Voice: On the little island the wailing of wild, wintry geese can be faintly heard.

声音:小岛上隐隐约约能听到冬日野雁的鸣叫声。

One should know that when the country is weak, the people’s spirit dies.

当知国弱则民心亡。

Why else do we come to this place to be imprisoned?

不然我们为什么要来到这个地方被囚禁呢?

Erika Lee, Historian: There's one poem in particular that has always spoken to me, and it was written by an author who only identified himself as one from Xiangshan.

历史学家Erika Lee:有一首诗一直让我印象深刻,它的作者是一位自称香山人的作者。

And he wrote: “There are tens of thousands of poems composed on these walls.

他写道:“这些墙上写有数以万计的诗歌。

They are all cries of complaint and sadness.

都是抱怨和悲伤的哭声。

The day I am rid of this prison and attain success, I must remember that this chapter once existed.” That speaks volumes to me.

当我摆脱这个牢笼并获得成功的那一天,我必须记住这一章曾经存在过。”这对我来说意义重大。

It’s about remembering that there's the suffering, but also there's a hope that he will be released – that he will be able to get off of the island But that it was important to never forget the origins of that journey.

这是为了记住,有痛苦,但也有希望他能被释放——他将能够离开这个岛,但重要的是永远不要忘记那次旅程的起源。

Narrator: In the years following the opening of Angel Island in 1910 – the epic human tide – that had brought twenty-four million/OR tens of millions of immigrants to the nation’s shores – in less than two generations – would be slowed to a trickle – and the gates of immigration all but closed – ushering in forty years of demographic isolation in America, and the most exclusionary era the country has ever seen.

旁白:1910 年天使岛开放后的几年里,史诗般的人类大潮在不到两代人的时间里将 2400 万/或数千万移民带到了这个国家的海岸,但现在却减慢为涓涓细流,移民的大门几乎关闭,美国迎来了四十年的人口隔离,以及这个国家有史以来最排斥的时代。

In 1917, Congress passed a new and vastly more far-reaching Immigration Act, based on the Chinese Exclusion laws, creating an “Asiatic Barred Zone” – a vast empire of excluded nationalities – encompassing every Asian nation east of Turkey, and west of the islands of Japan.

1917年,国会根据排华法通过了一项影响更为深远的新移民法,创建了一个“亚洲禁区”——一个被排除在外的民族的庞大帝国——涵盖了土耳其以东和日本列岛以西的所有亚洲国家。

Erika Lee, Historian: Then in 1921 the U.S. government extends what had been racial-restriction laws aimed at Asian immigrants to southern and eastern Europeans – and national-origins quotas get established – to ensure that the United States would continue to predominantly be of northern and western European stock.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):然后在 1921 年,美国政府将针对亚洲移民的种族限制法扩展到南欧和东欧 — — 并设立了国籍配额 — — 以确保美国将继续以北欧和西欧血统为主。

Mae Ngai, Historian : So, in 1924 is really the key legislation that numerically restricts immigration into the United States, in general.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:所以,总的来说,1924 年实际上是在数量上限制进入美国的移民的关键立法。

Before World War I you had an average of over a million coming a year.

第一次世界大战之前,平均每年有超过一百万人前来。

And in 1924 there's a ceiling put on that -- it's an annual quota of 150,000.

1924 年,这个数量设定了上限——每年配额为 15 万。

That's a huge decrease.

这是一个巨大的下降。

Now we have a quota system that has an absolute numerical limit - parceled out to countries based on a very complicated formula of who's more desirable than others.

现在我们有一个配额制度,它有绝对的数量限制——根据一个非常复杂的公式分配给各国,以确定谁比其他国家更受欢迎。

So Great Britain has a huge quota – Italy has a tiny quota.

因此,英国的配额很大,而意大利的配额很小。

And Asians are excluded all together.

亚洲人一起被排除在外。

So the treatment of the Chinese foreshadows this more comprehensive restriction policy.

所以中国人的待遇就预示着这种更全面的限制政策。

Mae Ngai, Historian : Things start to change in the run-up to World War II – Japan has invaded China – it's taken over Manchuria – it's threatening the rest of China.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:第二次世界大战前夕,情况开始发生变化——日本入侵中国——它占领了满洲——它正在威胁中国其他地区。

So American sympathies start to go towards China.

所以美国的同情心开始转向中国。

Not so much because it favors China, but because it's against Japan.

与其说是因为它有利于中国,不如说是因为它反对日本。

Mae Ngai, Historian : And once the United States enters the war after Pearl Harbor, it becomes an official ally of China against Japan.

历史学家 Mae Ngai:一旦美国在珍珠港事件后参战,它就成为中国对抗日本的正式盟友。

Many Chinese-Americans join the army.

许多华裔美国人参军。

They volunteer, if they're not drafted.

如果他们没有被征召入伍,他们就会自愿加入。

And war propaganda has to accommodate this new international relationship and win the support of the public.

战争宣传必须适应这种新的国际关系并赢得公众的支持。

Mae Ngai, Historian : One of the things that hurts the United States is Japan's propaganda in Asia.

历史学家 Mae Ngai:伤害美国的事情之一是日本在亚洲的宣传。

Japan is telling the rest of Asia: “Throw off the Western colonial master.

日本正在告诉亚洲其他国家:“摆脱西方殖民统治者。

Come with us, we'll have an Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere,” is what they call it.

和我们一起,我们将拥有一个亚洲共荣圈,”他们是这么说的。

And so they point to the United States and they say: “Look – they don't like you.

所以他们指着美国说:“看——他们不喜欢你。

They have exclusion laws against Asians.” So the American exclusion laws become a point of embarrassment.

他们有针对亚洲人的排斥法。”所以美国的排外法就成为了一个尴尬的点。

Archival audio FDR: My friends, today we and the Republic of China are closer together than ever before in deep friendship and unity of purpose….

档案音频罗斯福:我的朋友们,今天我们和中华民国比以往任何时候都更加紧密地联系在一起,有着深厚的友谊和团结的目标……。

Erika Lee, Historian: Franklin Delano Roosevelt does explicitly say, “We must right a historic wrong.” He has a very eloquent speech.

历史学家埃里卡·李:富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福确实明确说过,“我们必须纠正历史性错误。”他的演讲非常雄辩。

He needs to convince the American public that this immigrant group –that we have maintained was important to exclude – are now our friends and our allies.

他需要让美国公众相信,我们一直认为必须排除的这个移民群体现在是我们的朋友和盟友。

And we must remove these discriminatory barriers to immigration.

我们必须消除这些移民歧视性障碍。

Mae Ngai, Historian : These laws begin to look anachronistic, in an international context where the United States wants to present itself as the standard-bearer of democracy and equal rights.

历史学家 Mae Ngai:在美国希望将自己塑造为民主和平等权利旗手的国际背景下,这些法律开始显得不合时宜。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: Repeal comes because of the politics of the war – and not because there’s a realization that Chinese should not be excluded – based on moral grounds.

史考特·黄(Scott Wong):基于道德理由,废除是因为战争的政治因素,而不是因为人们认识到华人不应该被排除在外。

Narrator: On December 17 th , 1943 – the Chinese Exclusion Laws were officially repealed – with the passage of the Magnuson Act – which kept in place laws, prohibiting Chinese nationals from owning property – but which did permit – for the first time in nearly 62 years – a small number of Chinese workers, to enter the country every year – in strict accordance with the 1924 quota system.

旁白:1943年12月17日,随着《马格努森法案》的通过,排华法被正式废除。该法案保留了禁止中国公民拥有财产的法律,但严格按照1924年的配额制度,近62年来首次允许少数中国工人进入该国。

Renqiu Yu, Historian: In 1943, it was repealed, but the repeal was quite symbolic.

历史学家于任秋:1943年就废除了,但是废除是很有象征意义的。

The quotas were only 105.

名额只有105个。

It's so insignificant.

实在是太微不足道了。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: Yeah.

历史学家斯科特·黄:是的。

What's important about it is that it's 105 Chinese a year.

重要的是每年有105个中国人。

Not just people from China.

不仅仅是来自中国的人。

So it's 105 a year, based on blood.

所以根据血液,每年是 105。

You could come from London: you were part of that 105.

你可能来自伦敦:你是那 105 人中的一员。

And it's the only country that was treated that way.

它是唯一受到这种待遇的国家。

And it’s based on the 1924 quota of 105 being the bare minimum.

它是基于 1924 年 105 名的最低配额。

So the Chinese got the bare minimum.

所以中国人得到的只是最低限度的。

The door prize, yes.

门奖,是的。

Renqiu Yu, Historian: Nevertheless, it is very significant that the Chinese now had the right to be naturalized – to become naturalized citizens in this country.

历史学家余任秋:然而,非常重要的是,中国人现在拥有了入籍的权利——成为这个国家的入籍公民。

Mae Ngai, Historian : It is a important opening.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:这是一个重要的开端。

Because, first, on principle, the idea of exclusion is overturned.

因为,首先,原则上,排斥的观念被推翻了。

That's huge.

那是巨大的。

That no longer marks Chinese as the one group who, by name, cannot enter the United States.

这不再将中国人视为无法进入美国的群体。

That's a huge victory, and it also opens up opportunities for Chinese to come.

这是一个巨大的胜利,也为中国人的到来提供了机会。

Chinese men can now bring their wives over from China, where they couldn't before, under the War Brides Act

根据《战争新娘法》,中国男人现在可以把他们的妻子从中国带过来,而以前是不能的

Narrator: Immigration to America was at an all time low, when on the verge of the 1960's, a sea-change began occur – in the federal policy towards immigrants – who for the first time in American history – would soon find themselves officially embraced as a crucial and defining aspect of the American experience.

旁白:美国的移民数量处于历史最低水平,在 1960 年代的边缘,联邦对移民的政策开始发生巨大变化,移民政策在美国历史上是第一次,很快就会发现自己被正式视为美国经历的一个关键和决定性的方面。

Erika Lee, Historian: It’s a very recent phenomenon.

历史学家埃里卡·李:这是最近才出现的现象。

It's a post-World War Two; a Cold War and civil-rights phenomenon.

这是第二次世界大战后的时期;冷战和民权现象。

In the 1950s, Senator John F.

20世纪50年代,参议员约翰·F.

Kennedy published A Nation of Immigrants – advocating for reform of immigration laws at that time.

肯尼迪出版了《移民之国》——主张改革当时的移民法。

Kennedy believed that not only was there a civil-rights prerogative – but also a Cold War, international-relations prerogative – to be changing these discriminatory immigration laws – because we were shutting out the vast majority of people from around the world – while also proclaiming ourselves the land of freedom, democracy and the American way .

肯尼迪认为,改变这些歧视性移民法不仅是公民权利的特权,而且是冷战、国际关系的特权,因为我们将世界各地的绝大多数人拒之门外,同时还宣称自己是自由、民主和美国方式的土地。

Narrator: The sea-change would be consecrated in 1965 – in a landmark piece of federal legislation, called the Hart-Celler Act – which in the years to come – would dramatically transform, the face of America.

旁白: 1965 年,一项具有里程碑意义的联邦立法,即《哈特-塞勒法案》,彻底改变了美国的面貌。

Mary Ting Yi Lui, Historian: The Hart-Celler Act is the immigration law, that really took away those national race-based quotas, and instead tried to make immigration much more fair and even across-the-board.

历史学家玛丽·丁宜雷(Mary Ting Yi Lui):《哈特-塞勒法案》是一部移民法,它确实取消了基于种族的配额,而是试图使移民更加公平,甚至全面。

When the senators and congressmen debated the passage of the Immigration Act, they had no idea what was going to happen .

当参议员和国会议员就移民法案的通过进行辩论时,他们不知道会发生什么。

But the reality is that because the Hart-Celler Act – privileged certain occupations, like the medical fields; the science-industry fields – Asian immigration completely skyrocketed.

但现实是,因为《哈特-塞勒法案》——给某些职业带来了特权,比如医疗领域;科学产业领域——亚洲移民数量猛增。

And changed completely, in many ways, the face of Asian-American communities in extraordinary ways.

并在很多方面以非同寻常的方式彻底改变了亚裔美国人社区的面貌。

Mae Ngai, Historian : So in the late '60s and early '70s you have a disproportionate number of highly educated Asians who came in under the 1965 Act.

Mae Ngai,历史学家:因此,在 60 年代末和 70 年代初,根据 1965 年法案进入的受过高等教育的亚洲人数量不成比例。

This is a period of an expanding economy in the United States, with more and more R&D work; technical work.

这是美国经济扩张的时期,研发工作越来越多;技术工作。

Now, a curious consequence of the Hart-Celler Act is that we're still left with the idea that Chinese are other.

现在,《哈特-塞勒法案》的一个奇怪后果是,我们仍然认为中国人是异类。

They may not be the Yellow Peril of the 19th century and early 20th century.

它们可能不是19世纪和20世纪初的黄祸。

But now they're the super-achieving students who keep your kids out of college – right?

但现在他们是那些成绩优异的学生,让你的孩子无法上大学——对吗?

So they're either evil or super-achievers.

所以他们要么是邪恶的,要么是超级成功者。

But the Chinese never stopped being the other.

但中国人从未停止成为对方。

They never can seem to find a place of just being part of the mainstream.

他们似乎永远无法找到一个仅仅成为主流一部分的位置。

Narrator: With the passage of time, the realities of the Chinese Exclusion Era – so painful for Chinese Americans themselves – faded from public memory, and were forgotten – in a nation that now preferred to think of itself – in principle at least – as having always welcomed immigrants.

旁白:随着时间的推移,排华时代的现实——对华裔美国人来说是如此痛苦——从公众记忆中消失,并被遗忘——在一个现在更愿意认为自己——至少在原则上——一直欢迎移民的国家。

K.

K.

Scott Wong, Historian: Those of us who are descendants of "paper sons," and discovering that you're a descendant of a paper son.

Scott Wong,历史学家:我们这些“纸儿子”的后裔,发现你是纸儿子的后裔。

That generation -- my generation, who did not know that our grandfathers were paper sons, because it was a secret that were kept in our families and never talked about.

那一代人——我这一代人,他们不知道我们的祖父是纸儿子,因为这是我们家庭中保守的秘密,从不谈论。

And then, one day, perhaps before a funeral -- or before a birthday party or something -- something is said that lets everyone …

然后,有一天,也许在葬礼之前——或者在生日聚会或其他什么事情之前——有人说了一些让每个人……

know…

知道…

and …

和……

you realize: “Oh, that's why we never talk about him.” Or: “Oh, that's why that family in Chinatown is related to us, but we can't figure out why, or something.” It's because of that legacy of exclusion, and getting around exclusion.

你意识到:“哦,这就是为什么我们从不谈论他。”或者:“哦,这就是为什么唐人街的那家人和我们有关系,但我们不明白为什么,或者什么的。”这是因为排斥的传统以及回避排斥的传统。

And once you realize that, then that sense of alienation, perhaps -- or that sense of understanding that you are a legacy of exclusion -- hits you.

一旦你意识到这一点,那么那种疏离感,也许——或者那种理解你是被排斥的遗产的感觉——就会袭来。

And you realize: “Oh, I'm part of that long history of immigration; exclusion; assimilation; acculturation; or marginalization.

你会意识到:“哦,我是移民、排斥、同化、文化适应或边缘化的悠久历史的一部分。

” All of those processes that take place has its seeds in exclusion.

” 所有这些发生的过程都有其被排斥的种子。

It made me feel even more a part of that flow of generations – of that Chinese experience in America.

这让我更加感觉自己是一代又一代人的一部分,也是中国人在美国的经历的一部分。

And for those generations who came after, who didn't have to face exclusion, I don't think they fully understand that, because they never had to deal with it.

对于后来的几代人来说,他们不必面对排斥,我认为他们并不完全理解这一点,因为他们从来不需要处理它。

Erika Lee, Historian: The history of Chinese exclusion highlights that we have had a complicated relationship about immigration from the very beginning.

历史学家埃里卡·李(Erika Lee):排斥华人的历史凸显出我们从一开始就在移民问题上有着复杂的关系。

And that it's that duality – of welcoming immigrants; of understanding their need; our dependence on them; how they contribute to the United States – as well as our fear and anxiety of the different; changing demographics; changing economic structure -- that has made us who we are.

这就是双重性——欢迎移民;了解他们的需求;我们对它们的依赖;他们如何为美国做出贡献——以及我们对不同者的恐惧和焦虑;不断变化的人口统计数据;不断变化的经济结构造就了现在的我们。

That duality in our complicated relationship of immigration has shaped who we are as a nation; it's shaped our economy, our society, our politics.

我们复杂的移民关系的二元性塑造了我们作为一个国家的身份。它塑造了我们的经济、社会和政治。

And it continues to shape our ongoing understanding of what it means to be an American, and how we continue to debate that to this day.

它继续塑造我们对作为一个美国人意味着什么的持续理解,以及我们如何继续争论这一点直到今天。

Renqiu Yu, Historian: When we look back, I think we can learn that, the Chinese have this resilient faith in the founding principles.

历史学家余任秋:当我们回顾过去时,我想我们可以了解到,中国人对建国原则有着坚韧的信念。

I think that's Chinese-Americans' contribution to this grand American experiment.

我认为这就是华裔美国人对美国这项伟大实验的贡献。

The exclusion law can be seen as a fundamental flaw, a huge mistake, in that historical process of great experiment.

排除法可以被视为伟大实验的历史进程中的一个根本缺陷、一个巨大错误。

I think, if you really look at this system, you can also say that: the exclusion law was democratic, was legal -- but it was wrong.

我认为,如果你真正审视这个制度,你也可以说:排除法是民主的、合法的——但它是错误的。

So something wrong could be done in that process of building a democratic system there.

因此,在那里建立民主制度的过程中可能会出现错误。

On the other hand, even under the enormous difficult circumstances — with so many disillusions, so many disappointments, and so much suffering — generations of Chinese-Americans never give up their faith and their hope.

另一方面,即使在巨大的困难环境下,有那么多的幻灭、那么多的失望、那么多的痛苦,几代美籍华人也从未放弃他们的信仰和希望。

And I think that's very remarkable.

我认为这非常了不起。

Watch a preview of the origin, history and impact of the 1882 law that made it illegal for Chinese workers to come to America and for Chinese nationals already here ever to become U.S. citizens.

观看 1882 年法律的起源、历史和影响的预览,该法律规定中国工人来美国以及已经在美国的中国公民成为美国公民为非法。

In 1898, the Supreme Court ruled that Wong Kim Ark had acquired U.S. citizenship at birth.

1898年,最高法院裁定黄金德一出生就获得了美国公民身份。

The 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act remained in force for more than 60 years.

1882 年的《排华法案》一直有效 60 多年。

Get an inside look at the making of The Chinese Exclusion Act.

深入了解《排华法案》的制定过程。

Watch Chapter 1 of The Chinese Exclusion Act.

观看《排华法案》第一章。

On May 6, 1882, President Chester A.

1882 年 5 月 6 日,总统切斯特 A.

Arthur signed into law The Chinese Exclusion Act.

亚瑟签署了《排华法案》。

The Chinese Exclusion Act was unlike any law enacted since the founding of the republic.

《排华法案》不同于共和国成立以来颁布的任何法律。

Historian Erica Lee, actor Hoon Lee, and filmmaker Li-Shin Yu speak with executive director of the Center for Asian American Media Stephen Gong about America’s history of discrimination against Asian Americans, and ways that the AAPI community, their allies, and elected officials can work to put an end to racial violence and discrimination.

历史学家艾丽卡·李 (Erica Lee)、演员李勋 (Hoon Lee) 和电影制片人于立新 (Li-Shin Yu) 与亚裔美国媒体中心执行主任斯蒂芬·龚 (Stephen Kong) 讨论了美国歧视亚裔美国人的历史,以及亚裔美国人群体、他们的盟友和民选官员可以采取哪些方式来结束种族暴力和歧视。

中文为机器翻译,仅供参考。