Fidel Castro
EDWARD R.
爱德华·R。
MURROW, ARCHIVAL FILM: Just thirty days ago, Fidel Castro entered Havana to be greeted by cheering mobs, as one of the greatest heroes in Cuba's history.
默罗,档案电影:就在三十天前,菲德尔·卡斯特罗进入哈瓦那,受到欢呼的暴民的欢迎,他是古巴历史上最伟大的英雄之一。
Fidel Castro, at the age of 32, you now have in your hands a great deal of power and a great deal of responsibility.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗,32岁了,你手中握有巨大的权力,也肩负着巨大的责任。
Aren't you a little frightened by this?
看到这里你不觉得有点害怕吗?
Well really, not frightened, because I have self-confidence, but something worried, of course.
好吧,真的,并不害怕,因为我有自信,但当然也有些担心。
Not frightened but a little worried.
并不害怕,只是有点担心。
He had led a revolution that overthrew a hated dictator.
他领导了一场革命,推翻了令人憎恨的独裁者。
And on January 6, 1959, the day of his triumphant march into Havana, he embodied the hopes of an entire nation.
1959 年 1 月 6 日,他凯旋进军哈瓦那的那一天,体现了整个国家的希望。
CARLOS ALBERTO MONTANER, AUTHOR (SPANISH): Fidel arrives as a messiah.
卡洛斯·阿尔贝托·蒙塔内尔,作者(西班牙语):菲德尔作为救世主到来。
Young, bearded, and at the head of a guerilla army.
年轻,留着胡子,是一支游击队的领袖。
That unleashes the imagination and the fantasy of the Cuban people.
这释放了古巴人民的想象力和幻想。
GEORGIE ANNE GEYER, JOURNALIST: You had this romantic revolutionary hero.
记者乔治·安妮·盖尔:你们有一位浪漫的革命英雄。
He's big.
他很大了。
He's manly.
他很有男子气概。
Very charismatic.
非常有魅力。
Fidel, will you say just a few words to New Yorkers who have seen you for the first time?
菲德尔,你能对第一次见到你的纽约人说几句话吗?
Well, I am very glad to be here again, because I fulfilled my promise of coming after the victorious revolution.
那么,我很高兴又来到这里,因为我履行了革命胜利后来的承诺。
This is a man of huge appetites and huge ambition.
这是一个胃口大、野心大的人。
BRIAN LATELL, CIA ANALYST: He is endlessly complex.
布莱恩·拉特尔,中央情报局分析师:他非常复杂。
He is a man of enormous intellect, of an inflexible will.
他是一个具有巨大智慧和坚定意志的人。
His revolution was from the very first moments a one-man show.
他的革命从一开始就是一场独角戏。
He would rouse his people to accomplish heroic feats -- in the name of justice and the promise of a brilliant future.
他将激励他的人民以正义的名义和光明未来的承诺来完成英雄壮举。
Send his soldiers to the farthest reaches of the world, inspiring many with dreams of greatness.
将他的士兵派遣到世界最遥远的地方,激励许多人实现伟大的梦想。
NORBERTO FUENTES, AUTHOR (SPANISH): There was a thirst for glory, for heroism and he awakened that thirst.
诺贝托·富恩特斯,作家(西班牙语):人们对荣耀、英雄主义有着渴望,而他唤醒了这种渴望。
But he would drive two million Cubans into exile and silence those who dared challenged his rule.
但他却将两百万古巴人驱逐出境,并让那些敢于挑战他统治的人噤声。
MARIFELI PEREZ STABLE, AUTHOR: The extraordinary leadership that Castro exercised went along with thousands of people brought before firing squads.
马里费利·佩雷斯·斯塔布尔,作者:卡斯特罗所展现的非凡领导力与数千名被送上行刑队的人一起发生。
Forty, or maybe even fifty thousand political prisoners, the treatment of political prisoners.
四十,甚至五万政治犯,政治犯的待遇。
ARCHIVAL FILM -- FIDEL CASTRO (SPANISH): Only now I understand that my destiny was not to rest at the end of my life.
档案电影——菲德尔·卡斯特罗(西班牙语):直到现在我才明白,我的命运并不是在我生命的尽头安息。
For more than four decades Fidel Castro has ruled Cuba.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗统治古巴已有四十多年了。
He survived a U.S. backed invasion.
他在美国支持的入侵中幸存下来。
Countless assassination plots.
暗杀阴谋数不胜数。
An economic embargo.
经济禁运。
Even the collapse of his benefactor, the Soviet Union.
甚至他的恩人苏联也垮台了。
JAMES BLIGHT, PROFESSOR OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: The epic of the Castro era is probably one of the greatest stories of the last one hundred years.
国际关系学教授詹姆斯·布莱特:卡斯特罗时代的史诗可能是过去一百年来最伟大的故事之一。
What are the odds that a little, dinky country would project its forces around the world and drive the United States crazy?
一个小小的国家将其力量投射到世界各地并让美国发疯的可能性有多大?
Impossible.
不可能的。
How could it happen?
怎么会发生呢?
His classmates called him "el guajiro," the hick, and he liked nothing more than to revisit the Cuba of his childhood.
他的同学们称他为“el guajiro”,即乡巴佬,而他最喜欢的就是重温儿时的古巴。
Fidel Castro came of age at Las Manacas, a sprawling sugar plantation in Cuba's remote northeast.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗在拉斯马纳卡斯长大,这是古巴偏远东北部的一个庞大的甘蔗种植园。
His father, Angel, a former Spanish soldier, had come to Cuba at the turn of the century to fight in the Spanish-American War, and made his fortune growing sugarcane for the U.S.-owned United Fruit Company, a, the dominant economic and social force in the region at the time.
他的父亲安吉尔曾是一名西班牙士兵,在世纪之交来到古巴参加美西战争,并为美国联合果品公司种植甘蔗致富,该公司是当时该地区的主导经济和社会力量。
There is definitely a lot of history encoded in that childhood of Fidel Castro's.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗的童年肯定蕴藏着很多历史。
He was the outsider.
他是局外人。
He was born illegitimately.
他是非婚生的。
His father had been married to a schoolteacher.
他的父亲嫁给了一位教师。
Then he took up with the family maid, who was Fidel's mother.
然后他和家里的女佣,也就是菲德尔的母亲发生了关系。
And they were only married when the children were sent to Catholic schools.
当孩子们被送到天主教学校时,他们才结婚。
Fidel very seldom spoke about this.
菲德尔很少谈论这个。
Never directly.
从来不直接。
Fidel's mother, Lina Ruz, was a poor but ambitious country girl.
菲德尔的母亲莉娜·鲁兹是一位贫穷但雄心勃勃的乡村女孩。
Once described as an "Annie Oakley" type she was known to fire a gun to call her family to dinner.
她曾被描述为“安妮·奥克利”类型,众所周知,她会开枪叫家人吃饭。
Though Lina barely knew how to read and write, she insisted their children get the best education Angel's money could buy.
尽管莉娜几乎不会读书写字,但她坚持让他们的孩子接受安吉尔的钱能买到的最好的教育。
Fidel and his two brothers, Raúl and Ramón, were sent to a boarding school in Santiago de Cuba.
菲德尔和他的两个兄弟劳尔和拉蒙被送往古巴圣地亚哥的一所寄宿学校。
But the unruly Castro boys were too disruptive and were expelled.
但不守规矩的卡斯特罗男孩太过扰乱,被驱逐了。
Fidel told his father and mother, "I want to go back to that school." But his parents said, "No you can't go back, you and your brothers were just too rough, you were too violent, and the priests don't want you there anymore." And, uh, what he did was he told his mother, "If you do not send me back to that school I will burn this house down." And his mother knew that this boy, this ferocious son of hers, truly meant what he said.
菲德尔告诉他的父母,“我想回到那所学校。”但他的父母说:“不,你不能回去,你和你的兄弟们太粗暴了,太暴力了,牧师们不想再让你在那里了。”而且,呃,他所做的就是告诉他的母亲,“如果你不送我回那所学校,我就会烧毁这所房子。”而他的母亲也知道,这个男孩,这个凶猛的儿子,是真心实意的。
In October 1941, at age fifteen, Fidel went to Havana, to attend El Colegio de Belén, Cuba's best and most exclusive school.
1941 年 10 月,15 岁的菲德尔前往哈瓦那,就读古巴最好、最独特的学校 El Colegio de Belén。
His rural upbringing clashed with that of his schoolmates, raised in the cultured and literate homes of Cuba's upper class.
他在农村的成长经历与他在古巴上层阶级有文化、有文化的家庭中长大的同学的成长经历发生了冲突。
His reckless behavior earned him a nickname: "El Loco," the crazy one.
他鲁莽的行为为他赢得了一个绰号:“El Loco”,即疯子。
JOSE IGNACIO RASCO, SCHOOLMATE (SPANISH): Fidel Castro, who always wanted to win at everything, once made a bet that he would crash against the back wall of one of the school's long corridors.
何塞·伊格纳西奥·拉斯科(JOSE IGNACIO RASCO),同学(西班牙语):菲德尔·卡斯特罗总是想在一切事情上获胜,他曾经打赌他会撞到学校一条长走廊的后墙上。
For five dollars he got on his bike and crashed onto the wall.
他花了五美元骑上自行车,然后撞到了墙上。
He lost consciousness and spent several days in the infirmary recovering.
他失去了知觉,在医务室里呆了几天才康复。
It was at Belen, under the guidance of the Spanish Jesuits priests, that the young Castro began to form his world- view.
正是在贝伦,在西班牙耶稣会神父的指导下,年轻的卡斯特罗开始形成他的世界观。
CARLOS ALBERTO MONTANER (SPANISH): The Jesuits Fidel encountered in Havana in the 1940s, came out of the experience of the Spanish Civil War.
卡洛斯·阿尔贝托·蒙塔内尔(西班牙语):菲德尔于 20 世纪 40 年代在哈瓦那遇到的耶稣会士,是从西班牙内战的经历中走出来的。
From the Nationalist faction, the faction close to Fascism and they were steeped in the idea of the superiority of the Hispanic, Catholic world over the materialistic and corrupt Anglo-Saxon world.
来自民族主义派系,接近法西斯主义的派系,他们深信西班牙裔天主教世界比唯物主义和腐败的盎格鲁撒克逊世界优越。
Fidel impressed his teachers with his athletic abilities, photographic memory, and enormous tenacity.
菲德尔的运动能力、过目不忘的记忆力和顽强的毅力给他的老师留下了深刻的印象。
They singled him out as someone who would, "no doubt, fill the book of his life with brilliant pages." When he entered the University of Havana in 1945, he set out to fulfill that promise.
他们认为他“无疑将在他的人生之书上写满精彩的篇章”。 1945 年,当他进入哈瓦那大学时,他开始履行这一诺言。
ALFREDO "CHINO" ESQUIVEL, SCHOOLMATE (SPANISH): One night we were studying and we decided to take a break and we went to have a café con leche.
ALFREDO“CHINO”ESQUIVEL,同学(西班牙语): 有一天晚上,我们正在学习,我们决定休息一下,然后去喝了一家牛奶咖啡店。
And we started talking about the future.
我们开始谈论未来。
And I said I'd like to travel and have a lot of friends, which was the truth.
我说我想去旅行并且有很多朋友,这是事实。
And another guy said, I want to be a poet.
另一个人说,我想成为一名诗人。
Another one wanted to be a lawyer.
另一个人想成为一名律师。
Then I turned to Fidel and said, "Guajiro, what do you want?" And he said, "I want glory and fame."
然后我转向菲德尔说:“瓜希罗,你想要什么?”他说:“我想要荣耀和名誉。”
The University of Havana had been a hotbed of political activity since the 1930's, when students led a revolt against dictator Gerardo Machado.
自 1930 年代以来,哈瓦那大学一直是政治活动的温床,当时学生们领导了反对独裁者赫拉尔多·马查多的反抗活动。
JORGE DOMINGUEZ, PROFESSOR OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: The 1930's is a violent period in Cuban political history.
JORGE DOMINGUEZ,国际关系学教授:1930 年代是古巴政治史上的一个暴力时期。
Social and political struggles continue through a good part of that decade and the idea was that if you were to be politically effective at some point you needed to be ready to wield a gun.
在那十年的大部分时间里,社会和政治斗争仍在继续,人们的想法是,如果你想在某个时候在政治上发挥作用,你就需要准备好挥舞枪支。
When Fidel arrives at the University, you needed guns as well.
当菲德尔到达大学时,你也需要枪支。
Now not for noble revolutionary goals, but just to protect yourself and your friends.
现在不是为了崇高的革命目标,而是为了保护你自己和你的朋友。
And there are gangs.
还有帮派。
Fidel's generation had a terrible sense of frustration.
菲德尔这一代人有一种可怕的挫败感。
Cuba was supposed to be one of the three wealthiest countries in the hemisphere with the United States and Argentina.
古巴本应与美国和阿根廷并列西半球最富有的三个国家之一。
And yet, they couldn't put themselves together politically.
然而,他们无法在政治上团结起来。
It was one tragedy after the other -- the War of 1898, the Americans' intervention, the Platt Amendment, which gave the United States virtually power over anything in Cuba.
这是一场接一场的悲剧——1898年的战争、美国的干预、普拉特修正案,该修正案赋予美国几乎对古巴任何事情的权力。
They saw leader after leader either be corrupt, killed, replaced by the United States: fail, fail, fail.
他们看到一个又一个的领导人要么腐败,要么被杀,要么被美国取代:失败,失败,失败。
While he was a student at the University of Havana, Fidel came under the influence of nationalist Cuban professors, began to study Cuban history very seriously.
在哈瓦那大学读书时,菲德尔受到古巴民族主义教授的影响,开始非常认真地研究古巴历史。
He concluded that Cuba had not been in control of its own history.
他的结论是古巴无法控制自己的历史。
And he blamed the United States.
他还指责美国。
Fidel jumped into the fray.
菲德尔也加入了战斗。
He helped organize strikes and demonstrations.
他帮助组织罢工和示威活动。
Ran for student president.
竞选学生会长。
Joined a gang.
加入了一个帮派。
"He was a combination of genius and juvenile delinquent," one fellow student recalled.
“他是天才和少年犯的结合体,”一位同学回忆道。
"He would show signs of brilliance and then behave like a hoodlum.
“他会表现出才华横溢的迹象,然后表现得像个流氓。
He was implicated in the fatal shooting of a rival student leader, but charges were never filed.
他涉嫌枪杀一名敌对学生领袖,但从未提出指控。
He was identified by a witness in connection with the murder of a University police sergeant.
一名目击者指认他与谋杀一名大学警官有关。
But the witness recanted his testimony.
但证人撤回了他的证词。
Mirta Díaz Balart was 19 years old when she fell in love with Fidel Castro.
米尔塔·迪亚兹·巴拉特 (Mirta Díaz Balart) 19 岁时爱上了菲德尔·卡斯特罗 (Fidel Castro)。
She was a philosophy student at the University of Havana and a member of a prominent Cuban family.
她是哈瓦那大学的哲学系学生,也是古巴显赫家族的成员。
RAFAEL DIAZ-BALART, BROTHER-IN-LAW (SPANISH): I introduced them.
拉斐尔·迪亚斯·巴拉特(RAFAEL DIAZ-BALART),姐夫(西班牙语):我介绍了他们。
And told her: You know he's crazy, he's a paranoid and a psychopath, who would just as soon throw you off the tenth floor as buy you a mink coat.
并告诉她:你知道他疯了,他是一个偏执狂,一个精神病患者,他会像给你买一件貂皮大衣一样把你从十楼扔下去。
And she said, I know, but I am in love.
她说,我知道,但我恋爱了。
And I replied, "well, then, marry him." She was the one who was in love, not I.
我回答说:“好吧,那就嫁给他吧。”恋爱的人是她,不是我。
They were married on October 12th, 1948, and went on an extended honeymoon to New York.
他们于 1948 年 10 月 12 日结婚,并前往纽约度蜜月。
"For the first time I tried T-bone steak, smoked salmon and other things that a young man with a big appetite enjoyed a lot," Fidel later recalled.
“我第一次尝试了丁骨牛排、熏鲑鱼和其他一些胃口大的年轻人非常喜欢的东西,”菲德尔后来回忆道。
With his father's money he bought a white Lincoln Continental, took an apartment in the Bronx and tried to teach himself English by learning 200 words per day.
他用父亲的钱买了一辆白色林肯大陆汽车,在布朗克斯区租了一套公寓,并尝试每天学习 200 个单词来自学英语。
Back from their honeymoon, Fidel and Mirta settled in Havana, where he set up a small law practice.
蜜月归来,菲德尔和米尔塔定居在哈瓦那,他在那里开设了一家小型律师事务所。
Mirta gave birth to a son, Fidel Castro Díaz-Balart, Fidelito.
米尔塔生下了儿子菲德尔·卡斯特罗·迪亚斯-巴拉特,即菲德利托。
But Castro was seldom home and there was never enough money.
但卡斯特罗很少回家,钱也总是不够。
Castro came in one morning and he didn't realize until later that day, that all his furniture in the living room, including Fidelito's playpen, all is gone because they've been repossessed.
一天早上,卡斯特罗进来了,直到当天晚些时候,他才意识到客厅里的所有家具,包括菲德利托的婴儿围栏,都不见了,因为它们已被收回。
He didn't pay the bills.
他没有付账单。
This is a man who doesn't have a sense of feeling, empathy, for the things that ordinary human beings need to live their lives more or less normally.
这个人对普通人或多或少正常生活所需要的事物没有感情、同理心。
Politics was Fidel's all consuming passion.
政治是菲德尔的全部热情。
As Cubans looked forward to free elections in 1952 -- the fourth to be held since a new constitution went into effect in 1940, the young lawyer seized the moment.
当古巴人期待 1952 年举行自由选举时——这是自 1940 年新宪法生效以来举行的第四次选举,这位年轻的律师抓住了这个时机。
He campaigned for a Congressional seat as a member of the Orthodoxo Party, calling for responsible government and an end to corruption.
他作为东正教党成员竞选国会席位,呼吁建立负责任的政府并结束腐败。
As election day approached, Fidel Castro had a real chance for victory.
随着选举日的临近,菲德尔·卡斯特罗真正有机会获胜。
Then, on March 10th, General Fulgencio Batista, led a military coup d'etat, shattering Cuban democracy, and Fidel's political aspirations
然后,3月10日,富尔亨西奥·巴蒂斯塔将军领导了一场军事政变,粉碎了古巴的民主和菲德尔的政治抱负
I speak to the people of Cuba from military quarters now.
我现在在军队向古巴人民讲话。
It is where circumstances have forced me to return.
这是环境迫使我返回的地方。
CARLOS ALBERTO MONTANER (SPANISH): Batista's coup open a Pandora's Box.
卡洛斯·阿尔贝托·蒙塔内尔(西班牙语):巴蒂斯塔的政变打开了潘多拉魔盒。
He creates the perfect conditions for the rise of a revolutionary hero.
他为革命英雄的崛起创造了完美的条件。
Institutions no longer matter.
机构不再重要。
What matters is audacity.
重要的是大胆。
The individual that is capable of violent actions.
有能力实施暴力行为的个人。
There is a story Fidel tells.
菲德尔有一个故事。
He's on the steps of the university, without money, his marriage on the rocks, no work, and he doesn't know what to do and it is a wonderful moment.
他站在大学的台阶上,没有钱,婚姻岌岌可危,没有工作,他不知道该做什么,这是一个美妙的时刻。
That night he says, "I have to deliver a blow.
那天晚上他说:“我必须给予打击。
I have to make a revolution." And it is at that moment that he decides to attack the Moncada Barracks.
我必须发动一场革命。”就在那一刻,他决定攻击蒙卡达兵营。
On July 26th, 1953, Fidel Castro, hoping to incite a rebellion, led 129 men and two women in a daring assault against the Moncada Army Barracks in Santiago de Cuba.
1953年7月26日,菲德尔·卡斯特罗为了煽动叛乱,率领129名男子和两名妇女大胆袭击了古巴圣地亚哥的蒙卡达军营。
"Even if it fails", Fidel had said, "it would be heroic and have symbolic value." It was a massacre.
菲德尔曾表示,“即使失败了,这也是英雄事迹,具有象征意义。”这是一场屠杀。
Eight attackers were killed, twelve wounded, more than 60 were taken prisoner -- tortured and then executed.
8 名袭击者被杀,12 人受伤,60 多人被俘,遭受酷刑后被处决。
Fidel Castro was captured seven days later.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗七天后被捕。
His life spared through the intervention of Santiago's Catholic Archbishop.
在圣地亚哥天主教大主教的干预下,他才得以幸免。
In the days following the assault, Fulgencio Batista called for ten men to be killed for every one of his soldiers dead at Moncada.
在袭击发生后的几天里,富尔亨西奥·巴蒂斯塔呼吁在蒙卡达每有一名士兵死亡,就杀掉十名士兵。
Published photographs of the mutilated bodies of Cuba's youth repulsed a nation, and made a hero of the man who had led the daring assault.
古巴青年残缺不全的尸体照片的出版引起了整个国家的反感,却使领导这次大胆袭击的人成为英雄。
The repression by the Batista forces was so harsh - there were so many young men, mostly young men, who were killed and who were savagely repressed that it was a wake-up call for the Cuban people.
巴蒂斯塔军队的镇压是如此残酷,有如此多的年轻人,其中大部分是年轻人被杀害,他们受到野蛮镇压,这给古巴人民敲响了警钟。
At his trial, Fidel Castro held the attention of all Cuba.
在审判中,菲德尔·卡斯特罗引起了整个古巴的关注。
Arguing in his own defense, the young lawyer spoke the words that would become legend.
这位年轻律师在为自己辩护时说出了后来成为传奇的话。
"Condemn me," he said, " it does not matter, "history will absolve me." Fidel, and his younger brother Raúl, were sentenced to fifteen years and sent to the Isle of Pines prison.
“谴责我,”他说,“没关系,历史会赦免我的。”菲德尔和他的弟弟劳尔被判处十五年徒刑,并被送往松树岛监狱。
"November 7, 1953; Dear Naty, if you have suffered because of me, remember that I would gladly give my life for your honor and your happiness." Fidel Castro had fallen in love with Natalia Revuelta, the beautiful wife of a prominent Cuban doctor.
“1953 年 11 月 7 日;亲爱的纳蒂,如果你因为我而受苦,请记住,我很乐意为了你的荣誉和幸福而献出我的生命。”菲德尔·卡斯特罗爱上了娜塔莉亚·雷韦尔塔,她是古巴一位著名医生的美丽妻子。
ALINA FERNANDEZ REVUELTA, DAUGHTER OF FIDEL CASTRO: The relationship between my mother and Fidel began in the early 1950's.
阿丽娜·费尔南德斯·雷维尔塔,菲德尔·卡斯特罗的女儿:我母亲和菲德尔之间的关系始于 1950 年代初。
They met in the days before Moncada, and then he's sent to jail.
他们在蒙卡达之前的几天见过面,然后他被送进了监狱。
And then, from prison, there began an exchange that with time became deeper, more passionate.
然后,从监狱里开始,双方的交流随着时间的推移变得更加深入、更加热情。
Fidel asked for cigars, his favorite foods.
菲德尔要雪茄,这是他最喜欢的食物。
Mostly he asked for books.
他主要是要书。
He read the works of Cuba's patriot José Martí, Dostoyevsky, Rousseau, Marx, and Lenin.
他阅读了古巴爱国者何塞·马蒂、陀思妥耶夫斯基、卢梭、马克思和列宁的著作。
"What a terrific school this prison is!" he wrote Naty.
“这监狱真是一所很棒的学校啊!”他写信给纳蒂。
"Here I can shape my view of the world and perfect the meaning of my life." From his prison cell, Castro reworked his defense speech, "History will Absolve Me," which his wife, Mirta, smuggled out of prison a few pages at a time.
“在这里我可以塑造我的世界观,完善我生命的意义。”卡斯特罗在牢房里修改了他的辩护演讲《历史将为我开脱》,他的妻子米尔塔一次偷偷带出几页。
It called for the violent overthrow of the Batista government, democratic elections, and addressed the inequalities in Cuban society.
它呼吁暴力推翻巴蒂斯塔政府,进行民主选举,并解决古巴社会的不平等问题。
Twenty thousand copies were clandestinely distributed.
秘密分发了两万份。
RICARDO BOFILL, HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVIST (SPANISH): It had a profound impact.
里卡多·博菲,人权活动家(西班牙语):它产生了深远的影响。
It touch on many social problems.
它涉及到很多社会问题。
It spoke of teachers without jobs, of peasants without land.
它谈到了没有工作的教师、没有土地的农民。
Of poverty.
贫穷。
History Will Absolve Me had a profound message of social justice.
《历史会赦免我》传达了社会正义的深刻信息。
Cuban political culture in the 20th century up until 1959 was a center-left political culture, and the text, History Will Absolve Me, was pretty much a standard fare: economic reform, social reform.
20世纪直到1959年的古巴政治文化都是中左政治文化,《历史将为我开脱》的文本几乎是标准的票价:经济改革、社会改革。
He is not on the fringe at all.
他根本不在边缘。
Castro had been in prison one year when he learned that his wife Mirta had filed for divorce and taken custody of their son after discovering his affair with Naty Revuelta.
卡斯特罗入狱一年后,他得知妻子米尔塔在发现他与纳蒂·雷韦尔塔的婚外情后提出离婚,并获得了儿子的监护权。
ALINA FERNANDEZ (SPANISH): The prison censor, on purpose or by mistake, sent Fidel's wife a letter that had been written for my mother and vice versa.
阿丽娜·费尔南德斯(西班牙语):监狱审查员有意或无意地给菲德尔的妻子寄了一封写给我母亲的信,反之亦然。
When my mother sees that the letter is for the wife she closes it, but it appears that Fidel's wife read the letter written to my mother.
当我母亲看到这封信是写给我妻子时,她把它合上,但菲德尔的妻子似乎读了写给我母亲的信。
Fidel was bitter.
菲德尔很痛苦。
"One day I'll be out of here and I'll get my son back," he wrote one of his sisters, "even if the earth should be destroyed in the process."
“有一天我会离开这里,我会把我的儿子带回来,”他写信给他的一位姐妹,“即使地球会在这个过程中被毁灭。”
In April, 1955, after 22 months of confinement, Fidel and Raúl were released from prison under a general amnesty declared by Batista.
1955 年 4 月,经过 22 个月的监禁,菲德尔和劳尔在巴蒂斯塔宣布的大赦下出狱。
Castro was 29, a recognized political figure, and the head of an organization he called the "26th of July Movement" in memory of the Moncada Assault.
卡斯特罗当时 29 岁,是一位公认的政治人物,也是一个组织的领导人,他称之为“7 月 26 日运动”,以纪念蒙卡达袭击事件。
He soon left Cuba for Mexico, to resume his revolution.
他很快离开古巴前往墨西哥,继续他的革命。
On November 25th, 1956, a 65-foot yacht approached the coast of Southeast Cuba.
1956年11月25日,一艘65英尺长的游艇靠近古巴东南部海岸。
Aboard the Granma were Fidel Castro and 81 expeditionaries returning from Mexico to wage war against Batista.
格拉玛号上载有菲德尔·卡斯特罗和 81 名远征军从墨西哥返回,对巴蒂斯塔发动战争。
But the Granma had been spotted and by the time Castro's men landed, Batista's Army was waiting.
但格拉玛号已经被发现,当卡斯特罗的部队登陆时,巴蒂斯塔的军队已经在等待了。
Fidel Castro was reported dead.
据报道菲德尔·卡斯特罗已经死亡。
But he had taken cover in a sugarcane field.
但他躲在甘蔗地里。
Three days later, unharmed, he began walking towards the mountains.
三天后,他毫发无伤地开始向山里走去。
NORBERTO FUENTES (SPANISH): Batista makes a huge strategic blunder.
诺贝托·富恩特斯(西班牙语):巴蒂斯塔犯了一个巨大的战略错误。
You push landings back toward the sea.
你把登陆点推向大海。
But Batista pushes Castro toward the Sierra Maestra.
但巴蒂斯塔将卡斯特罗推向马埃斯特拉山脉。
And he says, and this is verbatim, "no one survives in the Sierra Maestra."
他一字不差地说,“没有人在马埃斯特拉山脉幸存。”
Eighteen men vanished into the forbidding Sierra Maestra mountain range, including Fidel, Raúl, and an Argentine doctor named Ernesto Guevara, known as "Ché." Three months later, the rebels reappeared on the front page of the New York Times .
十八名男子消失在令人生畏的马埃斯特拉山脉中,其中包括菲德尔、劳尔和一位名叫埃内斯托·格瓦拉(被称为“Ché”)的阿根廷医生。三个月后,叛乱分子再次出现在《纽约时报》的头版上。
In a series of three articles, Herbert Matthews, a seasoned war correspondent, launched the legend of Fidel Castro.
在一系列三篇文章中,经验丰富的战地记者赫伯特·马修斯 (Herbert Matthews) 讲述了菲德尔·卡斯特罗 (Fidel Castro) 的传奇故事。
Matthews wrote, "Here is quite a man, a powerful six-footer, olive skinned, with a scraggly beard," "He has strong ideas of liberty, democracy, and social justice."
马修斯写道:“这是一个非常有魅力的男人,身高六英尺,身材魁梧,橄榄色皮肤,留着凌乱的胡须,”“他对自由、民主和社会正义有着强烈的想法。”
This is the Sierra Maestra.
这就是马埃斯特拉山脉。
Two hundred miles of jungle on ...
两百英里的丛林......
NARRATOR Following in Matthews' footsteps, a CBS documentary crew made its own pilgrimage.
旁白 跟随马修斯的脚步,哥伦比亚广播公司的纪录片摄制组开始了自己的朝圣之旅。
"These are the jungle fighters, the rebels of Sierra Maestra.
“这些是丛林战士,马埃斯特拉山脉的叛军。
This is their story".
这就是他们的故事”。
(captioned) I am going to tell you what happened.
(标题)我要告诉你发生了什么事。
Batista chose not want to admit that he is incapable of defeating us.
巴蒂斯塔选择不想承认他没有能力击败我们。
He hopes to obtain by lies that which he cannot get by force of hand.
他希望通过谎言获得他无法通过双手获得的东西。
Sometimes he says that I am dead.
有时他说我死了。
And other times he says that there is nobody in the Sierra Maestra.
有时他说马埃斯特拉山脉没有人。
But he won't let anyone come here to the Sierra Maestra.
但他不会让任何人来到马埃斯特拉山脉。
And when the soldiers are killed in battle, he says that they died in accidents.
当士兵在战斗中阵亡时,他说他们是死于意外。
There have been a great deal of accidents here in the Sierra Maestra last month.
上个月,马埃斯特拉山脉发生了多起事故。
Fidel played up his war for an American television audience, but a much larger war was being waged in Cuba's cities.
菲德尔向美国电视观众大肆宣扬他的战争,但一场规模更大的战争正在古巴的城市中展开。
In Havana, The Student Revolutionary Directorate stormed the Presidential Palace in March 1957, in a desperate attempt to assassinate Batista.
1957 年 3 月,哈瓦那学生革命委员会冲进总统府,孤注一掷地企图暗杀巴蒂斯塔。
Their leader, Jose Antonio Echeverría, was gunned down.
他们的领导人何塞·安东尼奥·埃切维里亚 (Jose Antonio Echeverría) 被枪杀。
In Santiago, Cuba's second largest city, the 26th of July Movement Underground, waged a fierce struggle and bore the brunt of the repression.
在古巴第二大城市圣地亚哥,“7月26日地下运动”进行了激烈的斗争,首当其冲受到镇压。
Their leader, Frank País, was ambushed in July.
他们的领袖弗兰克·派斯 (Frank País) 在七月遭到伏击。
Cubans from all walks of life -- rich and poor, businessmen and workers, angry students and grieving mothers -- filled the streets of Santiago in a somber demonstration.
来自各行各业的古巴人——富人和穷人、商人和工人、愤怒的学生和悲伤的母亲——涌上圣地亚哥的街道,举行悲痛的示威活动。
WILLIAM LEOGRANDE, PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE: Batista does a number of things that gradually expand the revolutionary coalition until it includes almost everyone.
威廉·莱奥格兰德,政治学教授:巴蒂斯塔做了很多事情,逐渐扩大了革命联盟,直到几乎包括所有人。
He's corrupt.
他很腐败。
He's very repressive.
他非常压抑。
You reach a point in the late 1950's where virtually everyone is opposed to the regime.
到了 20 世纪 50 年代末,几乎每个人都反对这个政权。
High up in the Mountains of the Sierra Maestra, Fidel Castro was fast becoming the symbol of resistance against Batista.
在马埃斯特拉山脉的高处,菲德尔·卡斯特罗很快成为反抗巴蒂斯塔的象征。
It was there, among the peasants that the romance of Castro's guerilla war was born.
正是在那里,在农民中间,卡斯特罗游击战争的浪漫故事诞生了。
Years later, Celia Sánchez, Fidel's friend and confidant, wistfully recalled, "Those were the best times.
多年后,菲德尔的朋友和知己西莉亚·桑切斯回忆道:“那是最好的时光。
We'll never be so happy again.
我们再也不会这么幸福了。
Never." Members of the Urban Underground and opposition party leaders climbed up the mountains to meet with Fidel and work out the details of a future coalition government.
从来没有。”城市地下党成员和反对党领导人爬上山与菲德尔会面,并制定未来联合政府的细节。
CARLOS FRANQUI, JOURNALIST (SPANISH): The manifesto of the Sierra Maestra called for a democratic republic, a return to the constitution of 1940, free elections.
记者卡洛斯·弗兰奎(西班牙语):马埃斯特拉山脉的宣言呼吁建立民主共和国、恢复 1940 年宪法和自由选举。
I don't think he signed it intending to honor it.
我不认为他签署该协议是为了兑现这一承诺。
NORBERTO FUENTES (SPANISH): Fidel realizes that he has his army and his people, who have nothing to do with the politicians among whom he once belonged.
诺贝托·富恩特斯(西班牙语):菲德尔意识到他拥有他的军队和人民,而他们与他曾经所属的政客毫无关系。
He discovers in those sallow, ill-humored, illiterate peasants, the true meaning of a revolution, which is to subvert society.
他在那些面色蜡黄、脾气暴躁、目不识丁的农民身上发现了革命的真正意义,那就是颠覆社会。
To take the people from the bottom, everyone, and create something new.
要把基层群众,大家,创造出新的东西。
That old idea of Lenin that you must destroy the State, he understands it and now he knows who he can destory it with.
列宁的旧观念是你必须摧毁国家,他理解这一点,现在他知道他可以和谁一起摧毁国家。
The handful of guerrillas who had survived the disaster of the Granma grew into a rebel army.
格拉玛灾难中幸存下来的少数游击队员成长为一支叛军。
Fidel commanded with an iron hand.
菲德尔以铁腕指挥。
JORGE DOMINGUEZ People began to notice that Fidel demanded obedience; that he was not very likely to consult, uh, that he wanted to take decisions on his own and wanted others simply to comply.
豪尔赫·多明格斯 人们开始注意到菲德尔要求服从;他不太可能征求意见,呃,他想自己做决定,并希望其他人服从。
HUBER MATOS, REBEL LEADER (SPANISH): I remember Fidel once scolded a guerilla fighter.
胡贝尔·马托斯,叛军领袖(西班牙语):我记得菲德尔曾经骂过一名游击战士。
He was so brutal, so obscene, so humiliating.
他是如此的残忍,如此的猥琐,如此的羞辱。
I would stay up under my hammock, thinking, "What will happen in the future?" Then I would see Camilo, Ché obey Fidel and admire him so.
我会在吊床下熬夜,想着“未来会发生什么?”然后我会看到卡米洛、切服从菲德尔并如此钦佩他。
And I would ask, "Am I the only one who doubts?"
我会问:“我是唯一一个怀疑的人吗?”
In the summer of 1958, Batista decided once and for all to get rid of Fidel Castro, deploying ten thousand soldiers against 300 rebels.
1958年夏天,巴蒂斯塔决定一劳永逸地除掉菲德尔·卡斯特罗,部署了一万名士兵对抗300名叛乱分子。
Within 30 days, they had encircled Fidel's forces, but they were now deep in rebel territory and vulnerable to attack.
30天内,他们包围了菲德尔的军队,但他们现在深入叛军的领地,很容易受到攻击。
Fidel's strategy was simple.
菲德尔的策略很简单。
"Like ping pong," he said, "you hit them where they least expect it.
“就像打乒乓球一样,”他说,“你击中他们最意想不到的地方。
" Earlier that Spring, the United Sates, embarrrassed by Batista's brutality, had suspended military assistance to his regime.
那年春天早些时候,美国对巴蒂斯塔的残暴行为感到尴尬,暂停了对其政权的军事援助。
ALFREDO DURAN, VETERAN, BAY OF PIGS: It created the perception that one, the Cuban army could no longer effectively fight the guerilla movement up in the hills, and secondly, from a political perspective, it sent the signal that the United States no longer supported Batista.
阿尔弗雷多·杜兰,退伍军人,猪湾:它造成了这样一种看法:第一,古巴军队无法再有效地打击山区的游击运动;第二,从政治角度来看,它发出了美国不再支持巴蒂斯塔的信号。
But Fidel, who since his days at the University had resented the American presence in Cuba, found the gesture to be meaningless.
但菲德尔从大学时代起就对美国在古巴的存在感到不满,他发现这一姿态毫无意义。
"Once this struggle is finished, I'll begin the real struggle of my life, " he wrote Celia in June of 1958, "the fight I will wage against the United States.
“一旦这场斗争结束,我将开始我一生中真正的斗争,”他在 1958 年 6 月写给西莉亚的信中说,“我将对美国发动的斗争。
I believe that is my true destiny."
我相信这就是我真正的命运。”
In August, rebel forces left the mountains and fanned across Cuba.
八月,叛军离开山区,在古巴各地展开。
Fidel ordered Camilo Cienfuegos and Ché Guevara to move west.
菲德尔命令卡米洛·西恩富戈斯和切·格瓦拉向西移动。
Huber Matos took the surrender of Santiago de Cuba.
胡贝尔·马托斯接受了古巴圣地亚哥的投降。
Ché Guevara blew up an armored train in Santa Clara, and took the city.
切·格瓦拉在圣克拉拉炸毁了一辆装甲列车,占领了这座城市。
Batista's demoralized army crumbled.
巴蒂斯塔士气低落的军队崩溃了。
December 31, 1958.
1958 年 12 月 31 日。
Cubans rang in an uncertain New Year.
古巴人迎来了不确定的新年。
At dawn Fulgencio Batista fled Cuba, with one hundred and eighty of his closes friends, having amassed a fortune of over 100 million dollars.
黎明时分,富尔亨西奥·巴蒂斯塔(Fulgencio Batista)与一百八十名密友逃离古巴,积累了超过一亿美元的财富。
On January 2, 1959, Fidel Castro and his rebel army set out from Santiago de Cuba toward Havana, a 600 mile triumphant march along Cuba's central highway.
1959年1月2日,菲德尔·卡斯特罗和他的起义军从古巴圣地亚哥出发,沿着古巴中央公路凯旋600英里,向哈瓦那进发。
Fidel spoke at every stop.
菲德尔在每一站都发表讲话。
Broadcast live on radio and television, his words reached every corner of the island.
他的讲话通过广播和电视直播,传遍了岛上的每一个角落。
There is a real feeling that something genuinely new and different will take place ...It's new people.
有一种真实的感觉,真正新的、不同的事情将会发生……是新的人。
They dance and they joke and they flirt with girls.
他们跳舞、开玩笑、和女孩调情。
It is a sense of embeddedness in Cuban society.
这是一种融入古巴社会的感觉。
HUBER MATOS (SPANISH): For the rebel army it all came as a surprise.
胡贝尔·马托斯(西班牙语):对于叛军来说,这一切都令人惊讶。
We were euphoric on that day.
那天我们都很高兴。
We felt the spiritual satisfaction of someone who has fulfilled his duty selflessly.
我们感受到了无私履行职责的精神满足。
The first thing that people hoped for was honest democratic government and in my family, my uncles, my grandfathers, everyone went out, once the revolution came to power, to pay their back taxes because now there was going to be an honest government in Cuba.
人们首先希望的是诚实的民主政府,在我的家里,我的叔叔,我的祖父,一旦革命上台,每个人都出去偿还欠税,因为现在古巴将有一个诚实的政府。
Dr. Castro, it is reported that you feel that your role in the Revolution is about over and that you plan, perhaps, to return to civilian life.
卡斯特罗博士,据报道,您觉得您在革命中的角色即将结束,您可能计划重返平民生活。
Is this true?
这是真的吗?
And if not, how soon do you think it would be before you could do that?
如果没有,您认为需要多长时间才能做到这一点?
My obligation with the people...what I have to do now, and in the future, is that, what be good for my country, and if for my country it is necessary that I renounce to any position, I would gladly renounce to any position because sincerely, I don't ambition power, money, nothing, only to serve my country.
我对人民的义务……我现在和将来必须做的是,对我的国家有利的事情,如果对我的国家来说有必要放弃任何职位,我会很乐意放弃任何职位,因为真诚地,我不图权力、金钱,什么都没有,只是为了服务我的国家。
In keeping with the Manifesto of the Sierra Maestra, an interim government that included all opposition groups assumed power.
根据《马埃斯特拉山脉宣言》,包括所有反对派团体在内的临时政府掌权。
Elections were scheduled to take place in eighteen months.
选举原定于十八个月后举行。
But real power resided with Fidel, at his old headquarters in the Sierra, at Celia Sanchez's apartment in El Vedado, at a beach house in Cojímar, where all major decision were made.
但真正的权力掌握在菲德尔手中,在他位于塞拉利昂的旧总部、西莉亚·桑切斯在埃尔韦达多的公寓里、在科希马尔的海滨别墅里,所有重大决定都是在那里做出的。
One of the first acts of the revolutionary government was retribution.
革命政府的首要行动之一就是报复。
In less than three months, more than 500 Batistianos were publicly tried and executed.
不到三个月的时间,就有超过500名巴蒂斯蒂亚诺被公开审判和处决。
When the International Press called it a bloodbath, Castro, incensed, made his case on television.
当国际媒体称这是一场大屠杀时,卡斯特罗愤怒地在电视上阐述了自己的观点。
The purpose of today's gathering is to show the whole world that all Cubans are united in the rebel victory and that all of them support the execution.
今天聚会的目的是向全世界表明,所有古巴人团结一致,争取叛乱分子的胜利,并支持处决。
When the young people would appear murdered in the street, when the yards of the barracks would be full of cadavers, when our women were violated, when the children were murdered, when the police force would go into the embassy to assassinate our people, no one made a campaign against Cuba.
当年轻人在街上被谋杀时,当军营的院子里堆满尸体时,当我们的妇女遭到侵犯时,当孩子们被谋杀时,当警察部队进入大使馆暗杀我们的人民时,没有人发起针对古巴的运动。
An ominous new chant, Paredón, "to the wall," was heard throughout Cuba.
整个古巴都听到了一种不祥的新口号“Paredón”,“到墙上”。
Fidel Castro's role as Cuba's leader became official on February 16, the day he was appointed Prime Minister.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗于 2 月 16 日被任命为古巴总理,这一天正式成为古巴领导人。
New York's Pennsylvania Station rarely has seen anything like it.
纽约宾夕法尼亚车站很少见到这样的事情。
Only the magnetism of a Castro could produce it.
只有卡斯特罗的魅力才能产生它。
Prime Minister Fidel Castro arrived in New York in April of 1959, part of a fifteen day good will tour.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗总理于 1959 年 4 月抵达纽约,这是为期 15 天的友好访问的一部分。
He was young and idealistic.
他年轻而理想主义。
His appeal undiminished by the recent accusations of a bloodbath.
他的吸引力并没有因最近的大屠杀指控而减弱。
Fidel, will you say just a few words to New Yorkers who have seen you for the first time?
菲德尔,你能对第一次见到你的纽约人说几句话吗?
Well, I'm very glad to be here again, because I fulfilled my promise of coming after a victorious revolution.
那么,我很高兴又来到这里,因为我履行了革命胜利后来的承诺。
TIM NAFTALI, AUTHOR: He's a movie star.
蒂姆·纳夫塔利,作者:他是一位电影明星。
The James Dean of international politics.
国际政治界的詹姆斯·迪恩。
He's viewed as a savior, leading a revolution to improve people's lives and to show that the people of Latin America can be in control of their own destiny.
他被视为救世主,领导一场革命以改善人们的生活,并表明拉丁美洲人民可以掌控自己的命运。
However, there was some concern that he might be a Communist.
然而,有人担心他可能是一名共产党员。
So on Meet the Press he is asked.
因此,在与媒体见面时,他被问到了。
Dr. Castro, Senator Smathers of Florida says that you have many Communists in your government.
佛罗里达州参议员斯马瑟斯卡斯特罗博士说,你们政府中有很多共产党员。
Is that so?
是这样吗?
And because Senator Smathers said, it ought to be true?
因为斯马瑟斯参议员说,这应该是真的吗?
I don't think that.
我不这么认为。
And then he's asked, "Well, what about your brother?"
然后他又问:“那你弟弟呢?”
An American magazine published here this week says that your brother is a Communist, and his wife also.
本周在这里出版的一本美国杂志说,你的兄弟是共产党员,他的妻子也是共产党员。
Do you believe that?
你相信吗?
And how, how the U.S. is going to know that better than myself.
美国如何比我更了解这一点。
That is my brother and my, my sister-in law?
那是我哥哥和我、我嫂子?
I can tell that they are not Communists.
我可以看出他们不是共产党员。
He denied, and he knew that this was not true.
他否认了,他知道这不是真的。
He denied the role that Communists in his inner circle had played.
他否认共产党人在他的核心圈子中所扮演的角色。
In Washington, U.S. officials stood ready to offer Castro economic aid.
在华盛顿,美国官员随时准备向卡斯特罗提供经济援助。
Did you ask for any economic assistance?
您是否要求任何经济援助?
No. What happens is that here, you in the United States, are accustomed to see governments coming for only money.
不。发生的情况是,你们在美国,习惯于看到政府只为钱而来。
No, I came for good relations, for good understanding, for good economical relations.
不,我是为了良好的关系、为了良好的理解、为了良好的经济关系而来。
Vice President Richard Nixon urged the Cuban Prime Minister to hold elections as soon as possible.
副总统理查德·尼克松敦促古巴总理尽快举行选举。
"The people do not want elections," Castro informed him.
“人民不想要选举,”卡斯特罗告诉他。
"In the past they produced bad government.
“过去他们产生了糟糕的政府。
"
”
Nixon's conclusion was that he's probably not a Communist but he is going to be, the phrase was roughly, "a man to be reckoned with" in this hemisphere.
尼克松的结论是,他可能不是共产党员,但粗略地说,他将成为这个半球“一个不可忽视的人”。
And we have to be very careful.
我们必须非常小心。
Cuba's revolutionary transformation began on May 17th, 1959, with the proclamation of the Agrarian reform law.
1959年5月17日,随着土地改革法的颁布,古巴的革命变革开始了。
Las Manacas, the Castro family farm, was the first land-holding to be confiscated.
卡斯特罗家族农场拉斯马纳卡斯是第一块被没收的土地。
Fidel's mother, Lina, was furious, and would never forgive her son.
菲德尔的母亲莉娜非常愤怒,永远不会原谅她的儿子。
Two hundred thousand peasants received title to land they had once worked.
二十万农民获得了他们曾经耕种的土地的所有权。
On July 26th, the anniversary of Moncada, they descended on Havana to celebrate.
7 月 26 日,蒙卡达周年纪念日,他们飞往哈瓦那庆祝。
CARLOS FRANQUI (SPANISH): When I first arrived in Havana from the countryside in 1941, everyone treated me with scorn.
卡洛斯·弗兰奎(西班牙语):1941 年,当我第一次从乡村来到哈瓦那时,每个人都对我嗤之以鼻。
To see now how the rich, the middle classes welcomed the peasants to Havana, in 1959, had put them up in their own homes was beautiful, as if everyone realized that there had to be an end to injustice.
现在看看1959年富人、中产阶级如何欢迎农民来到哈瓦那,并把他们安置在自己的家里,这真是太美好了,就好像每个人都意识到必须结束不公正一样。
As Castro surveyed the crowd of one million gathered on that day, he compared Cuba's new government to ancient Athens.
当卡斯特罗视察当天聚集的一百万人时,他将古巴新政府与古代雅典进行了比较。
Except better, because Cuba's revolutionary government was not for the privileged classes or the oligarchy.
除了更好之外,因为古巴的革命政府不是为特权阶级或寡头统治的。
"This," he said, "is true democracy."
他说:“这才是真正的民主。”
HUBER MATOS (SPANISH): As early as March I found some pro-Marxist propaganda in a magazine distributed to the Rebel Army.
胡贝尔·马托斯(西班牙语):早在三月份,我就在分发给叛军的一本杂志中发现了一些支持马克思主义的宣传内容。
One, two, three articles.
一篇、两篇、三篇文章。
And we saw Guevara and Raúl meeting with Communist party leaders, and I began to think there's a second plan being put in place here.
我们看到格瓦拉和劳尔与共产党领导人会面,我开始认为这里正在实施第二个计划。
Commadante Huber Matos had noted that the Cuban Communists were an unexpected and influential new force in the revolution.
胡贝尔·马托斯司令指出,古巴共产党人是革命中一支意想不到的、有影响力的新生力量。
"Fidel, you are destroying your own work," Matos wrote, resigning his command.
“菲德尔,你正在毁掉你自己的工作,”马托斯写道,并辞去了他的指挥权。
Fidel called the rebel Comandante disloyal, ungrateful, a traitor, and had him arrested.
菲德尔称叛军司令不忠、忘恩负义、叛徒,并逮捕了他。
This is a critical moment, a defining moment, in which the radicals say, this is the direction we're going.
这是一个关键时刻,一个决定性的时刻,激进分子说,这就是我们前进的方向。
And even people who fought with us cannot say no.
即使是那些与我们并肩作战的人也不能拒绝。
Matos' fate seemed a foregone conclusion.
马托斯的命运似乎已成定局。
CARLOS FRANQUI (SPANISH): Raúl Castro wanted him executed.
卡洛斯·弗兰奎(西班牙语):劳尔·卡斯特罗希望处决他。
Ché Guevara agreed, then changed his mind.
切·格瓦拉同意了,但后来又改变了主意。
I said, " Fidel, didn't you say that this revolution wouldn't be like Saturn, who devoured his own children?" And Fidel responded, "No. We're not going to execute him.
我说:“菲德尔,你不是说这场革命不会像土星一样,吞噬自己的孩子吗?”菲德尔回答说:“不。我们不会处决他。
We don't want to create a martyr.
我们不想创造一个烈士。
Matos was sentenced to twenty years in prison.
马托斯被判处二十年监禁。
Many moderates in Castro's government resigned in protest or were dismissed.
卡斯特罗政府中的许多温和派人士辞职以示抗议或被解雇。
Some left for the United States.
一些人前往美国。
Others joined an opposition movement beginning to take shape in Cuba.
其他人加入了古巴开始形成的反对派运动。
By the first anniversary of the revolution, Fidel Castro had the reins of power firmly in hand.
到革命一周年之际,菲德尔·卡斯特罗牢牢掌握了权力。
His brother Raúl was Minister of Defense.
他的兄弟劳尔担任国防部长。
His friend Ché Guevara headed the Central Bank.
他的朋友切·格瓦拉领导着中央银行。
An obscure lawyer, Osvaldo Dorticós, was President.
总统是一位默默无闻的律师奥斯瓦尔多·多尔蒂科斯 (Osvaldo Dorticós)。
In just one year there had been many accomplishments.
短短一年时间,取得了很多成绩。
The price of public services dropped.
公共服务价格下降。
New public works projects were begun.
新的公共工程项目已经开始。
Rents were slashed in half, and students would soon be sent into the mountains to teach peasants to read and write.
房租减半,学生很快就会被派到山里教农民读书写字。
ALCIBIADES HIDALGO, CUBAN OFFICIAL (SPANISH): My generation fell in love with that revolution.
古巴官员阿尔西比亚德斯·伊达尔戈(西班牙语):我们这一代人爱上了这场革命。
Popular education, access to health, social justice, and he was so appealing; he had such an interesting way of expressing ideas.
普及教育、获得健康、社会正义,他是如此有吸引力;他表达想法的方式非常有趣。
(captioned) Did we come out of military barracks?
(标题)我们从军营出来了吗?
Did we come to power through a coup d'état?
我们是通过政变上台的吗?
Why are we in power?
我们为何掌权?
Did we stage a military coup?
我们发动了军事政变吗?
What I found so fascinating, was there was Fidel up here on the podium, making all these strange gestures, waving his arms.
我发现如此令人着迷的是菲德尔站在讲台上,挥舞着手臂,做出所有这些奇怪的手势。
(captioned) Did we come to power because we bought votes?
(标题)我们上台是因为我们买了选票吗?
Did we overthrow a constitutional government?
我们推翻了宪政吗?
There out here are two hundred-thousand plus Cubans, for seven, eight hours while Fidel is up there directing them and enchanting them, weaving a spell over them.
这里有二十万多名古巴人,他们待了七八个小时,而菲德尔却在上面指挥着他们,迷惑着他们,给他们施了魔法。
Perhaps his most important accomplishment was understanding the Cuban people, where they were, and challenging them to do great things.
也许他最重要的成就是了解古巴人民,了解他们在哪里,并挑战他们去做伟大的事情。
And the Cuban people, at that time, a majority of them responded.
当时,古巴人民中的大多数人都做出了回应。
They turned their goodwill, their faith, and their judgment over to Fidel Castro.
他们将善意、信仰和判断力交给了菲德尔·卡斯特罗。
And that was a huge political capitol - a political capitol that allowed him to, in fact, centralize power.
那是一个巨大的政治中心——一个事实上让他能够集中权力的政治中心。
Soviet Deputy Premiere Anastas Mikoyan arrived in Havana t on February 3, 1960 to inaugurate a technological and cultural exhibit.
1960 年 2 月 3 日,苏联副总理阿纳斯塔斯·米高扬 (Anastas Mikoyan) 抵达哈瓦那,为技术和文化展览揭幕。
For three days he was feted in tropical splendor.
三天来,他受到了热带盛宴的款待。
For the Soviets, it was a foray into a world filled with opportunity; for Americans, it was the beginning of a Cold War nightmare.
对于苏联人来说,这是一次进入充满机遇的世界的尝试。对于美国人来说,这是冷战噩梦的开始。
WAYNE SMITH, U.S. DIPLOMAT: Our fear was twofold number one that, uh, the Soviets might somehow use Cuba in such a way as to threaten the U.S. security.
韦恩·史密斯,美国外交官:我们最担心的是,呃,苏联可能会以某种方式利用古巴来威胁美国的安全。
Number two, that Castro's revolution would strengthen the Soviet hand in Latin America.
第二,卡斯特罗的革命将加强苏联在拉丁美洲的影响力。
Cuba, 90 miles away from Florida, is an aircraft carrier for the Soviets.
古巴距离佛罗里达90英里,是苏联的一艘航空母舰。
It is something that they've never had before.
这是他们以前从未有过的。
It is a place from which they can project power.
这是他们可以投射力量的地方。
That island of Cuba was the off-shore base that the Soviet Union had always wanted to have next to the United States.
古巴岛是苏联一直想拥有的仅次于美国的海上基地。
Crisis in Cuba.
古巴的危机。
Anti-Castro leaflets are scattered over the city by a plane based in the United States and reportedly flown by Castro's former air force chief.
一架总部设在美国的飞机在全市散布反卡斯特罗的传单,据报道这架飞机是卡斯特罗前空军司令驾驶的。
United States gets much of the blame for...
美国受到很大的指责...
For some time now, relations between the United States and Cuba had deteriorated.
一段时间以来,美国和古巴之间的关系恶化。
As Castro fanned the flames of Cuban nationalism, playing up a history of American domination.
卡斯特罗煽动古巴民族主义的火焰,渲染美国统治的历史。
The American government would send in its Ambassador, Philip Bonsal, to say, "look, we understand, the American enterprises are over-represented here.
美国政府会派大使菲利普·邦萨尔说:“看,我们明白,美国企业在这里的代表人数过多。
The drug companies, the oil companies, the cement companies, Bell Telephone -- Let's talk about this." Instead of talking, Fidel Castro would go out and make a four or five hour speech condemning American imperialism and bringing a million people into the square and sending them off really rabid with anti-American fervor.
制药公司、石油公司、水泥公司、贝尔电话——我们来谈谈这个吧。”菲德尔·卡斯特罗没有说话,而是出去发表四五个小时的演讲,谴责美帝国主义,并把一百万人带到广场上,让他们带着真正狂热的反美热情离开。
At some point in February, March 1959, Fidel Castro had come to the decision that there could not be a revolution in Cuba, that he could not build the Cuba that he wanted, unless he extirpated the United States from Cuba.
1959 年 2 月、3 月的某个时刻,菲德尔·卡斯特罗做出了这样的决定:古巴不可能发生革命,他无法建设他想要的古巴,除非他将美国从古巴铲除。
And at that point, there was very little the U.S. government could do to shake that conviction.
那时,美国政府几乎无法动摇这一信念。
At the end of Mikoyan's visit Castro signed an agreement with the Soviet Union that would seal the fate of Cuba-US relations.
米高扬访问结束时,卡斯特罗与苏联签署了一项协议,该协议将决定古巴与美国关系的命运。
The Soviets would provide oil in exchange for Cuban sugar.
苏联将提供石油来换取古巴糖。
This was a time when most Latin American countries had no relationship whatsoever with the Soviet Union.
当时大多数拉丁美洲国家与苏联没有任何关系。
And to forge such a relationship was seen by Washington as deserting the United States in the Cold War.
建立这样的关系被华盛顿视为在冷战时期抛弃了美国。
Our interpretation was that Castro had made his decision.
我们的解释是卡斯特罗已经做出了决定。
He was going to side with the Soviet Union and therefore we lost interest in negotiations and in March of 1960.
他打算站在苏联一边,因此我们对 1960 年 3 月的谈判失去了兴趣。
President Eisenhower signed the finding, which authorized the CIA to begin actions to get rid of the Castro regime.
艾森豪威尔总统签署了这一调查结果,授权中央情报局开始采取行动推翻卡斯特罗政权。
In June, the first major shipment of Soviet crude oil arrived.
六月,第一批苏联原油抵达。
Castro requested that American oil companies in Cuba refine one million barrels of the Soviet crude.
卡斯特罗要求在古巴的美国石油公司提炼一百万桶苏联原油。
They refused.
他们拒绝了。
On June 29 the Cuban government nationalized the oil companies.
6月29日,古巴政府将石油公司国有化。
(captioned) What choice did the revolutionary government have?
(标题)革命政府有什么选择?
To betray our people?
背叛我们的人民?
(captioned) Instead of being loyal to our people, should we have been loyal to American monopolies that exploited our country?
(标题)我们不应该忠于我们的人民,而应该忠于剥削我们国家的美国垄断企业吗?
That September, Castro lashed out at the US before the United Nations, and flaunted his new friendship with Soviet Premiere Nikita Khrushchev.
那年九月,卡斯特罗在联合国面前猛烈抨击美国,并炫耀他与苏联总理尼基塔·赫鲁晓夫的新友谊。
The following month, the Eisenhower administration imposed a trade embargo against Cuba.
次月,艾森豪威尔政府对古巴实施贸易禁运。
There is a limit to what the United states and self-respect can endure.
美国和自尊的承受能力是有限度的。
That limit has now been reached.
现在已经达到了这个限制。
On January third, 1961, the United States broke relations with Cuba.
1961年1月3日,美国与古巴断交。
The departure of Cubans to the United States, which began shortly after the revolution, turned into an exodus.
古巴人在革命后不久开始前往美国,后来演变成一场大逃亡。
Batista people were the first to arrive here.
巴蒂斯塔人是最先到达这里的人。
Then political figures started arriving and finally, the people whose property were being threatened, or confiscated.
然后政治人物开始到来,最后,财产受到威胁或被没收的人们。
Cuban exiles organized themselves into an anti-Castro movement, in close contact with the opposition within Cuba.
古巴流亡者组织起来参加反卡斯特罗运动,与古巴境内的反对派保持密切联系。
The overwhelming majority of the people -- who opposed Castro in 1959, 1960, 1961 had opposed Batista and, and so they were -- they felt doubly aggrieved.
绝大多数人——1959年、1960年、1961年反对卡斯特罗的人都反对巴蒂斯塔,他们确实也反对过——他们感到加倍的愤慨。
They had fought for a free democratic Cuba.
他们为自由民主的古巴而战。
And what they got was an emerging dictatorship, the elimination of most private property, and a menacing alliance with the Soviet Union.
他们得到的是一个新兴的独裁政权,消灭了大部分私有财产,并与苏联结成了威胁性的联盟。
An urban underground as powerful as the resistance against Batista now fought against Castro.
与巴蒂斯塔的抵抗力量一样强大的城市地下组织现在与卡斯特罗展开了斗争。
Almost nightly stores were bombed, sugar cane fields burned, factories sabotaged.
商店几乎每晚都遭到轰炸,甘蔗田被烧毁,工厂遭到破坏。
And in the Escambray Mountains, in the center of Cuba, an insurrection had taken hold.
在古巴中部的埃斯坎布雷山脉,一场叛乱已经爆发。
This was a largely, although not exclusively, peasant rebellion against the Cuban revolution.
这在很大程度上(虽然不完全是)是农民对古巴革命的反抗。
The Cuban government, in the '60s, had mobilized four times between fifty and one hundred thousand milicianos to fight the rebels, to clean, to sweep the Escambray.
六十年代,古巴政府曾四次动员五十至十万民兵与叛乱分子作战,清理、扫荡埃斯坎布雷。
The area became so dangerous for the government that they forcibly transferred thousands of peasant families out of the Escambray and relocated them in different parts of Cuba.
该地区对政府来说变得非常危险,以至于他们强行将数千个农民家庭从埃斯坎布雷转移出来,并重新安置在古巴的不同地区。
While the internal resistance fought the Cuban government, the CIA trained an Army of exiles in Guatemala, for an invasion of Cuba.
当国内抵抗力量与古巴政府作战时,中央情报局在危地马拉训练了一支流亡军队,以入侵古巴。
When I went and volunteered to be part of what ultimately turned out to be the Bay of Pigs invasion, I really thought that what we were going to do was go and train as guerillas and go and train as underground individuals who would organize a massive uprising in Cuba.
当我自愿参加最终被证明是猪湾入侵的行动时,我真的以为我们要做的就是去训练游击队员,去训练地下人士,在古巴组织大规模起义。
The concept of the invasion, I think, caught by surprise most of the people who were in the Bay of Pigs.
我认为,入侵的概念让大多数猪湾事件的人感到惊讶。
President John F.
总统约翰·F.
Kennedy launched the U.S.-backed invasion of Cuba on April 15th, 1961 when he authorized B-26 planes to bomb Cuba's major airports, destroying most, but not all of Castro's airforce.
1961 年 4 月 15 日,肯尼迪在美国支持下发动了对古巴的入侵,当时他授权 B-26 飞机轰炸古巴的主要机场,摧毁了卡斯特罗大部分但不是全部的空军。
NORBERTO FUENTES (SPANISH): In the bombardment, there's a boy who is mortally wounded and then he dips his finger in his own guts and writes with his blood, on a door "Fidel." They take the fragment of a door to Fidel, who is deeply moved by this sixteen year old boy, who in his final moment of agony demonstrated his devotion with his blood.
诺贝托·富恩特斯(西班牙语):在轰炸中,一名男孩受了致命伤,然后他将手指浸入自己的内脏中,并用自己的血在一扇门上写下了“菲德尔”。他们把一扇门的碎片交给菲德尔,菲德尔被这个十六岁的男孩深深感动,他在最后的痛苦时刻用鲜血展现了他的忠诚。
The next day, Fidel Castro declared, for he first time, that his revolution was socialist.
第二天,菲德尔·卡斯特罗首次宣布他的革命是社会主义的。
Immediately, he ordered the arrest of at least 20,000 Cubans identified as opponents to the regime.
他立即下令逮捕至少 20,000 名被认定为该政权反对者的古巴人。
For the next hours he anxiously awaited news.
接下来的几个小时里,他焦急地等待着消息。
At dawn on April 17, 1400 Cuban exiles landed at Bay of Pigs, on the Zapata Swamp, a site chosen at the last minute.
4 月 17 日黎明,1400 名古巴流亡者在最后一刻选择的地点登陆萨帕塔沼泽的猪湾。
Fidel, personnaly took over the island's defense.
菲德尔亲自接管了该岛的防御工作。
Surrounded by the Cuban army, pounded from the ground and from the air, the exiles stood no chance.
在古巴军队的包围下,从地面和空中的猛烈攻击,流亡者没有任何机会。
Seventy two hours later, they surrended.
七十二小时后,他们投降了。
The Bay of Pigs invasion so closely associates, uh, opposition to the revolution with the United States, that Castro is able to wrap himself in the Cuban flag and declares any kind of opposition to the revolution as treason.
猪湾入侵将呃,反对革命与美国紧密联系在一起,以至于卡斯特罗能够将自己包裹在古巴国旗中,并将任何形式的反对革命视为叛国罪。
And in most countries, treason is punishable by death.
在大多数国家,叛国罪会被判处死刑。
That was a very dramatic turning point, a very decisive moment.
那是一个非常戏剧性的转折点,一个非常决定性的时刻。
Castro's credibility, his strength, in Cuba and through Latin America was enormously enhanced.
卡斯特罗在古巴和整个拉丁美洲的信誉和力量得到了极大的增强。
His revolution, at that moment, was more consolidated than it had ever been before.
在那一刻,他的革命比以往任何时候都更加巩固。
He had done what no Latin American leader before him had ever done, and that was to defeat a really significant challenge mounted by the united States.
他做了他之前的拉丁美洲领导人从未做过的事情,那就是击败美国提出的真正重大挑战。
In November 1961, seven months after the failure of the Bay of Pigs, President John Kennedy put his brother, Robert, in charge of a covert operation to get rid of Fidel Castro.
1961 年 11 月,猪湾事件失败七个月后,约翰·肯尼迪总统让他的兄弟罗伯特负责一项除掉菲德尔·卡斯特罗的秘密行动。
Determined to avenge the President's humiliation on the beaches of Cuba, the Attorney General would stop at nothing.
司法部长决心为总统在古巴海滩上所受的羞辱报仇,他将不择手段。
He engaged hundreds of CIA operatives in economic sabotage and infiltration missions.
他让数百名中央情报局特工参与经济破坏和渗透任务。
Old mafia contacts were dusted off to carry out harebrained assassination schemes: Arsenic in Castro's milkshake.
黑手党的旧联系人被清理出来,执行轻率的暗杀计划:卡斯特罗奶昔中含有砒霜。
Poison in his cigars.
他的雪茄里有毒。
Spray powders on his boots to make his beard fall off.
在他的靴子上喷粉,让他的胡子脱落。
There's no question Fidel Castro thinks that the United States will try again after the failure of the Bay of Pigs.
毫无疑问,菲德尔·卡斯特罗认为美国会在猪湾事件失败后再次尝试。
He sees the covert programs that are already underway trying to assassinate him, trying to sabotage the economy and he expects that the next time the United States will use its own troops since the exile army was such a failure.
他看到已经在进行的秘密计划试图暗杀他,试图破坏经济,他预计美国下次将使用自己的军队,因为流亡军队是如此失败。
On October 14, photographs by U2 spy planes, revealed that the Soviets were constructing ballistic missile sites in Cuba -- to house missiles that could reach the United States.
10 月 14 日,U2 侦察机拍摄的照片显示,苏联正在古巴建造弹道导弹基地,以容纳可以到达美国的导弹。
Fidel had not wanted the nuclear missiles.
菲德尔并不想要核导弹。
The Cuban request was for tanks, surface to air missiles, and for some, perhaps some Soviet soldiers.
古巴的要求是提供坦克、地对空导弹,以及一些,也许是一些苏联士兵。
But once Fidel got them, he saw their value, and he loved the fact that they scared the Gringoes.
但菲德尔一得到它们,就看到了它们的价值,而且他很高兴它们吓到了外国佬。
For the next 13 days the world came closer to nuclear war than at any other time.
接下来的 13 天里,世界比以往任何时候都更接近核战争。
The missiles intended to defend Cuba had only served to endanger it, as the island now faced the threat of an imminent US invasion.
旨在保卫古巴的导弹只会危及古巴,因为该岛现在面临着美国即将入侵的威胁。
On October 27th, Castro dictated a letter to Ambassador Aleksander Alekseev, meant for Nikita Khrushchev.
10 月 27 日,卡斯特罗向亚历山大·阿列克谢耶夫大使口述了一封写给尼基塔·赫鲁晓夫的信。
According to Alexeev's own account, Fidel dictated it ten times and at the very end, the letter was still red-hot.
据阿列克谢耶夫自己的说法,菲德尔口述了十遍,直到最后,这封信仍然炙手可热。
Fidel was basically telling Khrushchev, that if the Soviet Union had to use nuclear weapons to defend the socialist world and if that meant that Cuba might be sacrificed, that's OK.
菲德尔基本上是在告诉赫鲁晓夫,如果苏联必须使用核武器来保卫社会主义世界,如果这意味着古巴可能会被牺牲,那也没关系。
He had concluded that actually he had one of two choices.
他得出的结论是,实际上他有两个选择之一。
The choice was for Cuba to be destroyed and for Cuba to be destroyed, but for a reason.
选择是古巴被摧毁,古巴被摧毁,但这是有原因的。
And you know, Khrushchev's reaction to this was, "That guy's nuts.
你知道,赫鲁晓夫对此的反应是:“那家伙疯了。
It sounds like he's telling me to blow up the world!"
听起来他是在叫我炸毁世界!”
CARLOS FRANQUI (SPANISH): I was in my office preparing the Monday paper, when I read on the teletype, "Khrushchev orders missiles removed from Cuba." I called Fidel, and asked him, "What do I do with this cable?" Because I could not imagine he didn't know it.
卡洛斯·弗兰奎(西班牙语):当我在办公室准备周一的报纸时,我在电传打字机上读到“赫鲁晓夫命令从古巴撤走导弹”。我打电话给菲德尔,问他:“我该怎么处理这条电缆?”因为我无法想象他不知道这一点。
And for five minutes, we went back and forth.
我们来来回回了五分钟。
Until he said, "read it to me again." And that's how he found out.
直到他说:“再读一遍给我听。”他就是这样发现的。
Castro called Khrushchev, a bastard, an SOB.
卡斯特罗称赫鲁晓夫为混蛋、混蛋。
Enraged, he shattered a huge mirror that hung in his office.
他愤怒地打碎了办公室里挂的一面大镜子。
He retreated to La Plata, his old guerrilla camp in the Sierra Maestra, to nurse his grievances.
他撤退到拉普拉塔,他在马埃斯特拉山脉的游击队营地,以缓解他的不满。
Friends remarked on his decline.
朋友们评论了他的衰落。
He was gaunt - his brown eyes larger and darker than ever.
他很憔悴——棕色的眼睛比以前更大、更黑。
He sees that the Soviet Union will treat him in the same way the United States has treated Cuba historically.
他认为苏联将像美国历史上对待古巴一样对待他。
Great powers treat small powers as if they're inconsequential.
大国对待小国就好像它们无关紧要一样。
And he never again trusts the Soviet Union fully.
他再也没有完全信任苏联。
Gentlemen of the Brigade, I need not tell you how happy I am...
旅里的先生们,我不用告诉你们我有多高兴……
In December 1962, President Kennedy spoke to the surviving members of the Bay of Pigs.
1962 年 12 月,肯尼迪总统对猪湾事件的幸存成员发表了讲话。
They had been ransomed for 53 million dollars worth of food and medicine.
他们被赎回了价值 5300 万美元的食物和药品。
" I can assure you that it is the strongest wish of the people of this country, that Cuba shall one day be free again."
“我可以向你们保证,古巴人民有一天会再次获得自由,这是这个国家人民最强烈的愿望。”
But Kennedy had made a pledge.
但肯尼迪已经做出了承诺。
At the end of the missile crisis, he promised Khrushchev the United States would not invade Cuba.
导弹危机结束时,他向赫鲁晓夫承诺美国不会入侵古巴。
Kennedy took one look at Cuba after the missile crisis and said I'm out of here.
导弹危机后,肯尼迪看了一眼古巴,说我要离开这里。
I don't want to mess with these -- look it almost got us blown up.
我不想搞乱这些——看起来它几乎让我们被炸毁了。
Let's -- OK, you got to do a little something with the covert operations and Bobby, my brother, will handle that.
让我们——好吧,你必须在秘密行动中做一些事情,我的兄弟鲍比会处理这件事。
But no more messing around so that the Soviets come in here.
但不要再胡闹了,让苏联人进来。
I don't want this island on my chart anymore.
我不想再在我的地图上看到这个岛了。
NARRATOR In the 1960s Cuba became a Mecca for a young generation, committed to transforming the world.
旁白 20 世纪 60 年代,古巴成为致力于改变世界的年轻一代的圣地。
It was an anti-imperialist era.
那是一个反帝国主义的时代。
The old colonialism was breaking down and the movements for national liberation in Africa and in Asia, the war in Vietnam, Castro was very much a part of that landscape.
旧的殖民主义正在瓦解,非洲和亚洲的民族解放运动、越南战争,卡斯特罗都是这一景观的一部分。
There was a very, very real sense that this was the revolutionary capital of the world.
人们有一种非常非常真实的感觉,那就是这是世界的革命之都。
There were many, many Americans, Europeans and others there who were madly in love with Fidel Castro.
那里有很多很多美国人、欧洲人和其他人疯狂地爱着菲德尔·卡斯特罗。
He's very amusing, when he wants to charm you, he can really charm you.
他很有趣,当他想迷住你的时候,他真的能迷住你。
RICARDO BOFILL (SPANISH): He was a populist.
里卡多·博菲(西班牙语):他是一位民粹主义者。
He mixed with the people.
他与人们混在一起。
Fidel Castro would go to a farm and throw his arm around a woman and say, "Sister, how are those chicks coming along?" For all his arrogance, he has a special touch with people.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗会去一个农场,用手臂搂住一个女人说:“姐妹,那些小鸡过得怎么样?”尽管他傲慢,但他与人有着特殊的联系。
Women loved Fidel.
女人都爱菲德尔。
Women were just crazy about him.
女人们都为他疯狂。
And after the revolution, particularly, they just swarmed all over him.
特别是在革命之后,他们就蜂拥而至。
Fidel never wanted any information about his ladies -- his women in his life because, with any charismatic leader, that dilutes the effectiveness.
菲德尔从不想要任何关于他的女士们的信息——他生命中的女人,因为对于任何有魅力的领导人来说,这都会削弱效率。
He has to remain mythical.
他必须保持神话。
He has to remain distant.
他必须保持距离。
NARRATOR Fidel's alleged affairs became the talk of Havana and one affair in particular, with a mystery woman, a woman from the city of Trinidad.
旁白 菲德尔所谓的风流韵事成为哈瓦那的话题,尤其是与一位来自特立尼达市的神秘女子的风流韵事。
NORBERTO FUENTES (SPANISH): He meets Dalia in 1961, in the literacy campaign.
诺贝托·富恩特斯(西班牙语):1961 年,他在扫盲运动中认识了达莉亚。
He fell pretty hard for her.
他对她一见钟情。
And took her places in 64, 65, and he has been living with her ever since.
并在64年、65年取代了她的位置,从那时起他就一直和她住在一起。
He married her in 1980.
他于1980年与她结婚。
It would be years before the world learned that Fidel had a wife, Dalia Soto del Valle, five children and even grandchildren.
多年之后,世人才知道菲德尔有一位妻子达莉亚·索托·德尔瓦莱 (Dalia Soto del Valle)、五个孩子,甚至还有孙子。
In an effort to patch up relations, Khrushchev invited Castro to visit the Soviet Union, in April of 1963.
为了修复关系,赫鲁晓夫邀请卡斯特罗于 1963 年 4 月访问苏联。
Fidel brought the old guard of the Soviet leadership back to their own youth.
菲德尔让苏联领导层的老卫士们又回到了自己的青春时代。
The days when they were struggling as revolutionaries.
他们作为革命者奋斗的日子。
Um, it had a remarkable effect on the Soviet spirits.
嗯,对苏联精神影响很大。
Castro reveled in his popularity and enjoyed the privileges reserved for the Soviet elite.
卡斯特罗陶醉于自己的声望,并享受着为苏联精英保留的特权。
He even indulged in a bit of daydreaming.
他甚至还陷入了一些白日梦。
During a hunting trip at Khrushchev's country dacha, he could not help himself from wondering what would happen if he accidentally shot the Soviet Premier?
在赫鲁晓夫乡村别墅打猎时,他不禁想到,如果自己不小心射杀了苏联总理,会发生什么?
The terms of the Soviet-Cuban military and civilian relationship was pretty much blueprinted on that trip.
苏联与古巴军事和民事关系的条款基本上是在那次访问中制定的。
From that point forward Cubans never paid a penny for any military hardware.
从那时起,古巴人就不再为任何军事硬件支付一分钱。
They asked and then they received, more or less.
他们提出要求,然后或多或少地得到了。
The other part was that the Soviets would buy sugar at inflated prices, they would sell oil at deflated prices, and this one would -- this would be paradise.
另一部分是苏联人会以高价购买糖,他们会以平价出售石油,而这将是天堂。
In 1966, before an audience of Third World revolutionaries, Fidel Castro reiterated his most unwavering commitment.
1966 年,菲德尔·卡斯特罗在第三世界革命者面前重申了他最坚定的承诺。
(captioned) We revolutionary Cubans understand our international obligations.
(标题)我们革命的古巴人了解我们的国际义务。
Our people understand their obligation because they understand that we face a common enemy.
我们的人民明白他们的义务,因为他们明白我们面临着共同的敌人。
The enemy that threatens Cuba is the same enemy that threatens everyone else.
威胁古巴的敌人与威胁其他所有人的敌人是同一个。
That is why we say and we proclaim that Cuban fighters will lend support to any revolutionary movement in any corner of the earth.
这就是为什么我们说并宣布古巴战士将支持地球任何角落的任何革命运动。
Fidel was engaged in this worldwide movement to really overthrow governments from Zanzibar to El Salvador to Nicaragua all over Central Africa, he helped in Vietnam, in Libya, in Algeria, in Syria.
菲德尔参与了这场世界范围的运动,目的是真正推翻从桑给巴尔到萨尔瓦多到尼加拉瓜整个中非的政府,他在越南、利比亚、阿尔及利亚、叙利亚提供了帮助。
They had training camps for guerillas all over Cuba and at different parts of the world.
他们在古巴各地和世界各地设有游击队训练营。
I don't think they anyone has any idea of what a big thing Fidel's adventures and ambitions led him to in the 1960's and even into the 70's.
我认为没有人知道菲德尔的冒险和野心使他在 1960 年代甚至 70 年代取得了多么大的成就。
(captioned) Now the world must recognize poor of Latin America.
(标题)现在世界必须承认拉丁美洲的穷人。
While Castro built a world revolutionary movement, the Argentine Ché Guevara became its most visible advocate.
当卡斯特罗发起一场世界革命运动时,阿根廷人切格瓦拉成为其最明显的倡导者。
The people who have begun to write their own history.
那些已经开始书写自己历史的人们。
They have said, "Enough!" and begun to march.
他们说:“够了!”并开始行军。
Eloquent and idealistic, the dashing Guevara had acquired a reputation and a following second only to Fidel's.
雄辩的格瓦拉雄辩且理想主义,他的声誉和追随者仅次于菲德尔。
There was simply not enough space by the mid-60's for both the gigantic personalities of Fidel Castro and Ernesto "Ché" Guevara in Cuba.
到了 60 年代中期,古巴已经没有足够的空间容纳菲德尔·卡斯特罗和埃内斯托·“切”·格瓦拉这两位伟人。
And the one that was going to leave was Ché.
而要离开的就是Che。
NORBERTO FUENTES (SPANISH): Fidel's relationship with Ché is the same as with anyone else.
诺贝托·富恩特斯(西班牙语):菲德尔与切的关系与其他人的关系一样。
You're useful to him one day and not the next.
有一天你对他有用,但第二天就不行了。
Ché tells Fidel is in Cuba only to train to go to other countries.
切告诉菲德尔,他来古巴只是为了接受前往其他国家的训练。
Fidel says, "If that's what you want."
菲德尔说:“如果这就是你想要的。”
Disguised as a businessman, Ché Guevara arrived in the Bolivian Andes in November 1966.
1966 年 11 月,切·格瓦拉乔装成商人抵达玻利维亚安第斯山脉。
He and a small band of Cubans hoped to ignite a continental revolution which would, transform the Andean Mountains into the Sierra Maestra."
他和一小群古巴人希望引发一场大陆革命,将安第斯山脉转变为马埃斯特拉山脉。”
The American nation cannot, must not, and will not...
美国民族不能、不能、也不会……
By then, President Lyndon Johnson was determined to stop the spread of communism.
那时,林登·约翰逊总统决心阻止共产主义的蔓延。
and will not permit the establishment of another communist government in the western hemisphere.
并且不会允许在西半球建立另一个共产主义政府。
And the Soviet leadership, who had never fully supported Castro's revolutionary adventures decided to put an end to them.
从未完全支持卡斯特罗革命冒险的苏联领导层决定结束这些冒险。
Khrushchev is gone in October of '64, Leonid Brezhnev takes over.
赫鲁晓夫于 64 年 10 月下台,勃列日涅夫接任。
His number one priority is arms control negotiations with the United States.
他的首要任务是与美国进行军控谈判。
And these damned little Cubans are really ruining everything because the Americans say we can't start arms control until you, Soviets, bring these guys under control.
这些该死的小古巴人真的毁了一切,因为美国人说,除非你们苏联人控制住这些人,否则我们不能开始军备控制。
This was the ultimatum that Brezhnev gave Castro in -- roughly April of '67.
这是勃列日涅夫向卡斯特罗发出的最后通牒——大约是在 67 年 4 月。
We're not exactly sure of the date.
我们不太确定日期。
This is in a letter to Castro.
这是写给卡斯特罗的信。
If they didn't rein in their revolutionary activities, Brezhnev would give the green light to Lyndon Johnson to go into Cuba.
如果他们不遏制革命活动,勃列日涅夫就会为林登·约翰逊进入古巴开绿灯。
Bolivia.
玻利维亚。
July 1967: Ché wrote in his diary, "The negative aspects prevail, including the failure to make contact with the outside.
1967年7月:切在日记中写道:“消极的方面占了上风,包括无法与外界接触。
We are down to 22 men, three of whom are disabled, including myself." For months, Ché complained of being betrayed by Bolivia's Soviet-run Communist party and of having no contact with Havana.
我们只剩下 22 名男子,其中包括我自己在内,其中三人是残疾人。” 几个月来,切抱怨自己被玻利维亚的苏维埃共产党背叛,并且与哈瓦那没有任何联系。
The interesting thing about Ché in Bolivia was that he was in the eastern high Andes, which are readily accessible by, for anyone who knew where he was.
切在玻利维亚的有趣之处在于,他位于安第斯山脉东部高地,对于任何知道他在哪里的人来说,都很容易到达那里。
Fidel knew where he was, but he cut off all radio contact with Ché in Bolivia.
菲德尔知道他在哪里,但他切断了与玻利维亚切的所有无线电联系。
And I went there, went in his footsteps, talked to his guerilla group.
我去了那里,追随他的脚步,与他的游击队交谈。
He could've sent someone up from Paraguay.
他本可以从巴拉圭派人过来。
He could've sent someone out from La Paz, the capital.
他本可以从首都拉巴斯派人出去。
There was no contact.
没有联系。
Ché is left wandering around this very wild, high jungle.
切被迫在这片非常狂野的高丛林中徘徊。
On October 8, hungry, sick, cut off from the outside world, Ché Guevara and his handful of guerrillas were surrounded by the Bolivian Rangers, an elite army unit trained in counter-insurgency by the United States.
10 月 8 日,饥饿、患病、与外界隔绝的切·格瓦拉和他的少数游击队员被玻利维亚游骑兵团包围,玻利维亚游骑兵队是一支由美国训练的反叛乱精锐部队。
Ché was taken prisoner.
切被俘虏了。
The next day he was executed.
第二天他就被处决了。
In death, Ché Guevara would become an icon of revolution.
切·格瓦拉死后将成为革命的象征。
As the prospects of world revolution dimmed, Fidel Castro turned his energies back toward transforming Cuban society.
随着世界革命前景黯淡,菲德尔·卡斯特罗将精力重新转向改造古巴社会。
He set out to build Communism in record time -- faster than the Soviet Union, even China.
他开始在创纪录的时间内建立共产主义——比苏联甚至中国都快。
Fidel would even try to mold a new man, selfless, dedicated, incorruptible.
菲德尔甚至试图塑造一个无私、奉献、廉洁的新人。
There were some real achievements: children in Cuba did not go hungry.
我们取得了一些真正的成就:古巴的儿童没有挨饿。
The sons and daughters of peasants and workers received a free education, one day becoming the engineers and doctors of revolutionary Cuba.
农民和工人的儿女接受了免费教育,有一天成为革命古巴的工程师和医生。
Hospitals and clinics were built in the farthest reaches of the island -- the foundation of a system that would eventually deliver health care to all Cubans.
医院和诊所建在岛上最远的地方,这是最终为所有古巴人提供医疗服务的系统的基础。
Prostitution and gambling virtually disappeared.
卖淫和赌博几乎消失了。
But Cuba's socialist economy bordered on disaster.
但古巴的社会主义经济濒临灾难。
The U.S. embargo, the flight of managers and technicians to the United States, and economic mismanagement had left factories idle, store shelves empty, basic goods strictly rationed.
美国的禁运、管理人员和技术人员逃往美国以及经济管理不善导致工厂闲置、商店货架空空如也、基本商品严格配给。
La cola -- the waiting line to purchase whatever was available--became the staple of daily life.
可乐——排队购买任何可用的东西——成为日常生活的主食。
Cubans called Castro "El Señor Habrá" -- Mr. There-Will-Be -- and joked that if Spanish lacked a future tense, Castro would be rendered speechless.
古巴人称卡斯特罗为“El Señor Habrá”——“未来先生”——并开玩笑说,如果西班牙语缺少将来时,卡斯特罗就会说不出话来。
But Cubans could do little more than trade jokes.
但古巴人除了开贸易玩笑之外无能为力。
In Castro's Cuba, criticism was not permitted.
在卡斯特罗统治下的古巴,批评是不被允许的。
There were no newspapers, except official ones.
除了官方报纸外,没有任何报纸。
No books, except those sanctioned by the regime.
没有书籍,除了那些被政权批准的书籍。
Artists, hippies, homosexuals, Jehovah Witnesses, were labeled "antisocial," rounded up, and sent to labor camps.
艺术家、嬉皮士、同性恋者、耶和华见证人都被贴上“反社会”的标签,被围捕并送往劳改营。
Jails filled with prisoners -- who simply spoke out against the regime and to those who committed acts of violence.
监狱里挤满了囚犯,他们只是公开反对政权和那些实施暴力行为的人。
2ND MAN: (captioned) I was fighting in the mountains.
第二个人:(标题)我在山里战斗。
They think that I killed people.
他们认为我杀了人。
2ND MAN: I don't know.
第二个人:我不知道。
I was judged in a tribunal.
我在法庭受审。
REPORTER (OFF CAMERA): Did you have a fair trial?
记者(镜头外):你们受到了公正的审判吗?
There were thousands of political prisoners.
有数千名政治犯。
Castro himself, in the mid 1960s, admitted to 20,000 which is already a staggering number already makes Cuba one of the highest, if not the highest, for per capita political imprisonment in Latin America's 20th Century.
卡斯特罗本人在 20 世纪 60 年代中期承认关押了 20,000 人,这已经是一个惊人的数字,已经使古巴成为拉丁美洲 20 世纪人均政治监禁人数最高的国家之一。
The figure was probably closer to forty or maybe even fifty thousand.
这个数字恐怕接近四十,甚至五万。
In March of 1968, Castro moved to eliminate the last vestiges of Capitalism in Cuba.
1968年3月,卡斯特罗采取行动消除古巴资本主义的最后残余。
He decreed all private businesses illegal - street vendors, neighborhood cafes, shoe repair shops.
他宣布所有私营企业均为非法——街头小贩、社区咖啡馆、修鞋店。
"Fixing a toaster in Cuba," one visiting economist commented, "has now become a matter of State."
一位来访的经济学家评论道:“在古巴修理烤面包机现在已成为国家事务。”
He traveled in the 1960s, constantly around the island, checking up on local managers and administrators, and trying to solve problems himself, first-hand.
20 世纪 60 年代,他经常环岛旅行,询问当地的经理和行政人员,并尝试亲自解决问题。
He didn't delegate authority.
他没有授权。
And the result, of course, is that Fidel could not be everywhere.
当然,结果是菲德尔不可能无处不在。
And so consequently, -- when he wasn't there to make a decision, the decision didn't get made because no one else felt they had the authority to make the decision.
因此,当他不在那里做出决定时,该决定就不会做出,因为没有其他人认为他们有权做出决定。
Fidel Castro is an enormously self-confident man, and he understands who he is, what he wants to do, where he wants to go, and he believes that he can do it.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗是一个非常自信的人,他知道自己是谁,他想做什么,他想去哪里,他相信自己能做到。
He fails to understand that there are many things he does not know.
他不明白,有很多事情他不知道。
That there are a great many instances where people do not support him and he will not be able to accomplish his goal.
在很多情况下,人们不支持他,他将无法实现他的目标。
Fidel undertook one scheme after another: draining the Zapata swamp, planting a circle of dwarf coffee around Havana, creating a new breed of cattle.
菲德尔实施了一项又一项计划:排干萨帕塔沼泽的水,在哈瓦那周围种植一圈矮咖啡,培育一种新的牛品种。
CARLOS FRANQUI (SPANISH): Cuba was going to produce more cheese than Switzerland, more meat than France, more milk...so many things, that I think that man believed them because Fidel Castro believe his own words.
卡洛斯·弗兰奎(西班牙语):古巴将生产比瑞士更多的奶酪,比法国生产更多的肉类,更多的牛奶……很多东西,我认为那个人相信它们,因为菲德尔·卡斯特罗相信他自己的话。
And that's the most dangerous thing.
而这才是最危险的事情。
As one project faltered, Castro moved on to the next, always looking for "the silver bullet." Finally, he turned to sugar, Cuba's traditional crop.
当一个项目陷入困境时,卡斯特罗就转向下一个项目,一直在寻找“灵丹妙药”。最后,他转向古巴的传统作物糖。
And staked his reputation on producing 10 million tons of sugar in 1970.
并以自己的声誉为赌注,在1970年生产了1000万吨糖。
And we've already said not one pound less than the 10 million.
我们已经说过,一千万英镑不能少于一英镑。
That's the problem -- and it needs to be addressed and corrected.
这就是问题所在——需要解决和纠正。
And it would be an incredible embarrassment if we were to fall short of the 10 million.
如果我们达不到1000万,那就太尴尬了。
The idea was, in effect, to double the size of the country's, uh, sugar harvest and it meant turning Cuba upside down.
实际上,这个想法是使该国的糖产量增加一倍,这意味着古巴的情况发生了翻天覆地的变化。
Everyone was mobilized: factory workers, students, housewives; volunteers came from all over the world.
每个人都被动员起来:工厂工人、学生、家庭主妇;志愿者来自世界各地。
Vietnam, North Korea, the United States.
越南、朝鲜、美国。
But no matter how hard Fidel swung his machete, or how often he called on others to give their best, Cubans could not turn his dream into reality.
但无论菲德尔如何挥舞大刀,无论他多么频繁地呼吁其他人尽最大努力,古巴人都无法将他的梦想变成现实。
Instead of ten million, eight and a half million metric tons of sugar were produced in 1970.
1970 年,糖产量不是一千万吨,而是八百五十万吨。
It was nonetheless the largest sugar harvest in Cuban history.
尽管如此,这仍然是古巴历史上最大的糖收成。
But it was a failure because the goal was not achieved and because Cuban resources were destroyed and because the country, instead of free, powerful and independent, was in a state of virtual collapse.
但它是失败的,因为目标没有实现,因为古巴的资源被破坏,因为这个国家不是自由、强大和独立,而是处于事实上的崩溃状态。
(captioned) I am not going to beat around the bush.
(标题)我不会拐弯抹角。
For me, like any other Cuban, this is a very difficult moment.
对我来说,就像其他古巴人一样,这是一个非常困难的时刻。
Perhaps more difficult than any other experience in our revolutionary struggle.
也许比我们革命斗争中的任何其他经历都更加困难。
The Soviet Union stepped in.
苏联介入。
Fidel would no longer be allowed to run the economy from his jeep.
菲德尔将不再被允许在他的吉普车上管理经济。
A powerful Council of Ministers would make all major decisions in concert with the Soviet bloc.
一个强大的部长会议将与苏联集团协调一致做出所有重大决定。
Ten thousand Soviet advisors would lend a hand.
一万名苏联顾问愿意伸出援手。
Castro presided over the revolution's essential capitulation to, uh, to Soviet demands.
卡斯特罗主持了革命,对苏联的要求做出了必要的投降。
Organizational demands, structural demands, foreign policy demands.
组织需求、结构需求、外交政策需求。
And perhaps one of the hardest things for Castro to accept was that he agreed to stop criticizing the Soviet Union in any fashion, direct or veiled criticism.
也许卡斯特罗最难接受的事情之一是他同意停止以任何方式批评苏联,无论是直接的还是含蓄的批评。
Delighted, Moscow rewarded Cuba with subsidies of up to 6 billion dollars per year.
莫斯科很高兴,每年向古巴提供高达60亿美元的补贴。
The economy began to recover in 1970, through about 1976, 1977.
经济从1970年开始复苏,一直持续到1976年、1977年左右。
People had a real feeling of hope that the sacrifices of the 1960s were paying off economically.
人们真切地希望 20 世纪 60 年代的牺牲能够在经济上得到回报。
We see no virtue in perpetual antagonism between the United States and Cuba.
我们认为美国和古巴之间永久的对抗没有任何好处。
Our concern relates, above all, to Cuba's export of revolution.
我们首先关心的是古巴的革命输出。
On March 1, 1975, US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger made a surprising announcement.
1975 年 3 月 1 日,美国国务卿亨利·基辛格发表了一项令人惊讶的声明。
We have taken some symbolic steps to indicate that we are prepared to move in a new direction, if Cuba will.
我们采取了一些象征性步骤,表明如果古巴愿意的话,我们准备朝着新的方向前进。
It was the era of US-Soviet détente, and the President Gerald Ford moved to normalize relations with Cuba, and to end the fifteen-year old economic embargo.
那是美苏关系缓和的时代,杰拉尔德·福特总统采取行动实现与古巴的关系正常化,并结束了长达十五年的经济禁运。
BARBARA WALTERS: What would you like Americans to know about you and Cuba?
芭芭拉·沃尔特斯:您希望美国人了解您和古巴的哪些信息?
And could you possibly say it in English, so they could understand?
你能否用英语说出来,以便他们能够理解?
In English?
用英语吗?
I am not well in English.
我英语不好。
Good wish to the people of the United States.
向美国人民致以良好祝愿。
Wish of understanding.
理解的愿望。
Wish of friendship.
友谊的愿望。
I understand it is not easy.
我明白这并不容易。
We belong to two different worlds.
我们属于两个不同的世界。
But I, we are [aside in Spanish] neighbors.
但我,我们是[西班牙语]邻居。
And in one way or another, we ought to live in peace.
无论如何,我们应该和平地生活。
The United States and Cuba.
美国和古巴。
That Fall, the State Department announced Cuba and the United States were ready to begin an official dialogue.
那年秋天,国务院宣布古巴和美国准备开始正式对话。
But all along, Fidel Castro had had his eye on a situation developing half a world away, and preparing Cuba for its first large-scale war.
但菲德尔·卡斯特罗一直关注着半个地球之外局势的发展,并为古巴的第一次大规模战争做好准备。
In West Africa, the Portuguese colony of Angola, about to become independent, was fast sliding into civil war.
在西非,即将独立的葡萄牙殖民地安哥拉正在迅速陷入内战。
The Marxist Movement for the Liberation of Angola, the MPLA, asked Castro for military assistance to fight against its rivals, backed by South Africa.
安哥拉马克思主义解放运动(安哥拉人民解放军)在南非的支持下,请求卡斯特罗提供军事援助,以打击其竞争对手。
Fidel Castro faced a tough choice: intervention in Angola or rapprochement with the United States.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗面临着一个艰难的选择:干预安哥拉还是与美国和解。
On November 7th, three days before Independence Day, Cuban troops arrived in force.
11月7日,独立日前三天,古巴军队大举抵达。
The U.S. government was caught by surprise.
美国政府大吃一惊。
The rapprochement, or normalization with the United States, was derailed.
与美国的和解或关系正常化被破坏。
He placed a higher priority on his internationalist revolutionary objectives than on better relations with the United States.
他更重视他的国际主义革命目标,而不是改善与美国的关系。
(captioned) What kinds of conditions does imperialist U.S. think it can impose on our country?
(标题)美帝国主义认为可以对我国施加什么样的条件?
We are in solidarity with Angola.
我们声援安哥拉。
We are helping Angola, and we will continue to help the people of Angola.
我们正在帮助安哥拉,我们将继续帮助安哥拉人民。
By January 1976 there were 15,000 Cuban troops in Angola.
到 1976 年 1 月,安哥拉已有 15,000 名古巴军队。
Armed and supplied by the Soviet Union, they pushed back the Army of South Africa and secured the MPLA in power.
在苏联的武装和供应下,他们击退了南非军队并确保了人民解放军的掌权。
The Cuban intervention in Angola identifies Cuba as a country that's willing to take a risk, willing to put its own interests on the line, willing to provoke a confrontation with the United States in support of national liberation in Africa.
古巴对安哥拉的干预表明古巴是一个愿意冒险、愿意将自己的利益置于危险之中、愿意挑起与美国对抗以支持非洲民族解放的国家。
It boosts Cuba's prestige in the Third World enormously.
它极大地提高了古巴在第三世界的威望。
Castro assumed the role of leader of a major power.
卡斯特罗承担了大国领导人的角色。
His doctors and teachers were serving as far away as Yemen.
他的医生和老师远在也门服务。
His troops were fighting in Angola and Ethiopia, in close alliance with the Soviet Union.
他的军队与苏联密切结盟,在安哥拉和埃塞俄比亚作战。
Soon he would play a key role in another war...the Sandinista insurrection against Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua.
很快,他将在另一场战争中发挥关键作用……尼加拉瓜桑地诺民族解放阵线针对阿纳斯塔西奥·索摩查的叛乱。
NORBERTO FUENTES (SPANISH): The Sandinista victory in Nicaragua was directed by Fidel Castro from the headquarters of Cuba's Special Forces.
诺贝托·富恩特斯(西班牙语):桑地诺民族解放阵线在尼加拉瓜的胜利是由古巴特种部队总部的菲德尔·卡斯特罗指挥的。
They had broken the codes of Somoza's army.
他们破解了索摩查军队的密码。
Fidel knew all the movements and told the Sandinistas where to lay ambushes, what to do, until they took power.
菲德尔了解所有动向,并告诉桑地诺民族解放阵线在哪里埋伏、做什么,直到他们夺取政权。
That was a war directed by Fidel.
那是菲德尔指挥的一场战争。
It was Castro's first victory in the Western Hemisphere, one he'd been waiting for since 1959.
这是卡斯特罗在西半球的第一次胜利,他自 1959 年以来一直在等待这一胜利。
(captioned) Revolutionaries cannot be pessimistic.
(标题)革命者不能悲观。
Revolutionaries are, and always will be, optimistic.
革命者现在并且永远都是乐观的。
We will not be intimidated.
我们不会被吓倒。
Our peoples have shown that they can struggle and persevere.
我们的人民已经表明,他们能够奋斗并坚持不懈。
CARLOS ALBERTO MONTANER (SPANISH): He sees himself as the spearhead of a great socialist revolution and he believes that in ten years all the Caribbean is going to be dominated by Cuba.
卡洛斯·阿尔贝托·蒙塔内尔(西班牙语):他将自己视为伟大社会主义革命的先锋,他相信十年后整个加勒比地区将由古巴主宰。
And he was going to play the key role to beat the other "great power" and he sees himself as a figure of that stature.
他将扮演击败另一个“大国”的关键角色,他认为自己是这样的人物。
In September 1979, Fidel Castro was elected leader of Movement of Non-Aligned Nations.
1979年9月,菲德尔·卡斯特罗当选为不结盟国家运动领导人。
One month later, he traveled to New York to address the UN.
一个月后,他前往纽约在联合国发表讲话。
REPORTER OFF CAMERA: And you're always wearing your bullet roof vest?
镜头外的记者:你总是穿着防弹背心?
Everyone always says you have a bullet proof vest.
每个人总是说你有一件防弹背心。
No...I will land in New York like this.
不……我就这样降落在纽约。
I have a moral one...A moral vest.
我有一件道德背心……一件道德背心。
It's strong.
它很强。
Those months of the fall of 1979, really were the apogee of his triumphs.
1979 年秋天的那几个月确实是他胜利的顶峰。
Here he was, the duly chosen, selected president of the nonaligned countries -- the Asian, African, Middle Eastern and Latin American countries.
他是不结盟国家——亚洲、非洲、中东和拉丁美洲国家——正式选出的总统。
How can you be a loyal, dependable Soviet ally and at the same time be the leader of the nonaligned nations?
你怎么能成为一个忠诚、可靠的苏联盟友,同时又成为不结盟国家的领导人呢?
Well, Castro was able to carry out that exquisite, seemingly impossible balancing act, until the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
好吧,卡斯特罗能够执行这种精妙的、看似不可能的平衡行动,直到苏联入侵阿富汗。
Here you had the Soviet Union occupying a non-aligned country.
在这里,苏联占领了一个不结盟国家。
Cuba was caught, then, between its constituency among the nonaligned and its partnership with the Soviet Union, and it refused to denounce the invasion of Afghanistan and lost extraordinary credibility with the rest of the nonaligned countries.
于是,古巴夹在自己的不结盟国家和与苏联的伙伴关系之间,拒绝谴责对阿富汗的入侵,并在其他不结盟国家中失去了非凡的信誉。
The following spring, Castro faced an unexpected crisis, when an incident at an Embassy in Havana spiraled out of control.
第二年春天,卡斯特罗面临一场意想不到的危机,哈瓦那大使馆发生的事件失控。
This bus, Cubans seeking asylum in the Peruvian embassy, crashes through the gates.
这辆巴士是在秘鲁大使馆寻求庇护的古巴人,冲破了大门。
Now, the two guards on each side are firing at the bus, but as the bus goes through, they, they shoot each other.
现在, 两边的两名警卫正在向公共汽车开枪, 但是当公共汽车通过时, 他们, 他们互相开枪。
And so, Castro takes a position: we're not going to risk the lives of our policemen to keep people out of embassies when we don't care if they go in.
因此,卡斯特罗采取了立场:当我们不在乎人们是否进入大使馆时,我们不会冒着警察生命危险将他们拒之门外。
So they removed the guards.
于是他们撤掉了守卫。
Bad mistake because within three days you have 10,000 people inside the Peruvian embassy and more headed there from all over the island.
这是一个严重的错误,因为三天之内,秘鲁大使馆内就有 10,000 人,还有更多人从岛上各地前往那里。
He was totally preoccupied with international affairs in the fall and winter of 1979.
1979 年秋冬,他全神贯注于国际事务。
I'm convinced that he was not aware of the depth of unrest on the island, the unrest that was steadily growing below the surface.
我相信他并没有意识到岛上动乱的深度,这种动乱正在表面之下稳步增长。
NARRATOR Castro was enraged.
旁白卡斯特罗被激怒了。
He branded the refugees "escoria" - trash.
他给难民贴上“escoria”的标签——垃圾。
Anyone who wanted to leave Cuba, he announced, was free to go.
他宣布,任何想离开古巴的人都可以自由离开。
We don't want them.
我们不想要他们。
We don't need them.
我们不需要它们。
Cubans who so publicly turned their back on Castro's revolution were subjected to every humiliation: harassment, even beatings, in full view of the newly opened U.S. Interest Section in Havana.
公开拒绝卡斯特罗革命的古巴人遭受了各种羞辱:骚扰,甚至殴打,在哈瓦那新设立的美国利益部门的众目睽睽之下。
They were brought here in trucks and buses.
他们被卡车和公共汽车带到这里。
They were brought here in trucks and buses.
他们被卡车和公共汽车带到这里。
This is stimulated by the government and the foreign minister will not answer the phone...
这是政府刺激,外交部长不接电话……
In Miami, the Cuban exile community organized a massive sealift, which received the blessing of President Jimmy Carter.
在迈阿密,古巴流亡社区组织了一次大规模的海运活动,并得到了吉米·卡特总统的支持。
We are the most generous nation on earth, in receiving the refugees seeking freedom from Communist domination and from economic deprivation, brought about primarily by Fidel Castro and his government.
我们是世界上最慷慨的国家,接收了寻求摆脱共产主义统治和经济剥夺的难民,这些主要是由菲德尔·卡斯特罗和他的政府造成的。
The flotilla anchored at the Port of Mariel, where tens of thousands were waiting.
船队停泊在马里尔港,数万人在那里等待。
We're taking whatever people, you know, they give us.
我们正在接受人们给予我们的一切。
We got crazy people, we got prisoners, they say political prisoners, we got some criminals.
我们有疯狂的人,我们有囚犯,他们说政治犯,我们有一些罪犯。
Who knows what kind of people we got here?
谁知道我们这里都是些什么人?
Castro," one senior US official remarked, "is using people like bullets aimed at this country."
一位美国高级官员评论说,卡斯特罗正在像子弹一样瞄准这个国家使用人民。”
Castro wanted to inflict the greatest possible pain on the United States.
卡斯特罗想给美国造成最大的痛苦。
And he wanted perhaps to contaminate in a sense, the Cuban exile community.
从某种意义上说,他或许想污染古巴流亡社区。
Because at that time the Cuban exile community was beginning to, to acquire considerable political influence in the American political process.
因为当时古巴流亡团体开始在美国政治进程中获得相当大的政治影响力。
By September, 125,000 refugees had arrived in Miami.
截至 9 月,已有 125,000 名难民抵达迈阿密。
Overwhelmed by the influx, Jimmy Carr put an end to the boatlift.
吉米·卡尔(Jimmy Carr)因涌入的人潮而不知所措,终止了升船机。
Mariel was a shame because it was not just Cuba's upper class that immigrated but ordinary factory workers immigrated.
马里尔是一个耻辱,因为移民的不仅是古巴的上层阶级,还有普通的工厂工人。
Some of Cuba's leading intellectuals.
古巴的一些主要知识分子。
Many young people who had grown up under the revolution immigrated as well.
许多在革命中长大的年轻人也移民了。
But Mariel was also a shame because the regime showed its ugly side to the international community when it deported common criminals to the United States, committing an act of aggression.
但马里尔也感到耻辱,因为该政权向国际社会展示了其丑陋的一面,将普通罪犯驱逐到美国,实施了侵略行为。
Not just against the imperialist U.S. government, but against the American people.
不仅反对美国帝国主义政府,而且反对美国人民。
Mariel had not yet faded from memory when Fidel Castro faced a new challenge.
当菲德尔·卡斯特罗面临新的挑战时,马里尔还没有从记忆中消失。
As for the enemies of freedom ...
至于自由的敌人......
President Ronald Reagan came to office determined to wage war on Communism, beginning close to home.
罗纳德·里根总统上任后决心向共产主义发动战争,从本土开始。
Reagan authorized the CIA to train an army, the "contras," to wage war against Castro's Sandinista allies in Nicaragua.
里根授权中央情报局训练一支军队,即“反政府武装”,对卡斯特罗在尼加拉瓜的桑地诺阵线盟友发动战争。
He sent American troops to invade the island of Grenada, a Cuban ally, where for the first time Castro's men faced American soldiers.
他派遣美国军队入侵古巴盟友格林纳达岛,卡斯特罗的军队在那里第一次与美国士兵对峙。
And set out to expose Castro's Human Rights record, building on the testimony of political prisoners recently released from Cuban jails.
并以最近从古巴监狱释放的政治犯的证词为基础,着手揭露卡斯特罗的人权记录。
ARMANDO VALLADARES, POLITICAL PRISONER (SPANISH): I have the sad memory that three of my cellmates were murdered in prison.
阿曼多·瓦拉达雷斯,政治犯(西班牙语):我的三名狱友在监狱中被谋杀,这让我感到悲伤。
The first was Roberto López Chávez.
第一个是罗伯托·洛佩斯·查韦斯。
He was sixteen years old when he was first imprisoned.
他第一次入狱时年仅十六岁。
Another of my cell mates was Pedro Luis Boitel, a student leader Castro hated with all his heart.
我的另一位狱友是佩德罗·路易斯·博伊特尔(Pedro Luis Boitel),他是卡斯特罗内心憎恨的学生领袖。
Boitel went on a hunger strike and Fidel Castro ordered that his cell door not be opend until he died of thirst.
博伊特尔绝食抗议,菲德尔·卡斯特罗下令在他渴死之前不准打开牢房门。
He died of thirst fifty-three days later, like these, hundreds and hundreds of assassinations and torture.
五十三天后,他像这样经历了成百上千次的暗杀和酷刑,渴死了。
RICARDO BOFILL (SPANISH): Those prisons were killing machines.
里卡多·博菲(西班牙语):那些监狱是杀人机器。
People were not only deprived of their liberty, what the government wanted was to eliminate all counter-revolutionaries.
人们不仅被剥夺了自由,政府要的是消灭一切反革命分子。
La Cabaña, Isla de Pinos...all those stories.
卡瓦尼亚 (La Cabaña)、皮诺斯岛 (Isla de Pinos)...所有这些故事。
Words cannot express all the suffering and anguish, because words pale against the reality behind them.
言语无法表达所有的痛苦和痛苦,因为言语与背后的现实相去甚远。
In March 1987, the U.S. delegation in Geneva requested that the U.N.
1987年3月,美国驻日内瓦代表团请求联合国
Human Rights Commission condemn Cuba for "massive, systematic and flagrant abuses of human rights." The next year, under pressure, Castro invited the commission to Cuba to investigate.
人权委员会谴责古巴“大规模、系统和公然侵犯人权”。第二年,迫于压力,卡斯特罗邀请委员会前往古巴进行调查。
From Havana, Ricardo Bofill encouraged witnesses to come forward.
里卡多·博菲尔在哈瓦那鼓励目击者挺身而出。
(captioned) Ricardo Bofill doesn't worry us.
(标题)里卡多·波菲尔并不让我们担心。
I can't judge what he'll do or won't do.
我无法判断他会做什么或不会做什么。
I've no idea what his attitude may be.
我不知道他的态度可能是什么。
It doesn't matter -- fireworks against the reality of History.
没关系——烟花与历史的现实背道而驰。
Not to worry!
不用担心!
RICARDO BOFILL (SPANISH): The Commission met at the Commodore Hotel in Havana.
里卡多·博菲(西班牙语):委员会在哈瓦那的准将酒店举行会议。
Hundreds of people came.
来了数百人。
The relatives of people who had been executed, including those murdered in the Escambray, people who had been tortured, of prisoners unjustly jailed.
被处决者的亲属,包括在埃斯坎布雷被谋杀的人、遭受酷刑的人以及被不公正监禁的囚犯的亲属。
In short, witnesses of violations of practically all 30 articles of the Declaration of Human Rights.
简而言之,他们是违反《人权宣言》几乎所有 30 条条款的目击者。
: The Commission's findings were documented in a four hundred page report and presented in Geneva.
:委员会的调查结果记录在一份四百页的报告中,并在日内瓦提交。
It is at that moment when even activists from the political left, when left-wing democratic politicians begin to say to the Cuban government, your violation of the human rights of ordinary Cubans is wrong and unacceptable even by the standards of the international left, that the Cuban government finds itself cornered, humiliated, and for the first time understands that it is losing allies everywhere.
正是在这个时刻,即使是左翼政治活动人士,当左翼民主政治家开始对古巴政府说,即使按照国际左派的标准,你们对普通古巴人的人权的侵犯也是错误的,也是不可接受的,古巴政府发现自己被逼入绝境,受到羞辱,并第一次明白它正在失去各地的盟友。
In April 1989, Soviet Premiere Mikhail Gorbachev paid an overdue visit to Fidel Castro's Cuba.
1989年4月,苏联总理米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫对菲德尔·卡斯特罗统治下的古巴进行了迟来的访问。
For four years now, Gorbachev had pushed economic and political reform in the Soviet Union, and expectations in Cuba had been running high.
四年来,戈尔巴乔夫一直在推动苏联的经济和政治改革,而古巴的期望也很高。
ANDRES OPPENHEIMER, JOURNALIST: There was almost euphoria that Cuba would follow the steps, which they had been doing for several decades, of the Soviet Union, in opening up.
记者安德烈斯·奥本海默:古巴将效仿苏联几十年来的开放步伐,几乎令人欣喜若狂。
And the people I was talking to in the Cuban Communist Party, were very, very enthusiastic that Cuba would open up just as the Soviet Union had opened up.
与我交谈的古巴共产党人非常非常热衷于古巴将像苏联一样开放。
But by the time of Gorbachev's visit, those who expected Fidel to embrace Perestroika and Glasnost were bitterly disappointed.
但到戈尔巴乔夫访华时,那些期待菲德尔拥抱改革和开放的人却大失所望。
"Openness and reform are dangerous," Fidel had declared in July of 1988, "and represent a threat to fundamental socialist principles."
菲德尔在 1988 年 7 月宣称:“开放和改革是危险的,并且是对社会主义基本原则的威胁。”
CARLOS ALBERTO MONTANER (SPANISH): Fidel Castro believes the United States is going to have an economic crisis and is going to collapse, and that everyone will see he is the one who is right.
卡洛斯·阿尔贝托·蒙塔内尔(西班牙语):菲德尔·卡斯特罗相信美国将面临一场经济危机,并将崩溃,每个人都会看到他是对的。
And that Cuba is going to remain a breeding ground of Revolution.
古巴仍将是革命的温床。
That is, Cuba was going to be the Jurassic Park of communism.
也就是说,古巴将成为共产主义的侏罗纪公园。
But it was the Soviet Union that collapsed in 1991.
但1991年解体的是苏联。
From the first time Fidel Castro appears on Cuba's national stage, July 26, 1953, he has been convinced that history is on his side and he believes so for the decades that follow, until the Soviet Union collapses.
从 1953 年 7 月 26 日菲德尔·卡斯特罗第一次出现在古巴国家舞台开始,他就坚信历史站在他一边,并且在接下来的几十年里一直如此,直到苏联解体。
All of a sudden, he knew that his world had come to an end.
突然间,他知道他的世界已经走到了尽头。
NORBERTO FUENTES (SPANISH): The collapse of the Soviet Union was a blow.
诺贝托·富恩特斯(西班牙语):苏联的解体是一个打击。
He aged at that moment, and in fact he said.
他在那一刻就老了,事实上他是这么说的。
"We never thought the sun would stop shinning.
“我们从没想过太阳会停止发光。
And it did."
确实如此。”
May our country always have dignity, always be independent, not a Yankee colony.
愿我们的国家永远有尊严,永远独立,而不是美国殖民地。
We must save our country.
我们必须拯救我们的国家。
We must save the Revolution.
我们必须拯救革命。
We must save socialism.
我们必须拯救社会主义。
Socialism or death!
要么社会主义,要么死亡!
Fidel was telling Cubans to preserve the revolution, and to preserve socialism, they had to tighten their belts and, uh, replace cars with oxen, and uh, go back to the stone ages and live in caves if necessary.
菲德尔告诉古巴人要维护革命,要维护社会主义,他们必须勒紧裤腰带,呃,用牛代替汽车,呃,如果有必要的话,回到石器时代,住在山洞里。
He said that, actually, I'm not making this up.
他说,其实这不是我编造的。
So, the stuff you saw, like, uh, on the streets and everywhere, were amazing, crazy.
所以,你在街上和任何地方看到的东西,都是惊人的、疯狂的。
Between the spring of 1992 and the spring of 1994, we were stunned at what had happened.
1992年春天到1994年春天,我们对所发生的事情感到震惊。
Everybody was in such terrible shape that it was hard to believe they could pull themselves out of what they called this special period.
每个人的情况都如此糟糕,很难相信他们能够摆脱他们所说的这个特殊时期。
It looked as if the Cuban Revolution, the regime of Fidel Castro, was finished
古巴革命、菲德尔·卡斯特罗政权似乎已经结束
In Miami, the exile community waited for Fidel to fall, and lobbied Washington to tighten the Embargo.
在迈阿密,流亡社区等待菲德尔下台,并游说华盛顿加强禁运。
But Castro refused to give in.
但卡斯特罗拒绝屈服。
He exported discontent, by making it legal for anyone leave Cuba -- unleashing a new exodous.
他通过让任何人离开古巴变得合法来宣泄不满情绪,从而引发了新一轮的外逃。
In a stunning reversal, Castro opened Cuba to foreign investments, and foreign tourists and allowed U.S. dollars to circulate freely.
卡斯特罗做出了惊人的逆转,向外国投资和外国游客开放古巴,并允许美元自由流通。
The economy improved.
经济有所改善。
But prostitution, corruption, and speculation flourished.
但卖淫、腐败和投机活动却盛行起来。
ALCIBIADES HIDALGO (SPANISH): There is a great chasm between the promise of the revolution and its results.
阿尔西比亚德斯·伊达尔戈(西班牙语):革命的承诺与其结果之间存在着巨大的鸿沟。
Fidel has always been a man of promises.
菲德尔一直是一个信守诺言的人。
He wooed the Cuban people with promises.
他用承诺来吸引古巴人民。
The end result was a dictatiorship, pure and simple, each day more stripped of the attributes that once made it attractive.
最终的结果是一个纯粹而简单的独裁统治,它曾经具有吸引力的特征一天比一天被剥夺。
For more than four decades, Fidel Castro ruled Cuba, inspiring many with visions of a brilliant future, and silencing those who dared oppose him.
菲德尔·卡斯特罗统治古巴四十多年来,激励了许多人对美好未来的憧憬,并压制了那些胆敢反对他的人。
Striding across the world stage in a role never intended for the leader of a small island in the shadow of the United States.
以一个美国阴影下的小岛领导人从未想过的角色跨入世界舞台。
He managed to remain in power longer than almost any other leader in the last 100 or 200 years.
他的执政时间比过去 100 或 200 年来几乎所有其他领导人都更长。
(captioned) Only now do I understand that my destiny was not to rest near the end of my life.
(标题)直到现在我才明白,我的命运并不是在我生命的尽头安息。
It's a remarkable tenure.
这是一个非凡的任期。
And it's testament to his political skills; to his ability to manage crisis, to anticipate crisis; to play as a grandmaster at chess; to play two and three moves ahead.
这证明了他的政治技巧;管理危机、预测危机的能力;以国际象棋特级大师的身份下棋;提前下两步和三步。
Castro plays David to our Goliath masterfully.
卡斯特罗巧妙地扮演了我们歌利亚的大卫。
Wherever Castro goes, he is applauded.
卡斯特罗无论走到哪里,都会受到热烈的掌声。
Not because people want to adopt the Cuban system, no, because he has defied the United States and survived.
不是因为人们想采用古巴制度,不是,因为他反抗了美国并幸存下来。
CARLOS FRANQUI (SPANISH): As a Cuban, I wish more could be salvaged because it would make it easier to rebuild Cuba.
卡洛斯·弗兰奎(西班牙语):作为一名古巴人,我希望能够挽救更多的物资,因为这将使古巴的重建变得更加容易。
Cuba was a nation with a history, a culture, with an economy, that needed reform, but not the madness of more than four decades.
古巴是一个拥有历史、文化和经济的国家,需要改革,但不是四十多年来的疯狂。
For Cuba, January 1959 was a time of glory, a time when all things seemed possible.
对于古巴来说,1959 年 1 月是一个辉煌的时期,一个一切皆有可能的时期。
When an entire nation placed its hopes in just one man.
当整个国家把希望寄托在一个人身上时。
In this interview, Cuban-born filmmaker Adriana Bosch describes working on Fidel Castro .
在这次采访中,古巴出生的电影制片人阿德里亚娜·博斯描述了菲德尔·卡斯特罗的工作。
There are almost as many views about Cuba's past, present, and future as there are individuals.
对于古巴的过去、现在和未来,几乎有多少个人就有多少种看法。
Read four divergent perspectives.
阅读四种不同的观点。
Filmmaker Adriana Bosch sought out thoughtful voices to tell the story of Fidel Castro.
电影制片人阿德里亚娜·博斯寻找深思熟虑的声音来讲述菲德尔·卡斯特罗的故事。
Read excerpts from interviews with historians, journalists, and analysts.
阅读历史学家、记者和分析师的采访摘录。
Revolutionary leader Fidel Castro's forces entered Havana in January 1959.
1959 年 1 月,革命领袖菲德尔·卡斯特罗的军队进入哈瓦那。
The country would never be the same.
这个国家将永远不再一样。
For the leader of a small Caribbean nation, Fidel Castro's impact on the latter half of the twentieth century has been inordinate.
对于一个加勒比小国的领导人来说,菲德尔·卡斯特罗对二十世纪后半叶的影响是巨大的。
From his first meeting with Fidel Castro in Mexico in 1955 to his death in the Bolivian Andes in 1967, Ché Guevara's revolutionary career spanned little more than a decade.
从 1955 年在墨西哥第一次会见菲德尔·卡斯特罗到 1967 年在玻利维亚安第斯山脉去世,切·格瓦拉的革命生涯只持续了十多年。
He was called El Hombre , "the Man," and for three decades he was one of Cuba's most controversial leaders.
他被称为 El Hombre,即“男人”,三十年来他一直是古巴最具争议的领导人之一。
Although Castro's assault failed, storming the Moncada Barracks on July 26, 1953 catapulted him onto the Cuban national stage.
尽管卡斯特罗的袭击失败了,但 1953 年 7 月 26 日袭击蒙卡达军营使他登上了古巴国家舞台。
In October 1959, Huber Matos wrote Castro a letter resigning his command, citing his concern with the growing influence of Communists in Cuba's revolutionary government.
1959 年 10 月,胡贝尔·马托斯给卡斯特罗写了一封辞职信,理由是他担心共产党在古巴革命政府中的影响力日益增强。
Of all the aspects of the Cuban Revolution, none has had a greater impact on America than the immigration of over one million Cubans to the United States.
在古巴革命的各个方面中,没有什么比超过一百万古巴人移民到美国对美国产生更大的影响了。
For four decades, Castro purposely stood at the center of the dangerous game played for political pre-eminence in the developing world.
四十年来,卡斯特罗故意站在发展中国家争夺政治优势的危险游戏的中心。
Before the revolution, Cuba was one of the most advanced and successful countries in Latin America.
革命前,古巴是拉丁美洲最先进、最成功的国家之一。