American Coup: Wilmington 1898

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: The story of the Wilmington coup is so important for American history.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：威尔明顿政变的故事对美国历史非常重要。

Men, the crisis is upon us.

伙计们，危机已经降临到我们身上。

You must do your duty.

你必须尽你的职责。

This city, county, and state shall be rid of negro domination once and forever.

这个城市、县和州将永远摆脱黑人的统治。

You are the sons of noble ancestry.

你们都是贵族血统的子弟。

You are Anglo-Saxons.

你们是盎格鲁撒克逊人。

You are armed and prepared.

你已经武装起来并做好了准备。

LUCY MCCAULEY, DESCENDANT OF WILLIAM B.

露西·麦考利，威廉·B. 的后裔

MCKOY: It was never discussed.

麦考伊：从来没有讨论过这个问题。

Nobody told us anything about what had happened in our own town.

没有人告诉我们任何关于我们镇上发生的事情。

I remember there sort of being whispers, talking about a race riot.

我记得有人窃窃私语，谈论种族骚乱。

We, the undersigned, citizens of the city of Wilmington and County of New Hanover do hereby declare that we will no longer be ruled and will never again be ruled by men of African origin.

我们，以下签名者，威尔明顿市和新汉诺威县的公民特此声明，我们将不再被、也永远不会再被非洲血统的人统治。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: It wasn't talked about, it was deliberately covered up.

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：这件事没有被谈论，而是被故意掩盖的。

We still have to contend with 120 years of silence and fear.

我们仍然必须应对 120 年的沉默和恐惧。

FRANK ARTHUR DANIELS III, DESCENDANT OF JOSEPHUS DANIELS: Why has North Carolina buried and avoided this story?

弗兰克·阿瑟·丹尼尔斯三世，约瑟夫·丹尼尔斯的后裔：为什么北卡罗来纳州埋葬并回避了这个故事？

We always bury the things that we're ashamed of.

我们总是埋葬那些让我们感到羞耻的事情。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: It was the only armed overthrow of an elected government.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：这是唯一一次武装推翻民选政府的事件。

Black citizens were murdered with impunity.

黑人公民被谋杀而不受惩罚。

No one was ever held accountable or held responsible.

没有人被追究责任或承担责任。

Reverend Peyton Hoge Sermon: “We Have Taken a City” :

佩顿霍格牧师布道：“我们占领了一座城市”：

We have taken a city, as thoroughly, as completely, as if captured in battle.

我们彻底、完全地占领了一座城市，就像在战斗中被占领一样。

It has been redeemed for civilization, redeemed for law and order, redeemed for decency and respectability.

它被赎回为文明，赎回为法律和秩序，赎回为体面和受人尊敬。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: This was a coup based on the devaluation of African American citizenship.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：这是一场基于非裔美国人公民身份贬值的政变。

What Wilmington tells us in that larger scope of American history is how fragile American democracy is.

威尔明顿在美国历史的更广阔范围内告诉我们，美国的民主是多么脆弱。

Mother, my dear mother, what rapture did you feel?

妈妈，我亲爱的妈妈，您感到怎样的狂喜呢？

Your daughter smiling in your arms, just after the repeal.

废除后不久，你的女儿在你怀里微笑。

First-born out of slavery, your hopes to me affixed.

我是第一个从奴隶制中诞生的人，你的希望寄托在我身上。

Newborn cries sweet lullabies, so long ago in 1866.

新生儿会唱着甜美的摇篮曲，那是很久以前的 1866 年了。

Lashes still stinging, yet your songbird bringing the life that salvation redeems.

睫毛仍然刺痛，但你的歌鸟带来了救赎所救赎的生命。

Echoes still ringing, but your sunshine singing of freedom no longer in dreams.

回声仍在响起，但你歌颂自由的阳光不再在梦中。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: In the years after the Civil War, we have the end of chattel slavery as we know it.

历史学家凯利：在内战结束后的几年里，我们知道动产奴隶制已经结束。

Four million people formerly held in bondage are now citizens.

以前被奴役的四百万人现在成为公民。

They have the marks of the lash on their backs, and they settle in this city that's on the rise.

他们的背上有鞭打的痕迹，他们定居在这座正在崛起的城市里。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: The best way to understand Wilmington is to understand that coming out of the Civil War, you have Reconstruction.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：了解威尔明顿的最好方法是了解内战结束后的重建。

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: Reconstruction was the process by which the nation tried to come to terms with the end of slavery and the end of the Civil War, to bring the seceded states back into the union and to try to make good on the promises of the original founding by integrating newly freed African Americans more fully into the nation.

历史学家基达达·威廉姆斯：重建是一个国家试图接受奴隶制结束和内战结束的过程，将脱离联邦的各州带回联邦，并通过将新获得自由的非裔美国人更全面地融入国家来兑现最初建国时的承诺。

The end of slavery means that they can have access to their families, that they can work and get-be paid for it.

奴隶制的结束意味着他们可以与家人团聚，可以工作并获得报酬。

That they can have schools, that they can have churches, their own businesses, land.

他们可以拥有学校、教堂、自己的企业、土地。

A lot of historians have likened it to a second American Revolution.

许多历史学家将其比作第二次美国革命。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Before 1898, Wilmington exemplified the spirit of Reconstruction.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯 (Crystal Sanders)：1898 年之前，威尔明顿是重建精神的典范。

Wilmington was the state's largest city.

威尔明顿是该州最大的城市。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: As one of the few open ports for international travel and traffic in North Carolina, this was a very prosperous city.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：作为北卡罗来纳州为数不多的开放国际旅行和交通的港口之一，这是一座非常繁荣的城市。

The railroad system drove back country items straight into the port in Wilmington and then out into the rest of the world.

铁路系统将乡村物品直接运回威尔明顿的港口，然后运往世界其他地方。

So tar pitch and turpentine, the things that came from the forest to North Carolina, really drove some of this economy.

因此，从森林运到北卡罗来纳州的焦油沥青和松节油确实推动了部分经济的发展。

The Sprunt Cotton Compress here in Wilmington, they were one of the largest exporters of cotton in the world by this time.

位于威尔明顿的 Sprunt Cotton compress 公司是当时世界上最大的棉花出口商之一。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: Wilmington was one of those important centers for newly freed people to find opportunity.

历史学家凯利：威尔明顿是新解放者寻找机会的重要中心之一。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: There was really no other major city in the South like Wilmington.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：南方确实没有其他大城市能像威尔明顿一样。

First of all, it had a majority Black population of 56%.

首先，它的黑人人口占多数，占 56%。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: They have the opportunity to compete with whites for well paying jobs for both skilled and unskilled labor.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：他们有机会与白人竞争高薪工作，无论是熟练工人还是非熟练工人。

So we see African Americans working as brick masons, blacksmiths, carpenters.

所以我们看到非裔美国人从事砖瓦匠、铁匠、木匠的工作。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: You have folks who are stevedores working on the docks.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：有些人是在码头工作的装卸工人。

You're having the Black leadership that have college degrees.

你们拥有拥有大学学位的黑人领导层。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: There was a professional class there of doctors and teachers and lawyers.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：那里有一个由医生、教师和律师组成的专业班级。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: You've got the array of-of hardworking Black folk, up and down the class line.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：这里有一群勤劳的黑人，无论阶级上下。

It was a real community.

这是一个真正的社区。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: One interesting aspect of Wilmington was that Blacks sold items at the city market downtown alongside whites.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：威尔明顿的一个有趣的方面是黑人在市中心的城市市场与白人一起出售物品。

And this was highly unusual.

这是非常不寻常的。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: They are operating on terms of equality.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：他们在平等的条件下运作。

White vendors are having to compete with Black vendors for customers.

白人供应商必须与黑人供应商争夺客户。

And one of the most prominent Black businessmen in the 1890s was a man by the name of Isham Quick.

1890 年代最著名的黑人商人之一是伊沙姆·奎克 (Isham Quick)。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: My name is Inez Campbell-Eason.

伊内兹·坎贝尔-伊森，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：我的名字是伊内兹·坎贝尔-伊森。

I am the great-great-granddaughter of Isham Quick.

我是伊沙姆·奎克的曾曾孙女。

He was born in 1843.

他出生于 1843 年。

At the end of slavery, he sojourned up to North Carolina, ended up in Wilmington.

奴隶制结束后，他寄居到北卡罗来纳州，最后来到威尔明顿。

He was a wooden coal dealer at the time.

当时他是一名木煤经销商。

He also chartered a black-owned bank called the Metropolitan Trust Company.

他还特许经营了一家名为大都会信托公司的黑人银行。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: This was quite significant that African Americans had not only began to acquire large sums of money, but that they were able to invest them in um, black banks.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：这一点非常重要，因为非裔美国人不仅开始获得大量资金，而且能够将这些资金投资到嗯，黑人银行。

We see large numbers of Black business owners, large numbers of Black homeowners.

我们看到大量黑人企业主、大量黑人房主。

Wilmington is essentially a promised land for African Americans.

威尔明顿本质上是非裔美国人的乐土。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: The Sadgwar family in Wilmington went back generations.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：威尔明顿的 Sadgwar 家族可以追溯到几代人之前。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: They were one of the most prominent Black families in Wilmington.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：他们是威尔明顿最著名的黑人家族之一。

Frederick Sadgwar was a renowned carpenter, providing cutting edge instruction services to both Black and white residents here in Wilmington.

弗雷德里克·萨奇瓦尔 (Frederick Sadgwar) 是一位著名的木匠，为威尔明顿的黑人和白人居民提供尖端的指导服务。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: These are civic-minded people.

约翰·耶利米·沙利文，作家：这些人都是有公民意识的人。

They're involved in their churches.

他们参与他们的教会。

They are raising these extraordinary families of children who go off to be educated as soon as that becomes possible.

他们正在抚养这些非凡的孩子家庭，一旦有可能，他们就去接受教育。

There is this deep soil of Black cultural achievement here in Wilmington.

威尔明顿有着黑人文化成就的深厚土壤。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: My name is Kieran Haile, and I am the great-great-grandson of Alex Manly, who was the editor and publisher of The Daily Record, which was the only black-owned daily newspaper at the time.

基兰·海尔，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：我叫基兰·海尔，是亚历克斯·曼利的玄孙，亚历克斯·曼利是《每日纪事报》的编辑和出版商，这是当时唯一一份黑人拥有的日报。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: It was the main source of Black news for the Black community, not just in Wilmington, but across the state.

历史学家凯利：这是黑人社区黑人新闻的主要来源，不仅在威尔明顿，而且在整个州。

In North Carolina, the negro holds the balance of power, which he can use to the advantage of the race, state, and nation if he has the manhood to stand on principles and contend for the rights of a man.

在北卡罗来纳州，黑人掌握着权力的平衡，如果他有男子气概坚持原则并争取男人的权利，他就可以利用这种平衡为种族、州和民族谋取利益。

The Daily Record.

每日记录。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: He owned an entire platform for media.

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：他拥有整个媒体平台。

Because of that, white business owners, uh, white people around town interacted with him and tried to be in his favor.

正因为如此，白人企业主，呃，镇上的白人与他互动，并试图对他有利。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: And it had white and Black subscribers, which is unusual at this time.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：它有白人和黑人订户，这在当时是不寻常的。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: You had white businesses regularly advertising in it.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：白人企业经常在其中做广告。

The colored people of Wilmington buy as good goods as the white people.

威尔明顿的有色人种购买的商品与白人一样好。

My experience with them for 25 years has taught me so.

我与他们相处 25 年的经验告诉我这一点。

I am making preparations to fill your orders for the holiday trade.

我正在准备履行您的假期交易订单。

Respectfully, A.W.

谨致，A.W.

Rivenbark.

裂谷。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Alexander Manly is born immediately after the Civil War in 1866.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯 (Crystal Sanders)：亚历山大·曼利 (Alexander Manly) 出生于 1866 年内战结束后不久。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: His grandfather had been the governor of North Carolina: Governor Charles Manly.

约翰·耶利米·沙利文，作家：他的祖父曾任北卡罗来纳州州长：查尔斯·曼利州长。

One of the women he had children with was Alex Manly's grandmother, Melinda.

与他生孩子的女性之一是亚历克斯·曼利的祖母梅琳达。

You know the term mistress, you know, is what you'll find in the record, but um, it was probably something uglier than that.

你知道“情妇”这个词，你知道，你会在记录中找到这个词，但是，嗯，它可能比这更丑陋。

His mother and father, who had been enslaved by Governor Manly, were emancipated prior to the Civil War.

他的父母曾被曼利总督奴役，在内战前获得了解放。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Alexander Manly could have passed for a white man unless he outright told someone that he was Black, most people would assume that he was white.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：亚历山大·曼利可能会被误认为是白人，除非他直接告诉别人他是黑人，否则大多数人都会认为他是白人。

He is able to go to Hampton Institute in Virginia, where he receives training in both painting and printing.

他可以去弗吉尼亚州的汉普顿学院，在那里接受绘画和印刷方面的培训。

And after finishing Hampton, he relocates to Wilmington.

完成汉普顿学业后，他搬到了威尔明顿。

We worked alongside Frederick Sadgwar, helping to paint houses.

我们和 Frederick Sadgwar 一起工作，帮助粉刷房屋。

And on one particular day, a young woman is walking along the street and looks up and waves, and Alexander Manly turns to his boss and says, did you see that young woman?

在某个特定的日子，一位年轻女子沿着街道行走，抬起头向他挥手，亚历山大·曼利转向他的老板说，你看到那个年轻女子了吗？

I would love to get to know her.

我很想认识她。

And Frederick Sadgwar does not then admit that that's his own daughter, but he essentially just tells Alexander Manly, you know, keep working.

弗雷德里克·萨奇瓦尔并没有承认那是他自己的女儿，但他本质上只是告诉亚历山大·曼利，你知道，继续工作。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: And so he keeps trying to run into her at all of these different places, and she's not there.

卡罗尔·安德森，历史学家：所以他一直试图在所有这些不同的地方遇到她，但她不在那里。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: And after several failed attempts, while attending an event at the Gregory Normal School, the young woman appears on stage.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：经过几次失败的尝试，在格雷戈里师范学校参加一个活动时，这位年轻女子出现在舞台上。

Carrie Sadgwar attended Fisk University as part of the Fisk Jubilee Singers.

Carrie Sadgwar 作为 Fisk Jubilee Singers 的一员就读于 Fisk 大学。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: He's gonna do this the right way.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：他会以正确的方式做到这一点。

So he gets a letter of introduction from a pastor.

于是他收到了一封牧师的介绍信。

PRISCILLA HAILE, KIERAN'S WIFE: Alex was known to be charismatic.

基兰的妻子普里西拉·海尔：众所周知，亚历克斯很有魅力。

I've heard a lot about his fiery nature.

我听说过很多关于他火爆性格的事。

I've heard a lot about his tenacity.

我听说过很多关于他坚韧的事。

His confidence was-was borderline arrogance, but he was so well-intentioned that it was okay.

他的自信是——近乎傲慢，但他是出于好意，所以没关系。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: They develop a very strong relationship, and at some point they get engaged.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：他们建立了非常牢固的关系，并在某个时候订婚了。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: He realizes that he's got more going on than being a house painter.

卡罗尔·安德森，历史学家：他意识到自己不仅仅只是一名房屋油漆工。

The way that his mind works, the things that he thinks about.

他的思维方式、他思考的事情。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: And Alexander Manly, along with his brother, Frank, assume the editorship of the newspaper.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：亚历山大·曼利（Alexander Manly）和他的兄弟弗兰克（Frank）担任该报的编辑。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: It wasn't considered a radical newspaper, at least not initially.

历史学家凯利：它并不被认为是一份激进的报纸，至少最初不是。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Alex wrote some exposes.

记者戴维·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)：亚历克斯写了一些揭露的内容。

One was about the treatment of Black patients in horrible conditions in the black wards of the hospital.

其中之一是关于在医院的黑人病房中，黑人患者在可怕的条件下接受治疗的情况。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: And he also does things about the lack of public services, like paved roads.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：他还针对公共服务的缺乏做了一些事情，比如铺设道路。

And you begin to see improvements in the Black community based on the kinds of agitation that he's doing.

基于他所做的各种煽动，你开始看到黑人社区的进步。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: And through his newspaper, Manly is able to advocate for the advancement of African Americans, not just in Wilmington, but the advancement of African Americans across the state of North Carolina, um, and within the South.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：通过他的报纸，曼利能够倡导非裔美国人的进步，不仅在威尔明顿，而且在整个北卡罗来纳州，嗯，以及南方的非裔美国人的进步。

It's during Reconstruction that we get the 14th Amendment guaranteeing citizenship to African Americans.

正是在重建期间，我们获得了第十四条修正案，保障非裔美国人的公民身份。

And then we have this 15th amendment that said that one's right to vote could not be abridged on the basis of race.

然后我们有第 15 条修正案，其中规定一个人的投票权不能因种族而被剥夺。

So it's the 15th amendment that gives Black men access to the ballot.

因此，第 15 条修正案赋予黑人投票权。

During Reconstruction, we see numerous Black men able to hold public office at multiple levels of government.

在重建期间，我们看到许多黑人能够在各级政府中担任公职。

We see Black men serving in the North Carolina General Assembly.

我们看到黑人在北卡罗来纳州议会任职。

North Carolina would send Black men to Congress.

北卡罗来纳州将派黑人进入国会。

We saw African American men not only being able to take part in the political process, but serving in the halls of power.

我们看到非裔美国男性不仅能够参与政治进程，而且能够在权力殿堂中任职。

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: What we have during Reconstruction is a lot of white anger at Black people seizing their freedom.

历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：在重建期间，我们看到的是白人对黑人夺取自由的愤怒。

You've got a lot of the white population that is very frustrated with not only losing slavery, but seeing African Americans go from being enslaved people to thriving, to becoming landowners, to serving in office.

很多白人不仅对失去奴隶制感到非常沮丧，而且对非裔美国人从被奴役的人走向繁荣、成为地主、再到担任公职感到非常沮丧。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: The Confederacy felt that it had been overthrown, and it was trying to take power back.

历史学家凯利：南部邦联感觉自己已被推翻，并试图夺回权力。

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: That war is still going on.

历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：那场战争仍在继续。

This war after the Civil War.

这场战争是内战之后的战争。

This war on African Americans' freedom.

这场针对非裔美国人自由的战争。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: Black men having the right to vote just angered white supremacists eight ways to Sunday.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：截至周日，拥有投票权的黑人已经以八种方式激怒了白人至上主义者。

And so you had massive intimidation at the polls.

所以你在民意调查中受到了大规模的恐吓。

This is where you get the rise of white domestic terrorism in the form of the KKK, the Ku Klux Klan.

这就是以三K党（Ku Klux Klan）形式出现的白人国内恐怖主义的兴起。

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: You've got these organized attacks on Black people, a lot of assassinations on Black voters and Black office holders, home invasions where they're deliberately targeting African Americans who are very successful.

基达·威廉姆斯，历史学家：这些针对黑人的有组织的攻击，针对黑人选民和黑人公职人员的大量暗杀，以及他们故意针对非常成功的非裔美国人的入室盗窃。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Unfortunately, you know, Reconstruction ends prematurely.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：不幸的是，你知道，重建过早结束了。

The removal of troops from the South ushered in the end of Reconstruction and white supremacists are once again able to regain power.

从南方撤军标志着重建的结束，白人至上主义者再次重新掌权。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Democrats and Republicans of 1898 are not the Democrats and Republicans of the 21st century.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：1898 年的民主党和共和党不是 21 世纪的民主党和共和党。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: Remember, what we had coming out of the Civil War was that Lincoln was a Republican, and the Republican Party was founded on an anti-slavery platform.

卡罗尔·安德森，历史学家：请记住，我们从内战中得到的结果是，林肯是一名共和党人，而共和党是建立在反奴隶制平台上的。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: That meant that most African American voters were going to vote for the Republican candidates.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：这意味着大多数非裔美国选民将投票给共和党候选人。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: The Democrats were the Klan members, the Democrats were the slave owners, the enslavers.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：民主党是三K党成员，民主党是奴隶主、奴隶主。

They were deeply committed to denying citizenship rights to African Americans.

他们坚定地致力于剥夺非裔美国人的公民权利。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: The Democratic Party holds the state in the 1870s throughout the 1880s.

历史学家凯利：从 1870 年代到 1880 年代都是民主党执政。

It's really not until the 1890s that you begin to see the Democrats again lose their power.

直到 1890 年代，你才开始看到民主党再次失去权力。

There's a depression that takes place in 1893.

1893 年发生了一场大萧条。

White farmers are suffering.

白人农民正在受苦。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: These white farmers felt that the Democrat party was beholden to-to the banks and the railroads and the moneyed interests.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：这些白人农民认为民主党对银行、铁路和金钱利益负有责任。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: And they bolt from the Democrats and join the Populists, which is a third party.

历史学家凯利：他们脱离了民主党，加入了民粹主义者，这是一个第三方。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Neither the Republican Party nor the Populist party had the voting power to unseat Democratic Party candidates if they were running in a Tri-part election.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：如果共和党和民粹主义政党参加三部分选举，那么他们都没有投票权来取代民主党候选人。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: So they form an alliance.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：所以他们结成了联盟。

White Populists and Black and white Republicans.

白人民粹主义者和黑人和白人共和党人。

This became known as Fusion.

这被称为融合。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: We see a political alliance between African Americans and working class white people.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：我们看到非裔美国人和白人工人阶级之间的政治联盟。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The Populists were as racist as any of the members of the Democratic Party, but their economic interests were so strong that they were able to set that aside.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：民粹主义者与民主党成员一样具有种族主义色彩，但他们的经济利益是如此强大，以至于他们能够将其抛在一边。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: It's not some kumbaya moment, we've gotta be really clear about that.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：这不是什么关键时刻，我们必须非常清楚这一点。

It was a pragmatic moment.

这是一个务实的时刻。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: So both in 1894 and in 1896, this Fusionist coalition of Black and white men are able to sweep the North Carolina General Assembly.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：因此，无论是在 1894 年还是在 1896 年，这个黑人和白人的融合主义联盟都能够横扫北卡罗来纳州议会。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: North Carolina elects a Fusion governor, Daniel Russell.

历史学家凯利：北卡罗来纳州选出融合州长丹尼尔·拉塞尔。

They send George White to Congress, and they start to pull back all the things that the Democrats did to reduce democracy.

他们将乔治·怀特派往国会，并开始撤回民主党为削弱民主所做的所有事情。

So for example, the positions that were once appointed, uh, in Wilmington, are now turning into elected positions, which allows Black people to run for office.

例如，曾经在威尔明顿任命的职位现在变成了民选职位，这允许黑人竞选公职。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: It created, uh, really a situation in Wilmington that was unique.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：它在威尔明顿创造了一种独特的情况。

You had Black men in positions of authority and power.

黑人担任权威和权力职务。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: So we see Black and white men on the Board of Aldermen.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：所以我们看到市议员委员会中有黑人和白人。

We see Black and white men serving in various municipal offices.

我们看到黑人和白人在各个市政办公室任职。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Ten of the twenty-six policemen were Black men.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：二十六名警察中有十名是黑人。

The city treasurer, the city jailer, the city coroner.

市财务长、市狱卒、市验尸官。

John C.

约翰·C.

Dancy was the custom collector at the Port, which is a federally appointed position.

丹西是港口的海关收货员，这是联邦政府指定的职位。

He made $4,000 a year, which is a thousand dollars more than the governor made.

他一年赚 4000 美元，比州长多了 1000 美元。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: The mayor of Wilmington is also a Fusion candidate.

历史学家凯利：威尔明顿市长也是融合党候选人。

It's not the majority black, it's the majority Fusion that makes a difference.

造成差异的不是黑人占多数，而是融合族占多数。

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: So with Wilmington, by 1898, African Americans that still held on to a lot of the rights and privileges and the institutions and the power they had enjoyed.

历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：到 1898 年，威尔明顿的非裔美国人仍然保留着他们所享有的许多权利和特权、机构和权力。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: It was a land of possibility, a land of hope, a different vision of what American democracy could be; that it could actually be multiracial and work.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：这是一片充满可能性的土地，一片充满希望的土地，对美国民主的不同愿景。它实际上可以是多种族和工作的。

Making a life in a time, hitherto unseen, took your breath away...

在一个前所未有的时代创造生活，让你惊叹不已......

There is one thing the Democratic Party never has done and never will do, and that is to set the negro up to rule over white men.

有一件事情民主党从来没有做过也永远不会做，那就是让黑人统治白人。

It is no fault of the negro that he is here and he is not to be punished for being here.

黑人在这里并不是他的错，他不应该因为在这里而受到惩罚。

But this is a white man's country and white men must control and govern it.

但这是白人的国家，白人必须控制和治理它。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Beginning in 1898, the leadership of the Democratic Party at the state level began to push the white supremacy platform as the main tool to break apart Fusion.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：从 1898 年开始，州一级的民主党领导层开始推动白人至上纲领作为分裂融合的主要工具。

GLENDA GILMORE, HISTORIAN: This is a campaign that's deliberately put together by three guys: Furnifold Simmons, Josephus Daniels, and Charles Ayock.

历史学家格伦达·吉尔摩：这是一场由三个人故意组织起来的活动：弗尼福德·西蒙斯、约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯和查尔斯·艾约克。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: It was a midterm election coming up in November of 1898, and they began plotting.

记者戴维·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)：1898 年 11 月即将举行中期选举，他们开始密谋。

They met in Newburn early in 1898 and came up with a plan.

1898 年初，他们在纽本会面并制定了一个计划。

Furnifold Simmons was the chairman of the state Democratic Party.

弗尼福德·西蒙斯是州民主党主席。

He was an incredibly effective strategic thinker.

他是一位非常有效的战略思想家。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: He had actually lost an election to a Black candidate earlier in his career.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：实际上，他在职业生涯早期曾在一次选举中输给了一位黑人候选人。

So there's this personal element to his animus.

所以他的敌意中有这种个人因素。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: And he is looking for ways to once again restore the Democratic Party to its glory days.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：他正在寻找让民主党再次恢复辉煌的方法。

White supremacy is going to be the rallying cry.

白人至上将成为战斗口号。

White supremacy is going to be the issue used to chip away at Fusion politics and return North Carolina to white supremacist rule.

白人至上主义将成为削弱融合政治并使北卡罗来纳州回归白人至上主义统治的问题。

And he sees Josephus Daniels as someone who can be essential to their cause.

他认为约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯对他们的事业至关重要。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Josephus Daniels was the publisher of The News and Observer in Raleigh.

大卫·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)，记者：约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯 (Josephus Daniels) 是罗利《新闻与观察家报》的出版商。

He posed as a journalist, but he was really a politician who happened to own the most powerful newspaper in the state.

他冒充记者，但实际上是一名政客，碰巧拥有该州最有权势的报纸。

At that time, newspapers were king.

那个时候，报纸为王。

I mean, there was no internet, there was no radio, there was no tv.

我的意思是，没有互联网，没有收音机，没有电视。

So newspapers had really this tremendous power over what people knew and what people believed.

因此，报纸确实对人们所知道的和人们所相信的事物具有巨大的影响力。

FRANK ARTHUR DANIELS III, DESCENDANT OF JOSEPHUS DANIELS: I'm Frank Arthur Daniels III, um, the great-grandson of Josephus Daniels.

弗兰克·阿瑟·丹尼尔斯三世，约瑟夫·丹尼尔斯的后裔：我是弗兰克·阿瑟·丹尼尔斯三世，嗯，约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯的曾孙。

He was born in 1863.

他出生于 1863 年。

He never met his father, so his mother was a single mom, ended up moving to Wilson, North Carolina and becoming the postmistress there.

他从未见过他的父亲，所以他的母亲是一位单亲妈妈，最终搬到了北卡罗来纳州的威尔逊，并成为那里的邮政局长。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: He came from really a working class family.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：他来自一个真正的工人阶级家庭。

He is active in the Democratic Party, but is not seen as one of the key players or someone who was well known until the 1890s, when he's able to acquire The News and Observer in Raleigh.

他在民主党中很活跃，但直到 1890 年代他才能够收购罗利的《新闻和观察家报》时，他才被视为关键人物之一或知名人士。

FRANK ARTHUR DANIELS III, DESCENDANT OF JOSEPHUS DANIELS: He bought it in 1894 off a courthouse auction here in Raleigh.

弗兰克·阿瑟·丹尼尔斯三世 (Frank Arthur Daniels III)，约瑟夫·丹尼尔斯 (Josephus Daniels) 的后裔：他于 1894 年在罗利 (Raleigh) 的法院拍卖会上买下了这幅画。

I guess he wanted to have power, and the way to do that was to find benefactors and hi-his benefactors happened to be in the Democratic Party.

我猜他想拥有权力，而做到这一点的方法就是寻找恩人，嗨，他的恩人恰好在民主党。

In the 19th century, newspapers were very partisan, especially when you were looking at state capitol newspapers like The News and Observer was.

在 19 世纪，报纸的党派色彩非常浓厚，尤其是当你看《新闻报》和《观察家报》这样的州议会报纸时。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: He raised money from other white supremacists and turned it into a propaganda tool.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：他从其他白人至上主义者那里筹集资金，并将其变成了宣传工具。

He called himself the militant voice of white supremacy.

他称自己是白人至上的好战声音。

The white supremacists really needed a phrase, a trope to really incite whites and they use the terms 'negro rule' and 'negro domination.'

白人至上主义者确实需要一个短语、一个比喻来真正煽动白人，他们使用“黑人统治”和“黑人统治”等术语。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: The fact that you have one or two in certain positions, or five or six out of five, six, and seven hundred...that's negro domination?

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：事实是，在某些职位上只有一两个人，或者五、六、七百人中的五六人……这就是黑人统治？

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Through this whole Fusion process, there were many, many more white Republicans than there were Blacks in public office.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：在整个融合过程中，担任公职的白人共和党人比黑人多得多。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: The fact that they had any modicum of power was a problem to white supremacists who believed that because of their supremacy, they should not have to share governance with African Americans.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：他们拥有一点权力这一事实对白人至上主义者来说是一个问题，他们认为，由于他们的至高无上，他们不应该与非裔美国人分享治理权。

That this was an insult.

认为这是一种侮辱。

While there are these white supremacy campaigns statewide, there was a secret group determining their own ways of promoting a white supremacy agenda here in Wilmington.

虽然全州范围内都有这些白人至上运动，但在威尔明顿，有一个秘密团体正在决定自己推动白人至上议程的方式。

A group of nine citizens met at the home of Mr. Hugh MacRae and there decided that the attitude and actions of the negroes made it necessary for them to take some steps towards protecting their families and homes in their immediate neighborhood, Seventh, and Market Streets.

九名公民在休·麦克雷先生的家中会面，并认为黑人的态度和行为使他们有必要采取一些措施来保护他们在附近的第七街和市场街的家人和家园。

This group of citizens, the Secret Nine, divided the city into sections, placing a responsible citizen as captain in charge of each area.

这群被称为“秘密九人”的公民将城市划分为几个部分，并安排一名负责任的公民作为队长负责每个区域。

The better element planned to gain relief from negro impotence and domination, from grafting, and from immoral conditions.

较好的分子计划摆脱黑人的无能和统治、贪污腐败和不道德的状况。

- Jesse Blake, Wilmington Resident.

- 杰西·布莱克 (Jesse Blake)，威尔明顿居民。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: It's a lot sexier to say the Secret Nine than it is to say The Chamber of Commerce, but it's really just the white business community that we're talking about.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文（JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN），作家：说“秘密九人”比说“商会”更性感，但我们谈论的实际上只是白人商业界。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: These were very elite white men.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：这些都是非常精英的白人。

Hugh MacRae came from one of the more prominent business families in Wilmington.

休·麦克雷来自威尔明顿一个较为显赫的商业家族。

MEG MACRAE, DESCENDANT OF HUGH MACRAE: I'm Meg MacRae, I'm the great-granddaughter of Hugh MacRae.

梅格·麦克雷，休·麦克雷的后裔：我是梅格·麦克雷，我是休·麦克雷的曾孙女。

You know, there's a certain population of the people here that didn't like what was happening with the Fusionist government.

你知道，这里有一部分人不喜欢融合政府所发生的事情。

You know, my understanding of Wilmington at the time at 1898 was that it was sort of like a mecca of sorts, like African American businesses, white businesses, all thriving.

你知道，我对 1898 年威尔明顿的理解是，它有点像某种圣地，像非裔美国企业、白人企业一样，都在蓬勃发展。

He was part of the population that didn't so much like that.

他属于不太喜欢那样的人群中的一部分。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: These men would meet to discuss problems their businesses were having as a result of the decisions of the board of Alderman and the mayor.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：这些人会开会讨论他们的企业因市议员董事会和市长的决定而遇到的问题。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: There is a concern for maintaining their wealth, of wanting to ensure that they remained at the top of the social order.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：人们担心维持他们的财富，希望确保他们保持在社会秩序的顶端。

There could not be biracial forms of government that required them to compete with African Americans for anything.

不可能存在要求他们与非裔美国人竞争任何东西的混血形式的政府。

White people in Wilmington who supported white supremacy still had to figure out a way to get rid of the Fusionist political leaders who controlled the city.

威尔明顿支持白人至上的白人仍然必须找到摆脱控制该城市的融合主义政治领导人的方法。

It was really a matter of how they were gonna carry out this plan, not if they were gonna carry out the plan.

这实际上是他们如何执行这个计划的问题，而不是他们是否执行这个计划的问题。

GLENDA GILMORE, HISTORIAN: They saw themselves really as 'New South' men.

历史学家格伦达·吉尔摩：他们确实将自己视为“新南方”人。

As much as they revere their dads who fought in the Civil War and got the South into the Civil War, they're determined not to be their dads.

尽管他们非常尊敬在内战中战斗并将南方带入内战的父亲，但他们决心不再成为自己的父亲。

They're determined to solve this quote 'negro problem' once and for all, and to do a better job of it than their fathers did.

他们决心一劳永逸地解决这个引述的“黑人问题”，并且比他们的父辈做得更好。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: The MacRae Castle, you know, was a very grand house.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：麦克雷城堡，你知道，是一座非常宏伟的房子。

He was the neighbor to the Sadgwars, to one of the oldest, most established, most cultured and sophisticated Black families in-in-in Wilmington.

他是萨奇瓦家族的邻居，萨奇瓦家族是威尔明顿最古老、最有地位、最有文化、最世故的黑人家族之一。

It's just the intimacy and proximity.

这只是亲密和接近。

You know, your neighbor is having a meeting about how to overthrow you and your family and your friends and your whole community.

你知道，你的邻居正在开会讨论如何推翻你和你的家人、你的朋友以及你的整个社区。

About how to shut-to shut that down.

关于如何关闭它。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: They came together to plan how Wilmington would organize itself within the larger scope of what the Democratic Party was doing.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：他们聚集在一起计划威尔明顿如何在民主党正在做的更大范围内组织起来。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Josephus Daniels was very clever in how he got this message out.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯传达这一信息的方式非常聪明。

He realized that almost 25% of the white electorate was illiterate.

他意识到近 25% 的白人选民是文盲。

So he hired a political cartoonist to draw these harrowing cartoons.

因此他聘请了一位政治漫画家来绘制这些令人痛苦的漫画。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: They were very effective in terms of turning successful, dignified, Black middle and working class into caricatures, into sambos...

历史学家凯利：他们非常有效地将成功的、有尊严的、黑人中产阶级和工人阶级变成漫画、桑博......

making the claim that these cartoon characters were the ones running government.

声称这些卡通人物是政府的管理者。

FRANK ARTHUR DANIELS III, DESCENDANT OF JOSEPHUS DANIELS: They used images to help stir up emotion.

弗兰克·阿瑟·丹尼尔斯三世，约瑟夫·丹尼尔斯的后裔：他们使用图像来帮助激发情感。

This is a cartoon that appeared in The News and Observer.

这是《新闻报》和《观察家报》上出现的漫画。

Um, they call it the 'Incubus cartoon.'

嗯，他们称之为“梦魇卡通”。

GLENDA GILMORE, HISTORIAN: A Black incubus is hovering over the state of North Carolina.

历史学家格伦达·吉尔摩：一只黑色梦魇正在北卡罗来纳州上空盘旋。

An incubus is someone who rapes women while they're asleep.

梦魇是指在女性熟睡时强奸她们的人。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: You had a paper that was just pumping in this image of African Americans as corrupt, as dangerous to democracy.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：你的一篇论文渲染了非裔美国人腐败、对民主构成危险的形象。

You also have: Crime!

你还有：犯罪！

Crime!

犯罪！

Crime is Black.

犯罪是黑色的。

You're seeing the danger of Black men, the threat to white civilization and the threat to white women.

你看到了黑人男性的危险、对白人文明的威胁以及对白人女性的威胁。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: By the 1890s, you begin to see this spike in lynchings.

历史学家凯利：到了 1890 年代，你开始看到私刑激增。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: About a lynching every other day was the scale and the scope in America at that time.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：当时美国的规模和范围大约每隔一天就有一次私刑。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: And those lynchings are often generated by someone crying rape, by the threat of rape, by rumors of rape.

历史学家凯利：这些私刑通常是由那些哭泣强奸、强奸威胁、强奸谣言引发的。

GLENDA GILMORE, HISTORIAN: When I looked at the statistics, rape as a crime is reported in the state government journals every year, and, uh, there was no increase in rapes.

历史学家格伦达·吉尔摩：当我查看统计数据时，州政府期刊每年都会将强奸作为一种犯罪行为进行报道，而且，呃，强奸案并没有增加。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: Lynching and the trope of the Black rapist coincides with the Democratic reaction against Fusion, against interracial movements.

历史学家凯利：私刑和黑人强奸犯的比喻与民主党反对融合、反对跨种族运动的反应不谋而合。

They want to break that alliance in the Fusion party between Black and white workers.

他们想打破融合党中黑人和白人工人之间的联盟。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Charles Aycock was a young lawyer and one of the leaders of the white supremacy campaign in North Carolina.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：查尔斯·艾科克是一位年轻的律师，也是北卡罗来纳州白人至上运动的领导人之一。

He was one of these really dynamic stump speakers.

他是真正充满活力的树桩演讲者之一。

They would just go through Eastern North Carolina and he would give these campaign speeches about negro domination, Black rapes and insolent Black people, and really inciting whites to violence.

他们会经过北卡罗来纳州东部，他会发表有关黑人统治、黑人强奸和无礼黑人以及真正煽动白人暴力的竞选演讲。

No man who loves his state can read the daily occurrences of crime in North Carolina, where the Negro is the aggressor, without trembling for the future of the state.

热爱自己所在州的人在读到北卡罗来纳州每天发生的犯罪事件（那里的黑人是侵略者）时，不会不为该州的未来而颤抖。

There have been more assaults upon white women by negro brutes in one year and a half of Republican rule than in 20 years of Democratic rule.

在共和党统治的一年半里，黑人暴徒袭击白人妇女的次数比民主党统治的 20 年还要多。

GLENDA GILMORE, HISTORIAN: They got together and concocted, basically, a fake news campaign, uh, to convince the Populist white men who had voted with the Republicans, many of whom were Black, that by doing so, they had put their wives and daughters in danger.

历史学家格伦达·吉尔摩：他们聚集在一起，基本上炮制了一场假新闻运动，呃，是为了让那些投票支持共和党的民粹主义白人（其中许多是黑人）相信，他们这样做已经将自己的妻子和女儿置于危险之中。

Where there is not enough religion in the pulpit to organize a crusade against sin, nor justice in the courthouse to promptly punish crime, nor manhood enough in the nation to put a sheltering arm about innocence and virtue, if it needs lynching to protect women's dearest possession from ravening human beasts, then I say lynch– a thousand times a week if necessary!

如果讲坛上没有足够的宗教来组织一场反对罪恶的十字军东征，法院没有正义来迅速惩罚犯罪，国家也没有足够的男子气概来保护无辜和美德，如果需要私刑来保护妇女最珍贵的财产免受掠夺的人类野兽的侵害，那么我说私刑——如果有必要的话，每周一千次！

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Rebecca Felton, she was the wife of a congressman in Georgia.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：丽贝卡·费尔顿，她是佐治亚州一位国会议员的妻子。

She gave a speech to the Agricultural Society condemning white men for, in her mind, not doing enough to stop the 'Black beast rapist' and this supposed rape epidemic in Georgia.

她在农业协会发表演讲，谴责白人在她看来没有采取足够措施阻止“黑兽强奸犯”和佐治亚州这种所谓的强奸流行病。

There was no rape epidemic, but she created one.

强奸流行并不存在，但她却创造了一种。

White supremacist newspapers in Wilmington realized they could make something of this.

威尔明顿的白人至上主义报纸意识到他们可以利用这一点。

So they reprinted her speech in August of 1898, and as soon as Alex Manly saw that, he sat down and wrote an editorial in response to Mrs. Felton.

因此，他们在 1898 年 8 月重印了她的演讲，亚历克斯·曼利一看到这篇演讲，就坐下来写了一篇社论来回应费尔顿夫人。

Mrs. Felton from Georgia makes a speech before the Agricultural Society at Tybee, Georgia, in which she advocates lynching as an extreme measure.

来自乔治亚州的费尔顿夫人在乔治亚州泰比的农业协会发表演讲，她在演讲中主张将私刑作为一种极端措施。

Experience among poor white people in the country teaches us that women of that race are not more particular in the matter of clandestine meetings with colored men than are the white men with colored women.

该国贫穷白人的经验告诉我们，该种族的妇女在与有色人种男子秘密会面方面并不比白人男子与有色人种妇女秘密会面更挑剔。

Meetings of this kind go on for some time until the women's infatuation or the man's boldness brings attention to them, and the man is lynched for rape.

这种会面会持续一段时间，直到女人们的迷恋或男人的大胆引起人们的注意，而男人则因强奸而被处以私刑。

Every negro lynched is called a big burly black brute, when in fact many of those who have thus been dealt with, had white men for their fathers and were not only not Black and burly, but was sufficiently attractive for the white girls of culture and refinement to fall in love with them.

每一个被私刑处决的黑人都被称为魁梧的黑人畜生，而事实上，许多被这样对待的黑人的父亲都是白人，他们不仅不是黑人和魁梧的人，而且足以吸引有文化和优雅的白人女孩爱上他们。

Tell your men that it is no worse for a Black man to be intimate with a white woman than for a white man to be intimate with a colored woman.

告诉你的男人，黑人与白人女性亲密并不比白人与有色人种女性亲密更糟糕。

Don't think ever that your women will remain pure while you are debauching ours.

别以为你们的女人会保持纯洁，而你们却在放荡我们的女人。

Alex Manly Editorial.

亚历克斯·曼利社论。

Daily Record.

日志。

August 18th, 1898.

1898 年 8 月 18 日。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: This was blasphemous , you know, to say that a white woman could actually desire a Black man.

卡罗尔·安德森，历史学家：你知道，说白人女性实际上可以渴望黑人男性，这是亵渎的。

What?!

什么？！

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The other point he made was that for generations, white men had been raping Black women with impunity, and that had been going on forever, and nobody talks about that.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：他提出的另一点是，几代人以来，白人男子一直强奸黑人妇女而不受惩罚，而且这种情况一直持续下去，但没有人谈论这一点。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: Alexander Manly's rebuttal to Rebecca Felton was absolutely courageous.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：亚历山大·曼利对丽贝卡·费尔顿的反驳绝对是勇敢的。

He didn't say it behind closed doors while he is talking with his friends.

他并没有在私下里与朋友交谈时说出这番话。

He did it in an editorial published in The Daily Record that has white advertisers.

他在《每日纪事报》上发表的一篇社论中做到了这一点，该社论有白人广告商。

And so he's really putting himself out there.

所以他真的把自己摆在那里。

You had some members of the Black community who were like, oh, Manly, Manly doesn't speak for us.

黑人社区的一些成员会说，哦，曼利，曼利不代表我们说话。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: There were many who perhaps, even if they believed it was true, thought that it was, you know, too inflammatory to be printed.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：也许有很多人，即使他们相信这是真的，也认为它太过煽动，不适合发表。

We also see prominent Black men in Wilmington urge Manly to recant the editorial, to apologize in an effort to avoid conflict.

我们还看到威尔明顿的知名黑人敦促曼利撤回这篇社论，道歉以避免冲突。

He refuses.

他拒绝了。

He sees himself as someone who has done nothing wrong.

他认为自己是一个没有做错任何事的人。

He has spoken a truth that he believes has gone unspoken for too long.

他说出了一个他认为已经被隐瞒太久的真相。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: Manly publishes his editorial in August of 1898.

历史学家凯利：曼利于 1898 年 8 月发表了他的社论。

So this is only a few months before the election in November, 1898.

现在距离 1898 年 11 月大选只有几个月了。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The leaders of the white supremacy campaign said, we can use this editorial as a campaign tool to incite whites.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：白人至上运动的领导人说，我们可以利用这篇社论作为煽动白人的运动工具。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: He essentially hands Simmons a smoking gun for white supremacists.

克里斯托·桑德斯，历史学家：他本质上是给西蒙斯提供了白人至上主义者确凿的证据。

Alexander Manly proves what is wrong with Fusionist politics.

亚历山大·曼利证明了融合主义政治出了什么问题。

That not only are African Americans holding elected offices, but an African American newspaper editor could so boldly speak against white womanhood that there needed to be a change in governance in the state.

不仅非裔美国人担任民选公职，而且非裔美国报纸编辑也可以如此大胆地反对白人女性，以至于需要改变该州的治理。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The white newspapers reprinted this editorial, not only in Wilmington, not only in North Carolina, but across the South, and the white supremacists just let this rage build.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：白人报纸转载了这篇社论，不仅在威尔明顿，不仅在北卡罗来纳州，而且在整个南方，白人至上主义者只是任由这种愤怒加剧。

Alex Manly, editor of the colored Daily, complained to the mayor and chief of police that he received a letter threatening his life.

《有色人报》的编辑亚历克斯·曼利（Alex Manly）向市长和警察局长抱怨说，他收到了一封威胁他生命的信。

Manly has been staying in the office at night with some friends to protect the office.

曼莉晚上和一些朋友呆在办公室保护办公室。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: The owner of the building where The Daily Record was housed told Alexander Manly he needed to find a new location for his newspaper.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：《每日纪事报》所在大楼的业主告诉亚历山大·曼利，他需要为他的报纸找到一个新地点。

Our removal.

我们的移除。

The dispatch a few days since advised the white property owners not to rent us a home for our paper.

几天后的通知建议白人业主不要为我们的报纸租用房屋。

We thought their idea a good one ourselves and set about at once to find someplace owned by colored people, where we might print our paper.

我们自己认为他们的想法很好，并立即着手寻找有色人种拥有的地方，在那里我们可以打印我们的报纸。

We have found it and will hereafter use a negro home for a negro paper.

我们已经找到了它，并将在以后使用黑人之家来制作黑人报纸。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Alexander Manly and his supporters are able to secure a building known as the Love and Charity Hall.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：亚历山大·曼利和他的支持者成功占领了一座名为“爱与慈善大厅”的建筑。

It was a- essentially a community center in Wilmington for African Americans.

它本质上是威尔明顿非裔美国人的一个社区中心。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Through the summer and fall of 1898, the white supremacists perpetuated this myth that it was Black citizens who were arming themselves and preparing for a takeover.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：在 1898 年的夏天和秋天，白人至上主义者延续了这样一个神话：黑人公民正在武装自己并准备接管。

FRANK ARTHUR DANIELS III, DESCENDANT OF JOSEPHUS DANIELS: It was a fabrication of The News and Observer and of others to foment fear and make people react.

弗兰克·阿瑟·丹尼尔斯三世，约瑟夫·丹尼尔斯的后裔：这是《新闻和观察家报》和其他人的捏造，目的是煽动恐惧并让人们做出反应。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: When in fact, it was the whites buying guns and arming themselves.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：事实上，是白人购买枪支并武装自己。

White men and boys in Wilmington were armed with multiple weapons each.

威尔明顿的白人和男孩每人都携带多件武器。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: Sales of Winchester rifles are skyrocketing.

历史学家凯利：温彻斯特步枪的销量正在猛增。

All these white people are buying these rifles.

所有这些白人都在购买这些步枪。

Meanwhile, uh, stores that sell ammunition are not selling to Black people deliberately, they're told not to.

与此同时，呃，销售弹药的商店并不是故意卖给黑人，他们被告知不要这样做。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: They had units patrolling every single ward in Wilmington.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：他们有部队在威尔明顿的每个病区巡逻。

It was sending the signal to the white community, as well as to the Black community.

它向白人社区以及黑人社区发出信号。

It is now nearly 11 o'clock.

现在已经快11点了。

Perfect quiet rains in the streets.

街道上下着完美安静的雨。

Henry and Bradley, the uncles, are sitting downstairs in the dining room with arms.

亨利和布拉德利叔叔，手挽着手坐在楼下的餐厅里。

The town is to be guarded by four or eight men at each corner.

小镇的每个角落都有四到八个人把守。

Bradley has a beautiful pistol, Henry, a gun and pistol, then ours, your father has.

布拉德利有一把漂亮的手枪，亨利，一把枪和手枪，然后是我们的，你父亲有。

That leaves none for Lucy and me, but I saw that the hatchets were handy.

露西和我就没有剩下的了，但我发现斧头很方便。

LUCY MCCAULEY, DESCENDANT OF WILLIAM B.

露西·麦考利，威廉·B. 的后裔

MCKOY: In our own family documents, it was written down: the Black population was going to rise up, and all the white people were arming themselves.

麦考伊：在我们自己的家庭文件中，写着：黑人将要起来，所有白人都在武装自己。

And my great-grandfather was one of the people doing that.

我的曾祖父就是这样做的人之一。

My name is Lucy McCauley, and my great-grandfather was William Barry McKoy.

我的名字是露西·麦考利，我的曾祖父是威廉·巴里·麦考伊。

He had gone to Princeton.

他去了普林斯顿大学。

He was a lawyer.

他是一名律师。

He later became the grandmaster of the Masons in town, the Masonic Lodge.

后来他成为镇上共济会共济会会所的大师。

He was one of the heads of these White Government Unions.

他是这些白人政府联盟的领导人之一。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: The White Government Union was created by the Democratic Party, almost like a political action committee.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：白人政府联盟是由民主党创建的，几乎就像一个政治行动委员会。

Excerpt from White Government Union Constitution:

白政府联盟宪法摘录：

The White Government Union Constitution.

白政府联盟宪法。

The purpose of the organization shall be to re-establish in North Carolina the supremacy of the white race.

该组织的目的是在北卡罗来纳州重新确立白人种族的至高无上的地位。

LUCY MCCAULEY, DESCENDANT OF WILLIAM B.

露西·麦考利，威廉·B. 的后裔

MCKOY: They would use these unions to gather white people, get them all stirred up about voting, talking about how the elections should go and what they needed to do to make sure they go that way.

麦考伊：他们会利用这些工会聚集白人，让他们都投票，讨论选举应该如何进行，以及他们需要做什么来确保选举顺利进行。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Parallel to the White Government Union, we have the Red Shirts.

历史学家莱拉·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：与白政府联盟平行，我们有红衫军。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Josephus Daniels said the white supremacy campaign needed three types of men.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯说，白人至上运动需要三种类型的男人。

Men who could write, men who could speak, and men who could ride.

会写字的人，会说话的人，会骑马的人。

The men who could ride were the Red Shirts.

能骑马的人是红衫军。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: The Red Shirts came outta South Carolina.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：红衫军来自南卡罗来纳州。

Ben Pitchfork Tillman, he looked up at North Carolina, he's like, 'What, you haven't handled your negro problem yet?

本·皮奇福克·蒂尔曼（Ben Pitchfork Tillman）抬头看着北卡罗来纳州，他说，‘什么，你还没有解决你的黑人问题吗？

Let me help you with that.'

让我帮你吧。

Senator Tillman came to North Carolina and made a speech in which he said he heard that they had a big Black negro editor who had insulted the women of the South.

蒂尔曼参议员来到北卡罗来纳州发表演讲，他在演讲中说，他听说他们有一位黑人大编辑侮辱了南方女性。

He asserted that if I were in his state, I would be lynched before the ink was dry on my paper.

他断言，如果我处于他的状态，我会在纸上的墨水干之前被私刑处死。

Bullets, he said, were better than ballots, in the case of negroes.

他说，对于黑人来说，子弹比选票更好。

Alex Manly.

亚历克斯·曼利.

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: And he basically sent the Red Shirts up to North Carolina.

卡罗尔·安德森，历史学家：他基本上把红衫军送到了北卡罗来纳州。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: These guys would ride out at night and go into Black homes and yank out Black men and whip them and beat 'em and saying, 'If you register to vote, we'll come back and kill you.' I mean, the Democratic Party was run by former plantation owners, the elites, lawyers, politicians, businessmen of the well-to-do.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：这些人会在晚上骑马出去，进入黑人家庭，把黑人抓出来，鞭打他们，并说，“如果你登记投票，我们会回来杀了你。”我的意思是，民主党是由前种植园主、精英、律师、政客、富人经营的。

But the shock troops were workers, lower class, working class, blue collar people.

但冲击部队是工人、下层阶级、工人阶级、蓝领阶层。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Men across all economic spectrums were members of the White Government Union and The Red Shirts.

历史学家莱拉·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：各个经济领域的男性都是白政府联盟和红衫军的成员。

It was a badge of honor to be a part of this campaign.

能够参与这次活动是一种荣誉徽章。

The White Government Union had multiple rallies here in North Carolina and Wilmington.

白人政府联盟在北卡罗来纳州和威尔明顿举行了多次集会。

These rallies included huge parades of Red Shirts, and oftentimes it was finished off with barbecue.

这些集会包括大规模的红衫军游行，通常以烧烤结束。

LUCY MCCAULEY, DESCENDANT OF WILLIAM B.

露西·麦考利，威廉·B. 的后裔

MCKOY: What I think about with my great-grandfather is that he was at a picnic, white man's rally is what it was.

麦考伊：我对曾祖父的印象是，他当时正在参加一次野餐，白人集会就是这样。

And he gave this very stirring speech to kind of help whip up The Red Shirts into a frenzy around defending the white woman's honor.

他发表了这篇非常激动人心的演讲，以帮助煽动红衫军陷入捍卫白人女性荣誉的狂热之中。

And part of it was printed in the newspaper.

其中一部分刊登在报纸上。

See, I've got this thing called the evidence 'cause that helps remind me.

看，我有一个叫做证据的东西，因为它有助于提醒我。

Anybody in my family starts doubting.

我家里的每个人都开始怀疑。

You appear here now to demand vengeance in behalf of the women of our race.

你现在出现在这里，是为了代表我们种族的女性要求报仇。

It is the cry of the women of our land that has aroused you.

是我们土地上妇女的呼声引起了你们的注意。

And I am proud that you are equal to the occasion.

我很自豪你能胜任这个场合。

We have demanded of our officials that they shall abandon this riot and misrule in North Carolina, and by you, we have won the victory.

我们已经要求我们的官员放弃北卡罗来纳州的这场骚乱和暴政，通过你们，我们赢得了胜利。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: By late October of 1898, um, the leaders of the white supremacy campaign in Wilmington became alarmed.

记者戴维·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)：到 1898 年 10 月下旬，嗯，威尔明顿白人至上运动的领导人开始感到震惊。

They didn't think, um, white people were aroused enough.

他们认为，嗯，白人被唤醒得不够。

GLENDA GILMORE, HISTORIAN: Alfred Waddell, who's an older man, who was a Civil War veteran, that makes him a little outside this group of the others.

格伦达·吉尔摩，历史学家：阿尔弗雷德·瓦德尔是一位年长的人，也是一名内战老兵，这使他在这群人中显得有些与众不同。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Lieutenant Colonel during the Confederacy, he admitted to himself that he had a terrible career.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：联邦时期的中校，他向自己承认自己的职业生涯很糟糕。

He, uh, basically washed out and was sent home during the war.

他，呃，在战争期间基本上被淘汰并被送回家了。

He had kind of faded by 1898, and he didn't have a job.

到了 1898 年，他的情绪已经有些低落，而且也没有工作。

He was resented, uh, by a lot of the white supremacy leaders in Wilmington because he was pretty obnoxious.

呃，威尔明顿的许多白人至上领导人都对他感到不满，因为他非常令人讨厌。

He was very sure of himself.

他对自己很有信心。

But he saw his opportunity.

但他看到了自己的机会。

He volunteered to start giving these blood curling speeches on the stump.

他自愿开始在树桩上发表这些令人毛骨悚然的演讲。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: That speech that Alfred Waddell gave in Thalian Hall, where we are right now, that holds six hundred, but there were over a thousand people in here.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：阿尔弗雷德·瓦德尔在塔利安大厅（我们现在所在的地方）发表的演讲有六百人，但这里有一千多人。

This is what he said.

他是这么说的。

This is a portion of what he said.

这是他所说的一部分。

Shall we surrender it to a ragged rabble of negroes, led by a handful of white cowards, who at the first sound of conflict will seek to hide themselves from the righteous vengeance, which they shall not escape?

我们是否应该把它交给由一小撮白人胆小鬼领导的一群衣衫褴褛的黑人，他们一听到冲突的声音就会寻求隐藏自己，以躲避他们无法逃脱的正义复仇？

No!

不！

A thousand times no!

一千次不！

Let them understand once and for all, we will have no more of the intolerable conditions under which we live.

让他们一劳永逸地明白，我们将不再有令人难以忍受的生活条件。

We are resolved to change them, if we have to choke the current of the Cape Fair with carcasses.

如果我们必须用尸体来堵塞海角集市的水流，我们决心改变它们。

The time for smooth words has gone by.

花言巧语的时代已经过去了。

The extremist limit of forbearance has been reached.

极端主义的忍耐已经到了极限。

Negro domination shall hence forth be only a shameful memory to us and an everlasting warning to those who shall ever again seek to revive it.

从此以后，黑人统治对我们来说将只是一个可耻的记忆，对那些再次寻求复兴黑人统治的人来说将是一个永远的警告。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: And Wadell got a massive standing ovation.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：瓦德尔得到了全场起立鼓掌。

Applause was ringing throughout this hall.

掌声响彻整个大厅。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The white supremacy campaign also had two militias at their disposal.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：白人至上运动还拥有两支民兵可供调遣。

The Wilmington Light Infantry and the Naval Reserves.

威尔明顿轻步兵和海军预备队。

They were supposed to report to the governor in Raleigh, who was a Republican.

他们应该向共和党罗利州长汇报。

But in fact, the commanders of these two militias were leaders of the white supremacy campaign.

但事实上，这两个民兵的指挥官都是白人至上运动的领导人。

In the summer of 1898, both militias, all white, were called up for federal service in the Spanish American War, but the leaders of the white supremacy campaign made sure they were back in Wilmington before the midterm election.

1898 年夏天，两支全是白人的民兵都被征召参加美西战争的联邦服役，但白人至上运动的领导人确保他们在中期选举之前回到威尔明顿。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: There is a statewide regiment of Black soldiers that is also deployed.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：全州范围内还部署了一支黑人士兵团。

The white regiments are sent home, but the Black regiment is still held in reserve far from Wilmington.

白人军团被遣送回家，但黑人军团仍然在远离威尔明顿的地方作为预备队。

This leaves the Black community unprotected.

这使得黑人社区得不到保护。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The city's merchants wanted to make sure they had enough firepower, um, to overwhelm the majority Black population.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：这座城市的商人希望确保他们有足够的火力，嗯，压倒大多数黑人人口。

So they brought a Colt Rapid Fire Gun, which was a new weapon then.

于是他们带来了柯尔特速射枪，这在当时是一种新武器。

It was basically one of the first machine guns.

它基本上是最早的机枪之一。

The merchants also bought something called a Hotchkiss gun and provided it to the Naval Reserves and they mounted that as well on a wagon.

商人还购买了一种叫做霍奇基斯枪的东西，并将其提供给海军预备队，并将其安装在一辆马车上。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: So they're preparing for war.

历史学家凯利：所以他们正在为战争做准备。

That's what this period is: preparation for war.

这就是这个时期：战争准备期。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: They take a couple of members of the Black leadership out on this boat just to show them what this gun can do.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：他们带着几名黑人领导层成员上了这艘船，只是为了向他们展示这把枪的威力。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: White people are already beginning to patrol places where African Americans are gonna be voting on Election Day.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：白人已经开始在非裔美国人将在选举日投票的地方巡逻。

They are visiting these areas with guns in their hands.

他们手里拿着枪来到这些地区。

The hope is that African American men will stay home.

希望非裔美国男性能够待在家里。

That African American men will not even attempt to exercise their constitutional right to vote.

非裔美国男性甚至不会尝试行使其宪法赋予的投票权。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: What was happening among white employers, if they found out a Black employee had registered to vote, they were being fired.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：白人雇主中正在发生的事情，如果他们发现黑人雇员登记投票，他们就会被解雇。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Many began to say, well, 'perhaps we should stay home.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：许多人开始说，好吧，“也许我们应该呆在家里”。

Perhaps if we stay home, we can avoid conflict.' When African American women began to learn that Black men are even considering not participating in the election, they are outraged.

也许如果我们呆在家里，我们就可以避免冲突。”当非裔美国女性开始得知黑人男性甚至考虑不参加选举时，她们感到愤怒。

They see this as a problem because African American men are the representatives for Black families.

他们认为这是一个问题，因为非裔美国男性是黑人家庭的代表。

Letter from “An Organization of Colored Ladies” in The Semi-Weekly Messenger:

《信使半周刊》上“有色女性组织”的来信：

Resolved that every negro who refuses to register his name next Saturday, that he may vote, we shall make it our business to deal with him in a way that will not be pleasant.

决定对每一个拒绝在下周六登记姓名以便投票的黑人，我们将以一种不愉快的方式对待他。

He shall be branded a white-livered coward who would sell his liberty and the liberty of our whole race to the demons who are even now seeking to take away the most sacred rights vouchsafed to any people.

他将被贴上“白肝胆小鬼”的标签，将他的自由和我们整个种族的自由出卖给恶魔，而这些恶魔现在仍在寻求剥夺任何人所享有的最神圣的权利。

Resolved further that we have these resolutions published in our Daily Record, the one medium that has stood up for our rights when others have forsaken us.

进一步决定，我们将这些决议发表在我们的《每日记录》中，这是当其他人抛弃我们时仍坚持我们的权利的一种媒体。

Respectfully submitted, an Organization of Colored Ladies.

谨此，有色妇女组织。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: In this copy of The Record from October 20th, 1898, you have Alex Manly speaking to the Black community in a very direct way about what's happening in the city.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：在 1898 年 10 月 20 日的这份记录中，亚历克斯·曼利以非常直接的方式向黑人社区讲述了这座城市正在发生的事情。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: He published a piece that said, look, you know, I know they're talking violence.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：他发表了一篇文章说，看，你知道，我知道他们在谈论暴力。

You know, we're seeing all the guns around, we're seeing all of the patrols, but white folks aren't that crazy.

你知道，我们看到周围有所有的枪，我们看到所有的巡逻队，但白人并没有那么疯狂。

We say now, as we have said, that there is no danger of this sort of thing.

正如我们已经说过的，我们现在说，不存在此类事情的危险。

If Wilmington was the half-civilized town some try to make it appear, there might indeed be danger, but such is not the case.

如果威尔明顿是一些人试图表现出来的半文明小镇，那么确实可能存在危险，但事实并非如此。

Ask yourself, what have I against my neighbor that I would seek to destroy his life or happiness?

问问你自己，我与邻居有什么仇怨，以至于我会试图毁掉他的生活或幸福？

Sober, honorable white people in this city are not at all responsible for these threats.

这个城市清醒、可敬的白人对这些威胁根本不负有责任。

And happily they constitute the large majority of our white citizens.

令人高兴的是，他们构成了我们白人公民的绝大多数。

The danger is as great to them as it is to our selves, for they know that if lawlessness ever begins, it will never stop at the point at which it was aimed.

对他们和我们自己来说，危险都是巨大的，因为他们知道，如果不法行为一旦开始，它就永远不会停止在其目标点上。

But like an avalanche, will sweep all before it.

但就像雪崩一样，将席卷面前的一切。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: He is not taking the bait.

作家约翰·耶利米·沙利文：他没有上钩。

He's not engaging in counter propaganda.

他没有从事反宣传。

He urges calm and-and, uh, he's-he's telling his community not to overreact and to vote.

他敦促大家保持冷静——呃，他是——他告诉他的社区不要反应过度，要投票。

Most importantly, he's saying, you know, the, the whole point of all of this fear mongering is to keep you at home, to keep you from voting.

最重要的是，他说，你知道，所有这些散布恐惧的目的就是让你呆在家里，阻止你投票。

Don't, don't do it.

不要，不要这样做。

Don't let them do it.

别让他们这么做。

They're not gonna murder you.

他们不会谋杀你。

These are our friends and our neighbors.

这些是我们的朋友和邻居。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: You know, he represented the idea of Fusionism in a lot of ways.

基兰·海尔，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：你知道，他在很多方面代表了融合主义的思想。

So it's-it-it's painful really to know that, that he was wrong here.

所以知道他错了真的很痛苦。

That there-there was danger.

那儿有危险。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: A delegation of Black ministers went to President McKinley in Washington and warned him.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：一个由黑人部长组成的代表团前往华盛顿向麦金莱总统发出警告。

Black Minister’s petition in The Wilmington Messenger, November 6, 1898:

1898 年 11 月 6 日，黑人部长在《威尔明顿信使》上发表的请愿书：

The present situation in the state of North Carolina is but an act in the series of reign of terror inaugurated in the year 1873 to wrest from the legitimate electors, the state government.

北卡罗来纳州目前的局势只是 1873 年开始的一系列恐怖统治中的一个举动，目的是从合法选举人、州政府手中夺取权力。

The present situation is a grave one, and the attitude of lawless men in the state of North Carolina will be far reaching in its effects unless it is counteracted by the strong arm of the government.

目前的局势十分严峻，如果不以政府的强力手段予以制止，北卡罗来纳州不法之徒的态度将产生深远的影响。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The president was put in a very, very difficult position.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：总统处于非常非常困难的境地。

He had been a union officer, he was an abolitionist, but he was gonna run for reelection in 1900, and he needed the white vote as much or more as he needed the Black vote.

他曾是一名工会官员，也是一名废奴主义者，但他要在 1900 年竞选连任，他需要白人选票，就像他需要黑人选票一样，甚至更多。

And McKinley absolutely refused to send federal troops in.

麦金莱坚决拒绝派遣联邦军队。

The Attorney General made the point, well, we can't send any troops in because Governor Russell has to request the troops.

司法部长指出，我们不能派遣任何军队，因为拉塞尔州长必须请求军队。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: The Black community had an interesting relationship with Governor Daniel Russell.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：黑人社区与州长丹尼尔·拉塞尔有着有趣的关系。

His commitment to Black civil rights, you know, was questioned early on.

你知道，他对黑人公民权利的承诺很早就受到质疑。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: He had grown up in Wilmington.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：他在威尔明顿长大。

He knew all the white supremacists.

他认识所有的白人至上主义者。

Some were his relatives, a lot were his school friends, and they knew how to manipulate him.

有些是他的亲戚，很多是他的学校朋友，他们知道如何操纵他。

And the white supremacists said, 'Listen, we will promise to keep the peace and won't cause any trouble, if you will promise not to run any Republican candidates in the county.' Russell and the leadership of the Republican Party went along with it because they were so intimidated and so afraid of violence.

白人至上主义者说，“听着，如果你们承诺不在该县竞选任何共和党候选人，我们将承诺维护和平，不会造成任何麻烦。”拉塞尔和共和党领导层同意了这一点，因为他们非常害怕，非常害怕暴力。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: So all the Fusion candidates who were running for office at that time end up withdrawing.

历史学家凯利：所以当时竞选公职的所有融合党候选人最终都退出了。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: And just as that's a sign to African Americans about where the governor stands, that's a sign to white supremacists.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：就像这对非裔美国人来说是州长立场的一个标志一样，对白人至上主义者来说也是一个标志。

They hold all the cards.

他们掌握着所有的牌。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: At one last rally, Alfred Moore Waddell takes an opportunity to give one last speech at the county courthouse.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：在最后一次集会上，阿尔弗雷德·摩尔·沃德尔利用机会在县法院发表了最后一次演讲。

Men, the crisis is upon us.

伙计们，危机已经降临到我们身上。

You must do your duty.

你必须尽你的职责。

This city, county, and state shall be rid of negro domination once and forever.

这个城市、县和州将永远摆脱黑人的统治。

You are the sons of noble ancestry.

你们都是贵族血统的子弟。

You are Anglo-Saxons.

你们是盎格鲁撒克逊人。

Go to the polls tomorrow and if you find a negro out voting, tell him to leave the polls.

明天去投票站，如果你发现有黑人出去投票，请告诉他离开投票站。

And if he refuses, kill him.

如果他拒绝，就杀了他。

Shoot him down in his tracks.

把他击倒在地。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: On the morning of the election on November 8th, armed whites are out in the streets in force to prevent Black men from voting.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：11 月 8 日选举当天早上，武装白人走上街头强力阻止黑人投票。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: We've got all of these Red Shirts by the voting booth, and they went into Black precincts and they tossed out the Republican ballots.

卡罗尔·安德森，历史学家：我们在投票站看到了所有这些红衫军，他们进入黑人选区，扔出了共和党选票。

Waddell is- had given them the instructions on how to do this.

沃德尔已经向他们提供了如何做到这一点的说明。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: They'd send more than a hundred armed white men crashing into the polls, created diversion by knocking over a lamp and starting a small fire.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：他们派了一百多名武装白人冲进投票站，通过打翻一盏灯并引发小火来制造转移注意力。

And in the confusion, they would take the Republican votes out and replace them with phony democratic ballots, just stuffing the ballot boxes.

在混乱中，他们会把共和党的选票拿出来，用假的民主党选票代替，只是塞进投票箱。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Governor Russell, a Wilmington native comes home to cast his vote and on his way back to Raleigh, multiple Red Shirts board the train searching for the governor.

历史学家勒雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：来自威尔明顿的州长拉塞尔回家投票，在返回罗利的路上，多名红衫军成员登上火车寻找州长。

The security forces around the governor shuffle him to the back of the train into the mail car.

州长周围的安全部队把他拖到火车后面的邮车里。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: And he barely made it back to Raleigh in the middle of the night.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：他在半夜勉强回到罗利。

And then when he got to the governor's mansion, it was surrounded by a mob.

当他到达总督府时，却被一群暴徒包围了。

And then he holed up there for several days because this mob wouldn't leave.

然后他在那里躲了几天，因为这群暴徒不肯离开。

If you have never seen three hundred redshirted men towards sunset with the sky red, you cannot concede what an impression it makes.

如果你从未见过三百名红衫军在日落时看到红色的天空，你就无法想象这会给人留下多么深刻的印象。

Their appearance was the signal for the negroes to get out of the way.

他们的出现是黑人让开的信号。

The result, of course, was that many negroes either did not vote or made no fight in the affected counties on Election Day.

结果当然是，选举日当天受影响县的许多黑人要么没有投票，要么没有进行抗争。

- Josephus Daniels.

- 约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: White supremacists win in a landslide statewide.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：白人至上主义者在全州范围内以压倒性优势获胜。

They are able to take back the North Carolina General Assembly.

他们能够夺回北卡罗来纳州议会。

They are able to win key races in every county in the state.

他们能够赢得该州每个县的关键比赛。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: November 9th, Wilmington wakes up to a complete change in representation in Raleigh and in Washington D.C.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：11 月 9 日，威尔明顿一觉醒来，发现罗利和华盛顿特区的代表权发生了彻底变化。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Even though they had been quite successful in, um, stealing an election.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：尽管他们非常成功地窃取了选举结果。

In Wilmington, white supremacists are not satisfied.

在威尔明顿，白人至上主义者并不满意。

They don't even spend time really celebrating their successes at the ballot box because there was still work to be done.

他们甚至没有花时间在投票箱上真正庆祝自己的成功，因为还有工作要做。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: There wasn't a municipal election.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：没有举行市政选举。

There was a state election and a county election.

举行了州选举和县选举。

So you still had this Fusionist mayor, you still had Black aldermen.

所以你们仍然有这位融合派市长，你们仍然有黑人市议员。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: So they had to figure out a way to make these people disappear.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：所以他们必须找到一种方法让这些人消失。

And not only these Black men, but their white allies, white men who had supported Fusionist politics also had to disappear.

不仅是这些黑人，他们的白人盟友、支持融合主义政治的白人也必须消失。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: There was a mass meeting called that morning.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：那天早上召开了一次群众大会。

There will be a meeting of the white men of Wilmington this morning at 11 o'clock at the courthouse.

今天上午 11 点将在法院举行威尔明顿白人会议。

A full attendance is desired as business in the furtherance of white supremacy will be transacted.

由于将处理促进白人至上的事务，因此需要全体出席。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Hundreds of white supremacists, both the rank-and-file and the white leadership, met and declared a White Wilmington Declaration of Independence.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：数百名白人至上主义者，包括普通民众和白人领导层，聚集在一起并宣布了《白人威尔明顿独立宣言》。

Excerpt from “The Wilmington Declaration of Independence”:

摘自《威尔明顿独立宣言》：

Believing that the Constitution of the United States contemplated a government to be carried on by an enlightened people; believing that its framers did not anticipate the enfranchisement of an ignorant population of African origin, and believing that those men of the state of North Carolina, who joined in forming the union, did not contemplate for their descendants subjugation to an inferior race.

相信美国宪法设想政府应由开明的人民领导；相信它的制定者并没有预见到无知的非洲裔人口会获得选举权，并相信那些加入组建联邦的北卡罗来纳州的人并没有考虑到他们的后代会屈服于劣等种族。

We, the undersigned, citizens of the city of Wilmington and County of New Hanover, do hereby declare that we will no longer be ruled and will never again be ruled by men of African origin.

我们，以下签名者，威尔明顿市和新汉诺威县的公民，特此声明，我们将不再被非洲血统的人统治，也永远不会再被非洲血统的人统治。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: They're saying that in order to have good government, it has to be run by white people.

历史学家凯利：他们说，为了拥有良好的政府，必须由白人来管理。

That white supremacy is a way to save the state, if not save the South and ultimately save the nation.

白人至上是拯救国家的一种方式，即使不能拯救南方并最终拯救国家。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Hugh MacRae played a key role in this document.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：休·麦克雷在本文件中发挥了关键作用。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: These upper class white men, it aired their grievances in many ways.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：这些上层阶级白人通过多种方式表达了他们的不满。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: From now on, all jobs will be reserved for whites.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：从现在开始，所有工作都将留给白人。

We're gonna run the city.

我们要管理这座城市。

Uh, and Alex Manly must leave town and his newspaper must shut down.

呃，亚历克斯·曼利必须离开小镇，他的报纸也必须关闭。

“The Story of The Wilmington Rebellion” by Harry Hayden:

哈里·海登的《威尔明顿叛乱的故事》：

These resolutions were unanimously approved by the meeting.

这些决议均获得会议一致通过。

Followed by a wonderful demonstration, the assemblage rising to its feet and cheering, 'right, right, right!' And there were cries of 'fumigate the city with a Record!' and 'lynch Manly!' – Jessie Blake, Wilmington Resident.

随后是一场精彩的示威，人们站起来欢呼“对，对，对！”还有“用唱片熏烧城市！”的呼喊声。和“私刑曼利！” – Jessie Blake，威尔明顿居民。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: The Committee of 25 was selected to implement these demands.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：25 国委员会被选来执行这些要求。

Alfred Moore Waddell was made chair because he had made himself the face of the white supremacy campaign in Wilmington.

阿尔弗雷德·摩尔·瓦德尔（Alfred Moore Waddell）被任命为主席，因为他使自己成为威尔明顿白人至上运动的代言人。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: They came up with a list of the 30 leading Black citizens in the community.

记者戴维·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)：他们列出了社区中 30 位杰出黑人公民的名单。

The following named colored citizens of Wilmington are requested to meet a committee of citizens appointed by the authority of the meeting of businessmen and taxpayers held this morning at six o'clock this evening at the merchant's rooms on Front Street to consider a matter of grave consequence to the negroes of Wilmington.

下列威尔明顿有色人种公民被要求与今天早上六点在前街商人房间举行的由商人和纳税人会议当局任命的公民委员会会面，审议对威尔明顿黑人造成严重后果的问题。

By order of the committee.

按照委员会的命令。

- A.M.

- 是。

Waddell, Chairman.

沃德尔，主席。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: So they are summoning Black men who they believe hold stature in Black communities and will be able to convince African Americans to accept the demands in the declaration.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：因此，他们正在召集黑人，他们认为这些黑人在黑人社区中具有地位，并且能够说服非裔美国人接受宣言中的要求。

William Henderson was one of the most prominent Black attorneys.

威廉·亨德森是最著名的黑人律师之一。

He had had to leave Salisbury for his own safety because he had represented a Black man who was accused of murdering a white man.

为了自己的安全，他不得不离开索尔兹伯里，因为他代表一名被指控谋杀白人的黑人。

He had only come to Wilmington the year before.

他前一年才来到威尔明顿。

William Henderson from his account in The Freeman Newspaper:

威廉·亨德森 (William Henderson) 在《自由人报》上的报道中写道：

I was on the street when two men drove by in a buggy.

当我在街上时，两个男人开着一辆马车经过。

There's going to be a meeting this evening at seven o'clock at which prominent citizens are to be present.

今晚七点将举行一次会议，知名人士将出席。

I appeared at the hall in the evening.

晚上我出现在大厅。

Colonel Waddell was presiding.

瓦德尔上校主持会议。

He proceeded to inform us that we had been called there not for the purpose of consultation, but to receive an ultimatum.

他接着告诉我们，我们被叫到那里不是为了磋商，而是为了收到最后通牒。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Both groups of men would've been familiar with each other.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：两组人都互相熟悉。

They knew each other because they were all leaders in the city.

他们彼此认识，因为他们都是这个城市的领导者。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: When they invite the Committee of Colored Citizens, there's posturing in that gesture.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：当他们邀请有色公民委员会时，他们的姿态是故作姿态。

We're going to allow you into the sanctum very briefly.

我们将允许您短暂进入圣所。

You know, you're not allowed to speak.

你知道，你不被允许说话。

William Henderson from his account in The Freeman Newspaper:

威廉·亨德森 (William Henderson) 在《自由人报》上的报道中写道：

The resolution set forth that editor Manly's paper must cease publication, and the press must be packed up and shipped out of the city.

决议规定，编辑曼利的报纸必须停止出版，报纸必须打包运出城市。

We were given until noon the following day for our answer.

我们直到第二天中午才得到答复。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: You know, the men didn't really have an option.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：你知道，男人们并没有真正的选择。

They understood the writing on the wall.

他们理解墙上的文字。

A meeting was held and some colored men, among myself, were picked out as good persons to be rid of.

召开了一次会议，我当中的一些黑人被选为好人，需要除掉。

A friend came to me to tell me to leave for, they had decided to put a bullet through me.

一个朋友来找我，要我离开，他们决定用子弹射穿我。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Alexander Manly had a few white friends in Wilmington, and one in particular, who was a German grocer, you know, came to him secretly and said, 'Look, your life is at stake.

克里斯托·桑德斯，历史学家：亚历山大·曼利在威尔明顿有几个白人朋友，其中一位是德国杂货商，你知道，他秘密地来找他说，‘看，你的生命受到威胁。

You have upset a lot of people.

你让很多人感到不安。

You need to get out of town.'

你需要离开城镇。

His friend gave him $25 and said, 'This is the password, and may God be with you, my boy.

他的朋友给了他 25 美元并说：“这是密码，愿上帝与你同在，我的孩子。”

You are too fine to be swung up to a tree.'

你身体太好了，不能被吊到树上。”

He used the password and escaped in the woods and over Fulton Bridge.

他使用密码在树林里越过富尔顿桥逃跑了。

The guards at the bridge said, 'Halt.' He used the password again and they said, 'We are having a necktie party in Wilmington.

桥上的守卫说：“停下来。”他再次使用密码，他们说：“我们要在威尔明顿举办领带派对。”

Where are you gentlemen going?' - Carrie Sadgwar Manly.

先生们要去哪里？ - 凯莉·萨奇瓦尔·曼利。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Alexander Manly and his brother, who look white, are, you know, able to pretend to be white men who are out conducting business.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：亚历山大·曼利和他的兄弟看起来是白人，但他们能够假装成外出做生意的白人。

Essentially, they tell the patrolmen that they are on their way to an auction to buy horses.

本质上，他们告诉巡警他们正在去拍卖场购买马匹的路上。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: One of the patrolmen, um, said, 'If you-if you see that Manly make-make sure you kill him.

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利（Alex Manley）的后裔：一名巡警，呃，说，“如果你——如果你看到那个曼利——一定要杀了他。”

And they gave him a rifle on the way out-out of town.

在出城的路上他们给了他一把步枪。

And, uh, the only reason he-he wasn't cut was 'cause he-he was so light skinned and he could pass.

而且，呃，他、他没有被割伤的唯一原因是因为他、他的皮肤很浅，他可以通过。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Alex Manly's, uh, fiancee, Carrie Sadgwar, she was on tour in London with the Fisk Jubilee Singers and read a newspaper account that said, uh, "A burly negro was being pursued by bloodhounds in the swamps."

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：亚历克斯·曼利的，呃，未婚妻凯丽·萨奇瓦尔，她正在伦敦与菲斯克银禧歌手一起巡演，并读到报纸报道，呃，“一个魁梧的黑人在沼泽地里被猎犬追赶。”

I read in The London Chronicle that trouble was brewing as he had escaped to the swamps, and the bloodhounds were on his trail.

我在《伦敦纪事报》上读到，当他逃到沼泽时，麻烦正在酝酿之中，而猎犬正在追捕他。

I stood on a stage that night to sing my solo, and my voice quivered and stopped.

那天晚上我站在舞台上独唱，声音颤抖着就停了。

A doctor came backstage and said, 'this child has had a shock.'

一名医生来到后台说：“这个孩子休克了。”

I thought that after a few days of my absence that there would be no cause for any crimes, then I could come back.

我想，离开几天后，就没有什么犯罪的理由了，就可以回来了。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Then I could come back.

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：然后我就可以回来了。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: So Manly had already left.

历史学家凯利：所以曼利已经离开了。

He's-he's out of the state, and this group of thirty-two Black leaders, they're terrified.

他——他离开了这个州，而这群三十二名黑人领袖，他们很害怕。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Alfred Waddell had given the men a deadline.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：阿尔弗雷德·沃德尔给了这些人一个最后期限。

It was like a 12 hour deadline to have a response, a written response to the-the White Man's Declaration of Independence.

这就像是一个 12 小时的最后期限，需要对白人的《独立宣言》做出书面回应。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: They went to a barbershop and met and wrote a letter in response.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：他们去了一家理发店见面并写了一封回应信。

Committee of Colored Citizens Letter to Alfred Waddell:

有色人种公民委员会致阿尔弗雷德·沃德尔的信：

Dear sir, we the colored citizens to whom was referred the matter of expulsion from this community, of the person and press of A.

亲爱的先生，我们这些有色公民收到了将 A 本人和媒体驱逐出这个社区的问题。

L.

L。

Manly, beg most respectfully to say that we are in no ways responsible nor in any way endorse the obnoxious article that called forth your activities.

曼利，请以最尊敬的方式声明，我们对引起您的活动的令人讨厌的文章不承担任何责任，也不以任何方式认可。

Neither are we authorized to act for him in this matter, but in the interest of peace, we will most willingly use our influence to have your wishes carried out.

我们也无权在这件事上代表他行事，但为了和平，我们很愿意利用我们的影响力来实现你们的愿望。

Very respectfully, The Committee of Colored Citizens.

非常尊敬有色公民委员会。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: They were afraid of losing a lot more than just their lives.

历史学家凯利：他们害怕失去的不仅仅是生命。

Uh, losing property, losing all the, um, political capital they built up in Wilmington.

呃，失去财产，失去他们在威尔明顿建立的所有政治资本。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: They decided that Armond Scott, who was the youngest of this group, he was a lawyer.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：他们决定让阿蒙德·斯科特（Armond Scott）担任律师，他是这群人中最年轻的。

They said, 'You're the guy who's gonna go deliver this to Waddell's house.'

他们说，“你就是那个要把这个送到瓦德尔家的人。”

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: So that Black man is headed to Waddell's house and there are Red Shirts there as century post.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：黑人正前往瓦德尔的家，世纪后那里有红衫军。

So he puts it in the mail.

所以他把它寄进了邮件。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: There's this huge gathering in the morning awaiting the answer from the Committee of Colored Citizens.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：早上有一场盛大的集会，等待有色人种公民委员会的答复。

Now, Waddell had been told of this letter and that it had been mailed, but he made a pretense of waiting.

现在，瓦德尔被​​告知这封信并且已经寄出，但他假装等待。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: Even though Waddell had verbal agreement from the Black leadership, Waddell says, 'Well, I never got a memo on that.'

历史学家凯利：尽管沃德尔得到了黑人领导层的口头同意，但沃德尔说，“嗯，我从未收到过这方面的备忘录。”

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: People were in just a sense of rage and resentment because they had been built up all summer.

记者戴维·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)：人们充满了愤怒和怨恨，因为他们整个夏天都在积攒能量。

So they were ready, ready and primed for violence.

所以他们已经做好了准备，准备好迎接暴力。

They meet right outside the building we're in right now at the Wilmington Light Infantry Armory.

他们就在我们现在所在的威尔明顿轻步兵军械库大楼外集合。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Waddell arranges The Red Shirts that are in place and the other armed members of the White Government Union all in good skirmish lines because, remember, he's a Confederate officer, and they marched down Market Street to go to where Alex Manly's printing press had moved.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：沃德尔将已就位的红衫军和白政府联盟的其他武装成员安排在良好的小冲突线上，因为记住，他是一名南部邦联军官，他们沿着市场街行进，前往亚历克斯·曼利的印刷机搬迁的地方。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: They're looking for Alex Manly to lynch him, not aware that he has already left town.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：他们正在寻找亚历克斯·曼利对他实施私刑，却不知道他已经离开了小镇。

And this mob just gets larger and larger.

而且这个暴徒变得越来越大。

As people hear about it, they're firing in the air.

当人们听到这件事时，他们向天开枪。

People hear gunshots.

人们听到枪声。

It starts at five hundred people, ends up two thousand armed white men.

一开始有五百人，最后有两千名武装白人。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: The men proceed to destroy the printing press.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：这些人开始摧毁印刷机。

Lanterns are turned over and a fire breaks out.

灯笼被翻转，着火了。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: It would be Black firefighters in the city who respond to that fire.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：应对火灾的将是该市的黑人消防员。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: They're held at the intersection until the white men clear the way for them to put the fire out.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：他们被困在十字路口，直到白人为他们扫清道路以扑灭大火。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: And there is one of those historic photographs where you see all of these white men and white boys smiling at what they had done.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：在一张具有历史意义的照片中，你可以看到所有这些白人和白人男孩对他们所做的事情微笑。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: If you look at their faces, they are so proud.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：如果你看看他们的脸，就会发现他们非常自豪。

And this is very reminiscent of the lynching photos that were very popular at the time that were turned into postcards.

这很容易让人想起当时非常流行的被制成明信片的私刑照片。

They wanted to lynch somebody and they didn't get to lynch anybody.

他们想对某人处以私刑，但他们没有对任何人处以私刑。

So they start looking for other targets and they hear there's a commotion at Sprunt's Cotton Compress on the waterfront.

于是他们开始寻找其他目标，并听到海滨的斯普伦特棉花压缩店发生了骚乱。

There are eight hundred Black men working there.

有八百名黑人在那里工作。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: There were rumors going around town that the Black laborers were going to march en masse and fight back.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：镇上有传言称黑人劳工将集体游行并进行反击。

The mob wheels one of the machine guns to the cotton compress.

暴民将其中一挺机枪推向棉花敷布处。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: James Sprunt, who runs this compress, is very concerned 'cause he needs to load these ships.

记者戴维·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)：负责该压缩的詹姆斯·斯普伦特 (James Sprunt) 非常担心，因为他需要装载这些船只。

These ships are waiting.

这些船正在等待。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: For him, this is a nightmare because this is his whole labor force.

约翰·耶利米·沙利文，作家：对他来说，这是一场噩梦，因为这是他的全部劳动力。

If these men are killed, it's going to shut down his operation.

如果这些人被杀，他的行动就会停止。

He asks the Black men who work there to lift him up onto a bale of uncompressed cotton.

他请求在那里工作的黑人把他抬到一包未压缩的棉花上。

They put him on top of it.

他们把他放在上面。

This-this little man.

这——这个小男人。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: And there's a confrontation there with this white mob gathering outside the compress, wanting to kill the Black men, with the white leadership trying to hold him back after they'd been stoking all this violence all summer.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：那里有一场对抗，白人暴徒聚集在压缩布外，想要杀死黑人，而白人领导层在整个夏天煽动所有这些暴力之后试图阻止他。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Sprunt was one of the businessmen who contributed to the purchase of that gun.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：斯普伦特是促成购买这把枪的商人之一。

He was one of the wealthiest men in the city.

他是这个城市最富有的人之一。

Yet when that gun was aimed at his workers, he put himself between the gun and his workers.

然而，当那把枪瞄准他的工人时，他却把自己挡在枪和他的工人之间。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The only thing that diffused this confrontation was rumors that another crowd of Black men was gathering at Fourth and Harnett, a few blocks away.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：唯一能够化解这场冲突的是有传言称，另一群黑人正聚集在几个街区外的第四街和哈内特街。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: A group of Black workers who had seen the smoke, heard the fire bells and celebratory gunshots being fired in the direction of the printing press building, they had left their jobs on the wharves and the docks to check on their families and to find out what had happened.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：一群黑人工人看到了浓烟，听到了朝印刷厂大楼方向响起的火警铃声和庆祝枪声，他们离开了码头和船坞的工作岗位，去探望家人并了解发生了什么事。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: They're assuming these white mobs are gonna descend on their neighborhood and attack their homes and burn their homes, and they had a few old guns that they managed to put together.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：他们假设这些白人暴徒会袭击他们的社区，袭击他们的房屋，烧毁他们的房屋，他们有一些旧枪，他们设法组装起来。

There was this standoff with insults being yelled back and forth, taunts.

双方陷入僵局，互相谩骂、奚落。

And the temperature just starts rising and rising and rising.

温度开始上升、上升、上升。

And that's where the actual shooting and killing begins.

这就是真正的枪击和杀戮开始的地方。

Most witnesses say the whites fired first.

大多数目击者称是白人先开枪的。

I believe that.

我相信这一点。

Would've been no advantage to the Black men to start a fight when they're completely outgunned.

当黑人的武器完全处于劣势时，发动战斗对他们来说没有任何优势。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: Twenty-five Black men who are standing outside as they're being confronted by four hundred to five hundred armed white men with Winchester rifles, and they shoot back.

历史学家凯利：25 名黑人站在外面，与 400 到 500 名手持温彻斯特步枪的武装白人对峙，他们开枪还击。

These Black men shoot back and many of them get killed as a result.

这些黑人进行反击，结果许多人被杀。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: There's chaos.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：很混乱。

Uh, the Black men disperse and start running through the streets, and the white gunmen chase 'em through the streets and every Black man they see, they shoot.

呃，黑人分散开来，开始在街上奔跑，白人枪手在街上追赶他们，他们看到的每个黑人都会开枪射击。

There were reports of, uh, men just walking home from work being shot dead.

有报道称，呃，男人刚下班回家就被枪杀了。

Men just standing on a corner being shot dead.

站在街角的男子被枪杀。

“A Statement of Facts concerning the Bloody Riot in Wilmington” by Rev.

《关于威尔明顿血腥骚乱的事实陈述》，牧师。

J Allen Kirk:

J·艾伦·柯克：

Men stood at their labor, wringing their hands and weeping, but they dare not move to the protection of their homes.

男人们站在自己的劳动岗位上，绞着双手哭泣，但他们不敢前去保护自己的家园。

And then when they passed through the streets, had to hold up their hands and be searched.

然后当他们经过街道时，必须举起双手接受搜查。

Little white boys of the city searched them and took from them every means of defense, and if they resisted, they were shot down.

城里的白人小男孩搜查了他们，夺走了他们的一切防御手段，如果他们反抗，就会被击落。

- Reverend J.

- J 牧师

Allen Kirk.

艾伦·柯克.

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Once word was received at the Wilmington Light Infantry Headquarters that shots were being fired in Brooklyn, in the north end of town, uh, Walker Taylor sends a telegram to Governor Russell.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：一旦威尔明顿轻步兵总部收到消息称在城镇北端的布鲁克林发生枪击事件，呃，沃克·泰勒就向拉塞尔州长发了一封电报。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Colonel Walker Taylor, one of the leaders of the white supremacy campaign, duped the governor, saying, 'The Blacks are rioting.' And so he authorized Walker Taylor to bring out the militia, declare Marshall Law, and that unleashed the militia against the Black population.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：白人至上运动的领导人之一沃克·泰勒上校欺骗了州长，说“黑人正在骚乱。”因此，他授权沃克·泰勒出动民兵，宣布马歇尔法，从而释放了民兵来对付黑人。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: The Wilmington Light Infantry marched throughout the blocks of the Black community to suppress any sort of attempts at retaliation.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：威尔明顿轻步兵在黑人社区的各个街区游行，镇压任何形式的报复企图。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: They truly believed, uh, the lie that, uh, Black men were stockpiling weapons in churches.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：他们确实相信，呃，谎言，呃，黑人在教堂里储存武器。

So they would go to churches and point these Rapid Fire machine guns at the door and force the pastors to open up for a search.

所以他们会去教堂，用速射机枪指着门口，迫使牧师打开门进行搜查。

And of course, they never found a single weapon.

当然，他们从未找到任何武器。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: At a place called Manhattan Park, which was a community center where special events would happen, a dance hall.

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET，历史学家：在一个叫曼哈顿公园的地方，那里是一个社区中心，那里会举办特殊活动，还有一个舞厅。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: In their mind, it was a place where Black troublemakers went to get drunk and cause trouble.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：在他们看来，这是黑人麻烦制造者喝醉酒并制造麻烦的地方。

So they shot it up, shot up the clapboard fence that is around and went inside.

于是他们把它射了，把周围的隔板栅栏射了，然后进去了。

And this man named Josh Halsey panics and bolts, runs away.

这个名叫乔什·哈尔西的男人惊慌失措，逃跑了。

They fire at him.

他们向他开火。

They don't hit him.

他们不打他。

He makes it back to his home.

他成功回到了家。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Because Halsey lived just around the corner, his family was in proximity to all of this violence.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：由于哈尔西就住在附近，因此他的家人就靠近所有这些暴力事件。

ELAINE BROWN, DESCENDANT OF JOSHUA HALSEY: My name is Elaine Brown.

伊莱恩·布朗，约书亚·哈尔西的后裔：我的名字是伊莱恩·布朗。

I'm Joshua Halsey's second-great-granddaughter.

我是约书亚·哈尔西的二曾孙女。

One of his daughters came running through to warn him that the militia was coming, so when they entered the home, Joshua runs out the back way, running for his life.

他的一个女儿跑过来警告他，民兵即将到来，所以当他们进入家中时，约书亚从后门跑出去，逃命。

He's coming out.

他要出来了。

Joshua took 14 shots to the back of the head.

约书亚后脑勺中了14枪。

He's been reduced to this corpse in the street.

他已经沦落为街头的一具尸体。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Women and children witnessed him being mowed down by multiple bullets and were not allowed to go anywhere near him.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：妇女和儿童目睹了他被多发子弹射倒，并且不被允许靠近他。

Until nightfall, Josh Halsey lies in the street, and his family retrieves his body under cover of darkness.

直到夜幕降临，乔什·哈尔西躺在街上，他的家人在夜色的掩护下取回了他的尸体。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: One thing about Josh is his wife, she had gotten hurt crossing a bridge downtown.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：乔什的一件事是他的妻子，她在过市中心的一座桥时受伤了。

She sued.

她提起诉讼。

It helps to explain the strangeness of that moment that they singled this person out.

这有助于解释他们挑出这个人那一刻的奇怪之处。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: When you begin to see bodies falling left and right, the rest of the Black community is terrified.

历史学家凯利：当你开始看到尸体左右倒下时，黑人社区的其他人都会感到害怕。

And that's when they realized, they can't win this one

就在那时他们意识到，他们无法赢得这场比赛

“A Statement of Facts concerning the Bloody Riot in Wilmington” by Rev.

《关于威尔明顿血腥骚乱的事实陈述》，牧师。

J Allen Kirk

J·艾伦·柯克

Firing began, and it seemed like a mighty battle in wartime.

枪声开始了，这就像战时的一场激烈的战斗。

The shrieks and screams of children, of mothers, of wives were heard, such as caused the blood of the most inhuman person to creep.

孩子们、母亲们、妻子们的尖叫声和惨叫声不绝于耳，即使是最不人道的人也会浑身热血沸腾。

- Reverend J.

- J 牧师

Allen Kirk.

艾伦·柯克.

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Families are grabbing whatever they can, uh, and getting out of their houses and they're running because they're assuming their houses are gonna be torched, um, they're all gonna be killed.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：家庭正在尽可能地抢夺一切，呃，然后逃离他们的房子，他们正在逃跑，因为他们假设他们的房子会被烧毁，嗯，他们都会被杀。

And two thousand people start going through the streets, stepping over or around these bodies.

两千人开始穿过街道，跨过或绕过这些尸体。

Many of them go to Pine Forest Cemetery, which is the Black cemetery on the assumption that maybe the white gunman wouldn't go there.

他们中的许多人去了松林公墓，这是黑人公墓，假设白人枪手可能不会去那里。

They go into the swamps and into the forests, any place they can hide from the white gunman.

他们走进沼泽、森林，任何可以躲避白人枪手的地方。

A sunny mild day had suddenly turned into a gray, rainy, cold day.

晴朗温和的一天突然变成阴沉、阴雨、寒冷的日子。

They didn't have enough time to bring blankets or heavy coats 'cause earlier in the day, it had been mild, so they're completely exposed to the elements.

他们没有足够的时间带上毯子或厚外套，因为当天早些时候天气温和，所以他们完全暴露在风雨之中。

A driving cold November rain.

十一月的一场寒冷的雨。

Huddled.

挤成一团。

PRISCILLA HAILE, KIERAN'S WIFE: Felice Sadgwar, who was one of the Sadgwar sisters, she remembers being young and held in the rushes of the Cape Fear River, hiding out that night, that November 10th.

普里西拉·海尔，基兰的妻子：菲利斯·萨格瓦尔是萨格瓦尔姐妹之一，她记得自己年轻时被关在开普菲尔河的急流中，那天晚上，即 11 月 10 日，她躲了起来。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: And her father had to hold her mouth down-

基兰·海尔，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：她的父亲不得不阻止她的嘴-

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: -from screaming as dead bodies passed them-

基兰·海尔，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：-尸体经过时尖叫-

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: -through the water.

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：-穿过水。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: So think about that.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：请想一想。

You're running for safety into a swamp because it's safer in a swamp than it is in your home.

为了安全，你跑进沼泽，因为沼泽里比你家里更安全。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: By mid-afternoon on November 10th, the shooting had started to die down because so many people had fled.

记者戴维·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)：到 11 月 10 日下午三点左右，枪击事件开始平息，因为很多人已经逃离。

Waddell and the other leaders of the conspiracy turned to actually taking over the city government.

瓦德尔和阴谋的其他领导人转向实际接管市政府。

They met at Thalian Hall, and all these gunmen from the streets course in there in just a high state of rage and anticipation.

他们在塔利安大厅会面，所有这些来自街头的枪手都带着高度的愤怒和期待来到了那里。

They call the sitting government in, the mayor, the police chief, the aldermen, and at gunpoint, they tell them that there is a white revolution, their jobs no longer exist, and they have to resign.

他们召集现任政府、市长、警察局长、市议员，并在枪口下告诉他们，有一场白人革命，他们的工作不再存在，他们必须辞职。

Then the mob leaders installed Waddell as mayor.

然后黑帮头目任命瓦德尔为市长。

They replaced the police chief with a former Confederate, uh, officer.

他们用一名前南方邦联军官取代了警察局长。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: Following the rule of law that said if a member of the Board of Alderman resigns his seat, the existing board then votes to fill the vacancy.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：根据法治规定，如果市议员董事会成员辞职，现有董事会将投票填补空缺。

Waddell conveniently had a list of pre-approved white supremacy candidates for the Board of Alderman seats for each precinct.

沃德尔方便地拥有一份预先批准的每个选区市议员委员会席位的白人至上候选人名单。

And one by one, members of the Board of Alderman resigned their seats.

市议员董事会成员一一辞去职务。

And one by one new people were put in place.

而新人一一就位。

MEG MACRAE, DESCENDANT OF HUGH MACRAE: Alderman Keith and C.D.

MEG MACRAE，休·麦克雷 (HUGH MACRAE) 的后裔：Alderman Keith 和 C.D.

Morrell, having tendered their resignations as members of the board from the third ward, Hugh MacRae and Jay Allen Taylor were elected alderman in their stead.

莫雷尔辞去了第三选区董事会成员的职务，休·麦克雷和杰伊·艾伦·泰勒当选为市议员。

They were sworn in by the mayor and took their seats.

他们在市长的主持下宣誓就职并入座。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: This is a transition of government under duress.

历史学家莱雷·赛克斯·乌姆弗里特：这是政府在胁迫下的过渡。

A definition of a coup d'etat is an armed overthrow of a legally elected government, which is what happened on this day in Wilmington.

政变的定义是武装推翻合法选举产生的政府，这就是今天在威尔明顿发生的事情。

MEG MACRAE, DESCENDANT OF HUGH MACRAE: Makes it really like, um, palpable.

MEG MACRAE，休·麦克雷的后裔：让它真的像，嗯，明显的。

Like that's how he did that, or they did that.

就像他就是这样做的，或者他们就是这样做的。

Yeah.

是的。

Banished by whites, leaders of the negro element are forced to leave Wilmington, North Carolina.

黑人元素的领导人被白人驱逐，被迫离开北卡罗来纳州威尔明顿。

Men of both races who are held responsible for inciting the negroes were forced to leave the city today.

被指控煽动黑人的两个种族的男子今天被迫离开这座城市。

These men are regarded as a menace to the peace of the community.

这些人被视为对社区和平的威胁。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: After Waddell and the white supremacists have taken over the municipal government, then it is okay, we can't have these rabble-rousers among us.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：在瓦德尔和白人至上主义者接管了市政府之后，那就没关系了，我们不能再有这些煽动者了。

And so basically they order the Black leadership to leave.

所以基本上他们命令黑人领导层离开。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Many of these Black individuals and their white allies received visits from white supremacists, and they are escorted to the train station and essentially saying, 'you are banished from ever living in Wilmington again.'

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：这些黑人和他们的白人盟友中的许多人都受到了白人至上主义者的拜访，他们被护送到火车站，实质上是在说，“你被禁止再次住在威尔明顿了。”

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: They're not really given time to-to really pack up their goods.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：他们没有真正的时间来真正收拾他们的货物。

Uh-their-some of them are able to take basically a day's worth of clothing with them.

呃-他们-他们中的一些人基本上可以随身携带一天的衣服。

Forty or fifty men, each armed with a rifle and wearing a white handkerchief about his left arm, entered, filling my parlor, the hall and the porch outside.

四十或五十个人走进来，每个人都拿着步枪，左臂上缠着一条白手帕，挤满了我的客厅、大厅和外面的门廊。

I called my wife to bring the light.

我打电话给我的妻子来拿灯。

When I was dressed, I seated myself and said, 'well, gentlemen, what do you want?' 'We have come to tell you you must leave.

当我穿好衣服后，我坐下来说道：“好吧，先生们，你们想要什么？” “我们来是要告诉你，你必须离开。

You are not the sort of man we want here.' The next day I went about trying to settle my business.

你不是我们这里想要的那种人。第二天，我开始着手解决我的事情。

Every man I met looked at me suspiciously.

我遇到的每个男人都用怀疑的眼神看着我。

At five o'clock, I went to the station to leave town and sent for my family.

五点钟，我去车站出城，派人去接家人。

They were in a deathly fear as the train rolled on through the state, as every station were mobs ready to lynch any negro who had been deported from Wilmington, who might attempt to leave the train.

当火车驶过该州时，他们陷入了极度的恐惧，因为每个车站都有暴民准备私刑处死任何被威尔明顿驱逐出境的黑人，只要他们可能试图离开火车。

- William Henderson.

——威廉·亨德森。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: T.C.

克里斯托·桑德斯 (Crystal Sanders)，历史学家：T.C.

Miller was one of the most prominent Black businessmen in Wilmington.

米勒是威尔明顿最著名的黑人商人之一。

He had amassed a-a pretty significant fortune through his real estate dealings.

他通过房地产交易积累了相当可观的财富。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: He had convinced himself that because he was on good terms with some of the white leaders and he did business, he felt that that would insulate him and he would be okay.

大卫·祖奇诺，记者：他说服自己，因为他与一些白人领导人关系良好，而且他做生意，他觉得这会让他孤立，他会没事的。

And he was completely wrong because a mob came to his house.

他完全错了，因为一群暴徒来到了他家。

He was on the banishment list, and they dragged him out, his young daughter clinging to him, begging them not to take her father.

他在放逐名单上，他们把他拖了出来，他的小女儿紧紧抓住他，恳求他们不要带走她的父亲。

They put him on a gun truck and took him to the jail.

他们把他放在一辆枪车上，然后把他带到了监狱。

The next day, he was put on a train and banished forever from Wilmington.

第二天，他被送上火车并永远被驱逐出威尔明顿。

Letter from T.C.

T.C. 的来信

Miller to County Clerk’s Office:

米勒致县书记官办公室：

I have been treated not like a human, but worse than a dog.

我受到的对待不像人，甚至连狗都不如。

And someday the Lord will punish them that punished me without a cause.

有一天，主会惩罚那些无缘无故惩罚我的人。

When I think about it all, knowing I'm not guilty, it almost drives me mad- just to think how my own people could treat me as they have without a cause, knowingly.

当我想到这一切，知道自己无罪时，我几乎要发疯了——一想到我自己的人民怎么会在明知情况下无缘无故地对待我。

Oh my god.

我的天啊。

- T.C.

- T.C.

Miller.

磨坊主。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: There would be several instances after 1900 where he would attempt to come back to Wilmington.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯 (Crystal Sanders)：1900 年之后，他曾多次尝试返回威尔明顿。

And every time he's told, you're no longer welcomed here.

每次他被告知，这里就不再欢迎你了。

Letter to President McKinley from Anonymous Woman:

匿名女士给麦金莱总统的信：

Wilmington, N.C.

北卡罗来纳州威尔明顿

November 13th, 1898.

1898 年 11 月 13 日。

William McKinley, President of the United States of America.

威廉·麦金莱，美利坚合众国总统。

Honorable Sir, I a negro woman of this city, appeal to you from the depths of my heart to do something in the negro behalf.

尊敬的先生，我是这个城市的一名黑人妇女，我从内心深处呼吁您为黑人做一些事情。

I call on you, the head of the American nation, to help these humble subjects.

我呼吁美国国家元首您帮助这些卑微的臣民。

We are loyal.

我们是忠诚的。

We go when duty calls us, and are we to die like rats in a trap with no place to seek redress or to go with our grievances?

当责任召唤我们时，我们就去，难道我们会像老鼠一样死在陷阱里，没有地方寻求赔偿或表达我们的不满吗？

Why do you forsake the negro who is not to blame for being here?

为什么你要抛弃一个不该为来到这里而受到责备的黑人？

How can the negroes sing my country 'tis of thee?

黑人怎么能唱出我的祖国是你的歌？

Today we are mourners in a strange land with no protection near.

今天，我们在陌生的土地上哀悼，附近没有任何保护。

God help us.

上帝帮助我们。

I cannot say my name and live, but every word of this is true.

我不能说出我的名字并活着，但这每一个字都是真的。

Yours, in much distress.

你的，在极大的痛苦中。

Wilmington, North Carolina.

北卡罗来纳州威尔明顿。

Anonymous Woman.

匿名的女人。

A day of blood at Wilmington.

威尔明顿的血腥一天。

Negroes precipitate conflict by firing on the whites.

黑人向白人开枪，引发冲突。

Bloody conflict with negroes.

与黑人发生血腥冲突。

White men forced to take up arms for the preservation of law and order.

白人被迫拿起武器来维护法律和秩序。

Blacks provoke trouble.

黑人挑起麻烦。

Negroes, it is said, fired first.

据说，黑人首先开枪。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: You had newspapers like The New York Times, The Washington Post, every major paper in the country sent their white correspondence down.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：《纽约时报》、《华盛顿邮报》等报纸，全国所有主要报纸都发出了白色信件。

When they came into town, the white supremacists would meet 'em at the train station and give them cigars and whiskey and arrange for their lodging.

当他们进城时，白人至上主义者会在火车站迎接他们，给他们雪茄和威士忌，并安排他们的住宿。

And these white reporters repeated these lies word for word.

这些白人记者一字不差地重复着这些谎言。

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: A lot of white newspapers used the language of 'race riot,' which suggests that Black people are the aggressors.

历史学家基达达·威廉姆斯：许多白人报纸都使用“种族骚乱”的语言，这表明黑人是侵略者。

Or they will reframe it as violence between Black and white people, as though Black people were instigating the violence and white people were only defending themselves, which we know is absolutely not happening here.

或者他们会将其重新定义为黑人和白人之间的暴力，就好像黑人在煽动暴力，而白人只是在自卫，我们知道这在这里绝对不会发生。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Colonel Waddell arranges for an article in Collier's Weekly, which was a very, very prominent national magazine then, and it was a complete lie, a complete whitewash.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：瓦德尔上校在《科利尔周刊》上安排了一篇文章，当时这是一本非常非常著名的全国性杂志，这完全是谎言，完全是粉饰。

He writes a story that he was reluctantly asked to lead this quiet revolution for good government to overthrow a corrupt and incompetent Black government.

他写了一个故事，说他不情愿地被要求领导这场安静的革命，争取良好的政府，推翻腐败无能的黑人政府。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: Which became the standard treatment of what happened.

历史学家凯利：这成为了对所发生事件的标准处理方式。

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: Black newspapers, on the other hand, tell a very different story.

历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：另一方面，黑人报纸则讲述了一个截然不同的故事。

They're very familiar with these larger patterns of racist violence.

他们非常熟悉这些更大的种族主义暴力模式。

Black newspapers are more likely to interview survivors, so you'll have people who live through the massacre and coup, who will tell their stories.

黑人报纸更有可能采访幸存者，所以你会看到经历过大屠杀和政变的人，他们会讲述他们的故事。

Murder will out.

谋杀将会出来。

The race war was proposed by professional politicians whose names are known.

种族战争是由知名的职业政客提出的。

The record of those days immediately following November 8th makes me wonder if, in fact, we are living in the Middle Ages.

11 月 8 日之后那几天的记录让我怀疑我们是否真的生活在中世纪。

The massacre of the defenseless colored people by the brutes calling themselves white men at Wilmington, North Carolina, should be regarded by every honest American as one of the worst outrageous crimes that was ever perpetrated in a civilized country.

在北卡罗来纳州威尔明顿，自称白人的野蛮人对手无寸铁的有色人种进行的屠杀，应该被每一个诚实的美国人视为文明国家所犯下的最严重的令人发指的罪行之一。

Speech by Dr. Peyton H.

Peyton H.博士致辞

Hoge, First Presbyterian Church:

霍格，第一长老会教堂：

Since we last met in these walls, we have taken a city.

自从我们上次在这些城墙里见面以来，我们已经占领了一座城市。

This city we have taken not by investment and siege, not by shot and shell, but as thoroughly, as completely, as if captured in battle.

我们占领这座城市不是通过投资和围攻，不是通过射击和炮弹，而是彻底、彻底地占领，就像在战斗中被占领一样。

It has been redeemed for civilization, redeemed for law and order, redeemed for decency and respectability.

它被赎回为文明，赎回为法律和秩序，赎回为体面和受人尊敬。

No possible question can be raised as to the lawfulness of the result.

对于结果的合法性没有任何疑问。

- Reverend Peyton Hoge.

——佩顿·霍格牧师。

Josephus Daniels from memoir “Editor in Politics”

约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯（Josephus Daniels），摘自回忆录《政治编辑》

Following the white supremacy victory, there were celebrations all over the state.

白人至上主义胜利后，全州各地都举行庆祝活动。

The News and Observer took the ground that the celebration ought to be held and that it meant no harm to the negroes.

《新闻与观察家报》认为庆祝活动应该举行，而且这对黑人没有伤害。

That the Democrats were their friends and not enemies, and that the whole celebration would serve to bring about a kindly feeling between the races.

民主党是他们的朋友而不是敌人，整个庆祝活动将有助于在种族之间带来友善的感觉。

- Josephus Daniels.

- 约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: In the days after the insurrection, African Americans are truly terrorized and fearing for their lives.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：在叛乱发生后的几天里，非裔美国人确实感到恐惧和担心自己的生命安全。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: We really don't know how many people were murdered that day.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：我们真的不知道那天有多少人被谋杀。

I believe it was between forty and sixty, but many of those, who they are, we'll never know.

我相信他们的年龄在四十岁到六十岁之间，但其中许多人是谁，我们永远不会知道。

There were several Black men who crawled under houses, and their bodies weren't found for days.

有几名黑人爬到房屋下面，他们的尸体好几天都没有被发现。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: It's not as if families of the victims are going to the coroner saying, 'Could you investigate?' It's probably more reasonable to think of hundreds who were killed.

历史学家凯利：受害者家属不会去见验尸官说：“你能调查一下吗？”考虑数百人被杀可能更合理。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: There are men, women, and children hiding in swamps all around Wilmington.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：威尔明顿周围的沼泽地里藏着男人、女人和孩子。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: They slowly filter back into Wilmington.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：他们慢慢地渗透回威尔明顿。

Some never come back.

有些永远不会回来。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: The consequences of the massacre is this mass exodus where Black people leave the city of Wilmington in droves.

历史学家凯利：大屠杀的后果是黑人成群结队地离开威尔明顿市。

The Black middle class, the entrepreneurial class, they leave in large numbers.

黑人中产阶级、企业家阶层，他们大量离开。

They realize that there was no way for them to put the pieces back together.

他们意识到他们没有办法将碎片重新组合在一起。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Wilmington, which had been 56% Black, suddenly becomes a white majority city.

记者戴维·祖奇诺 (DAVID ZUCCHINO)：威尔明顿曾经是 56% 黑人的城市，突然变成了白人占多数的城市。

Alfred Waddell, direct quote from Asbury Park Press:

Alfred Waddell，直接引自 Asbury Park Press：

The race war is ended.

种族战争结束了。

The race question is settled.

种族问题已解决。

White supremacy has been established, and I believe the Blacks will be better for it.

白人至上已经确立，我相信黑人会因此变得更好。

Never again will they be in control of this state.

他们再也不会控制这个州了。

- Alfred Moore Waddell.

——阿尔弗雷德·摩尔·瓦德尔。

ELAINE BROWN, DESCENDANT OF JOSHUA HALSEY:

伊莱恩·布朗，约书亚·哈尔西的后裔：

After Josh was murdered, my thoughts go to my second-great-grandmother, Sallie.

乔什被谋杀后，我想到了我的二曾祖母萨莉。

'Cause sh-shortly after leaving, you know, grandma shows up in newspapers, uh, as a shoplifter.

因为在离开后不久，你知道，奶奶出现在报纸上，呃，作为一名商店扒手。

So we know what her life was like after she had left, uh, Wilmington.

所以我们知道她离开威尔明顿后的生活是什么样的。

You know, she was redu-reduced to stealing to feed a family.

你知道，她为了养家糊口而沦落到偷窃的地步。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: When Manly leaves Wilmington, he goes to Washington D.C., where he first has housing with North Carolina Congressman, George Henry White.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：当曼利离开威尔明顿时，他前往华盛顿特区，在那里他首先与北卡罗来纳州国会议员乔治·亨利·怀特住在一起。

It would be in Congressman White's house that he marries Carrie Sadgwar in 1899.

1899 年，他在怀特议员的家里与凯莉·萨奇瓦尔 (Carrie Sadgwar) 结婚。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Uh, his properties were stolen.

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：呃，他的财产被偷了。

His-his, he had-he owned two-two houses in town.

他的——他的，他有——他在镇上拥有两两栋房子。

He did send a proxy, uh, to pay the taxes on his properties and try to make sure that they still owned them.

他确实派了一名代理人，呃，为他的财产纳税，并试图确保他们仍然拥有这些财产。

His proxy was chased out of town with shot-with a shotgun.

他的代理人被人用霰弹枪赶出了城。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: Seeking employment that would allow him to take care of their growing family, the couple leaves Washington and relocates to Philadelphia, where Alexander Manly would work as a painter for the rest of his life.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：这对夫妇为了寻找一份能够照顾日益壮大的家庭的工作，离开了华盛顿，搬到了费城，亚历山大·曼利将在那里作为一名画家度过余生。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: He rarely talked about it.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：他很少谈论这件事。

There was only one time he actually let go in public.

只有一次他在公开场合真正放手了。

Um, he was asked to give a speech in Providence to, uh, an African American audience.

嗯，他被要求在普罗维登斯向非裔美国观众发表演讲。

Whole families have broken up and scattered, some going one way and some another.

整个家庭都支离破碎，有的朝这边走，有的朝那边走。

The homes representing their savings are deserted, and many who were in good circumstances are now forced to beg for their bread.

代表他们积蓄的房屋已被废弃，许多境况良好的人现在被迫乞讨面包。

Do you think that God will allow these things to go unavenged?

你认为上帝会允许这些事情不报仇吗？

Never.

绝不。

- Alex Manly, January 31st, 1899.

——亚历克斯·曼利，1899 年 1 月 31 日。

Life and property and liberty from the mountains to the sea shall rest secure in the guardianship of the law.

从高山到大海，生命、财产和自由都将受到法律的保护。

But to do this, we must disenfranchise the negro.

但要做到这一点，我们必须剥夺黑人的选举权。

The great mass of white men in the state are now demanding, and have demanded, that the matter be settled once and for all.

该州的广大白人现在要求并且已经要求一劳永逸地解决这个问题。

-Charles Aycock.

——查尔斯·艾科克。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Once the, uh, white supremacist stole the election and took control of the state legislature, one of the first things they did was to try to come up with a legislation that would prevent Black men from ever voting again.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：一旦白人至上主义者窃取了选举并控制了州立法机构，他们做的第一件事就是试图制定一项立法，阻止黑人再次投票。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: Massive disfranchisement with poll taxes and literacy test and a grandfather clause.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：通过人头税、识字测试和祖父条款大规模剥夺公民权。

The grandfather clause says, if your grandfather could vote before 1867, you too can vote.

祖父条款规定，如果你的祖父可以在 1867 年之前投票，那么你也可以投票。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Of course, this eliminated just about every Black man because they didn't have the vote before 1867.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：当然，这几乎淘汰了所有黑人，因为他们在 1867 年之前没有投票权。

But it meant that, uh, white men who couldn't afford to pay the poll tax and illiterate white men didn't have to pass those two tests and could vote.

但这意味着，呃，付不起人头税的白人和文盲白人不必通过这两项测试，也可以投票。

And just to show how effective this- this campaign had been, in 1896, just two years before the coup, 126,000 Black men had registered to vote in North Carolina.

为了显示这场运动的有效性，1896 年，即政变前两年，北卡罗来纳州有 126,000 名黑人登记投票。

126,000.

126,000。

And by 1902, four years after the coup, that number had been whittled down to 6,100.

到 1902 年，即政变四年后，这一数字已减少至 6,100 人。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: When George Henry White leaves Congress in 1901, there would not be another African American in Congress until 1992.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：当乔治·亨利·怀特 (George Henry White) 于 1901 年离开国会时，直到 1992 年国会才会出现另一名非裔美国人。

So for almost a century, African Americans in the state are void of representation at the federal level.

因此，近一个世纪以来，该州的非裔美国人在联邦一级没有代表权。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: What happened in Wilmington had the effect of putting the final nail in the coffin of democracy in North Carolina.

历史学家凯利：威尔明顿发生的事情给北卡罗来纳州的民主棺材钉上了最后一颗钉子。

1898 was the culmination of a process that had begun in many states throughout the South.

1898 年是南方许多州开始的这一进程的顶峰。

That is the end of Black voting rights, Black civil rights, until 1960s.

这就是 20 世纪 60 年代之前黑人投票权、黑人公民权利的终结。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: The lack of a response from state or federal officials gave white supremacists in other places license to do as they pleased.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：州或联邦官员缺乏回应，这让其他地方的白人至上主义者得以为所欲为。

When it came to taking away the civil rights of African Americans.

当谈到剥夺非裔美国人的公民权利时。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: No one was ever held accountable or held responsible.

记者大卫·祖奇诺：没有人被追究责任或承担责任。

And that really sent a message to the rest of the South.

这确实向南方其他地区传达了一个信息。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: These influential white supremacist businessmen in Wilmington, who really planned and executed the coup d'état at the local level, they all wind up more powerful on the- on the other side.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：威尔明顿这些有影响力的白人至上主义商人，他们真正策划并执行了地方政变，他们最终都在另一边变得更加强大。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: The architects and key players are rewarded quite handsomely for their involvement.

CRYSTAL SANDERS，历史学家：建筑师和主要参与者因为他们的参与而获得了相当丰厚的回报。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: Charles Aycock was elected governor, and he was one of three speakers on the white supremacy campaign who later became governors of North Carolina.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：查尔斯·艾科克当选州长，他是白人至上运动的三位发言人之一，后来成为北卡罗来纳州州长。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: We see Furnifold Simmons go to the United States Senate and serve for the next 30 years.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：我们看到弗尼福德·西蒙斯进入美国参议院并在接下来的 30 年里任职。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: Josephus Daniels became the Secretary of the Navy.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯成为海军部长。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: He later goes on to be an ambassador to Mexico.

历史学家克里斯托·桑德斯：他后来成为驻墨西哥大使。

GLENDA GILMORE, HISTORIAN: These people capitalized on what they had done.

历史学家格伦达·吉尔摩：这些人利用了他们所做的事情。

I think it's really hard for us to grasp how openly proud these people were of installing white government.

我认为我们真的很难理解这些人对建立白人政府有多么公开的自豪。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: It was told as this glorious story of restoring good government, and that continues.

历史学家凯利：这是一个恢复良好政府的光荣故事，而且还在继续。

Thomas Dixon writes The Leopard's Spots, which is a fictional-an account of Wilmington.

托马斯·迪克森（Thomas Dixon）撰写了《豹子的斑点》（The Leopard's Spots），这是一部虚构的作品，讲述了威尔明顿的情况。

He's the same author who wrote The Klansman.

他是《三K党》的作者。

And that play and book became Birth of a Nation, D.W.

那部戏剧和一本书就成了《一个国家的诞生》，D.W.

Griffith's so-called masterpiece.

格里菲斯所谓的杰作。

And we have to see how Birth of a Nation in many ways is the cinematic, monumental version of Wilmington.

我们必须看看《一个国家的诞生》在很多方面都是威尔明顿的电影、纪念版。

The myth of bad black government running the nation into the ground.

糟糕的黑人政府让国家陷入困境的神话。

And being saved, redeemed by the Klan.

并被三K党拯救、救赎。

Whether it's the Klan or whether it's the Red Shirts, the idea that good government is implemented through undemocratic means, and white government is the only legitimate government we can have in the United States.

无论是三K党还是红衫军，都认为好政府是通过非民主手段实现的，白人政府是美国唯一合法的政府。

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: The ways that the history appears in things like textbooks is very revealing in terms of how they want to be seen and how they want this event remembered by any readers, Black or white.

历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：历史在教科书等内容中的出现方式非常能说明他们希望如何看待以及他们希望任何读者（黑人或白人）如何记住这一事件。

So there is a strategic campaign of telling a very distorted version of its history.

因此，有一场战略运动讲述了其历史的一个非常扭曲的版本。

There were many negro office holders in the eastern part of the state, some of who were poorly fitted for their task.

该州东部有许多黑人担任公职，其中一些人不适合担任自己的任务。

This naturally aroused ill-feeling between the races.

这自然引起了种族之间的反感。

The mass of negroes became poor citizens.

大批黑人变成了贫困公民。

To keep their vote, the carpetbaggers and scalawags allowed them to do very much as they pleased.

为了保住他们的选票，土匪和流氓允许他们为所欲为。

The white people of the South were no longer safe.

南方的白人不再安全。

A number of Blacks were jailed for starting a riot, and a new white administration took over Wilmington's government.

许多黑人因发动骚乱而被监禁，新的白人政府接管了威尔明顿政府。

DAVID ZUCCHINO, JOURNALIST: The perpetrators, during their lifetimes, bragged openly about it.

记者戴维·祖奇诺：肇事者在生前曾公开吹嘘此事。

But once that generation died out, people realized that, wow, this is a real stain on Wilmington.

但当那一代人消亡后，人们意识到，哇，这真是威尔明顿的一个污点。

So it was buried.

于是就被埋了。

It just disappeared as if it had never happened.

它就这样消失了，就像从来没有发生过一样。

GLENDA GILMORE, HISTORIAN: Both sides of my family are eighth generation North Carolinians.

历史学家格伦达·吉尔摩：我的家族双方都是第八代北卡罗来纳人。

I had never heard of the Wilmington Racial Massacre until I was, um, in my late thirties.

直到我，嗯，三十多岁的时候，我才听说过威尔明顿种族大屠杀。

CRYSTAL SANDERS, HISTORIAN: As a North Carolina native, I took several courses on North Carolina history throughout my middle school and high school career.

克里斯托·桑德斯（Crystal Sanders），历史学家：作为北卡罗来纳州本地人，我在初中和高中生涯中选修了几门有关北卡罗来纳州历史的课程。

And I never recall, um, hearing about the Wilmington Insurrection as a part of any social studies or history class that I took.

我从来不记得，嗯，在我参加的任何社会研究或历史课程中听说过威尔明顿起义。

LUCY MCCAULEY, DESCENDANT OF WILLIAM B.

露西·麦考利，威廉·B. 的后裔

MCKOY: I didn't know about it, like everybody else in Wilmington, for a very long time.

麦柯伊：我很长一段时间都不知道这件事，就像威尔明顿的其他人一样。

When I was growing up here in high school and even into college, I was drinking the Kool-Aid.

当我在这里长大的高中甚至大学时，我都在喝酷爱饮料。

I learned all this about my great-grandfather in 2018, and it was just a physical blow to my body.

我在2018年才了解到曾祖父的这一切，这对我的身体来说只是一次物理上的打击。

'Cause it was such a-a departure from everything I'd been told about my family and everything I had believed.

因为这与我所听到的关于我家庭的一切以及我所相信的一切背道而驰。

MEG MACRAE, DESCENDANT OF HUGH MACRAE: None of this stuff was talked about.

梅格·麦克雷 (MEG MACRAE)，休·麦克雷 (HUGH MACRAE) 的后裔：这些事情都没有被讨论过。

Never, ever.

从来没有，从来没有。

You get told what you get told about your history, so you don't think, oh, I should go look to see if that's not true.

你会被告知有关你的历史的事情，所以你不会想，哦，我应该去看看那是不是真的。

You-you know what I mean?

你-你知道我的意思吗？

Especially if it's coming for your family members.

特别是如果它是为您的家人而来。

How would I know to ask something that is essentially not talked about, not in the history books, not, you can't find it.

我怎么知道要问一些基本上没有被谈论过的事情，历史书上没有，不是，你找不到它。

Like how would you know to ask a question that isn't really tangibly there to ask, right?

就像你怎么知道要问一个并不真正有形可问的问题，对吧？

KIDADA WILLIAMS, HISTORIAN: For African Americans, you will also have people who just cannot talk about it because they're too hurt by what happened.

历史学家基达·威廉姆斯：对于非裔美国人来说，也会有一些人无法谈论这件事，因为他们对所发生的事情感到太受伤了。

By the betrayal.

因背叛。

Those Black survivors and their descendants are understandably cautious.

那些黑人幸存者及其后代持谨慎态度是可以理解的。

They're very clear in their understanding of their ongoing vulnerabilities to reprisal for even talking about what happened.

他们非常清楚自己很容易因为谈论所发生的事情而遭受报复。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: It was pretty much taboo for anyone to talk about.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：对于任何人来说，谈论这几乎都是禁忌。

And so my grandmother didn't talk about it.

所以我的祖母没有谈论这件事。

Her sister didn't talk about it.

她姐姐没有谈论这件事。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: My dad and his siblings, they were all of the stance, uh, do not go back to Wilmington, just leave alone and move forward.

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利（Alex Manley）的后裔：我的父亲和他的兄弟姐妹，他们的立场都是，呃，不要回威尔明顿，独自一人，继续前进。

They were still running.

他们还在奔跑。

They were-they were still trying to survive.

他们——他们仍在努力生存。

LERAE SIKES UMFLEET, HISTORIAN: The community of Wilmington didn't really discuss amongst themselves what happened to the city.

历史学家 LERAE SIKES UMFLEET：威尔明顿社区之间并没有真正讨论过这座城市发生了什么。

Not until the centennial observances in 1998, did the white and Black community finally come together in a grassroots kind of way to discuss what happened.

直到 1998 年的百年纪念活动，白人和黑人社区才终于以草根的方式聚集在一起讨论所发生的事情。

Announcer in Centennial Ceremony: May we combine our energy to work towards peace and understanding.

百年庆典播音员：愿我们团结起来，为和平与理解而努力。

Crowd in Centennial Ceremony: Let's move forward together.

百年庆典上的人群：让我们一起前进。

HUGH MACRAE II, HUGH MACRAE'S GRANDSON: Well, good afternoon everybody.

休·麦克雷二世，休·麦克雷的孙子： 大家下午好。

It really is wonderful to be here for this picnic in the park, uh, afternoon of good fellowship and good fun.

能在公园里野餐真是太棒了，呃，一个充满友谊和乐趣的下午。

The events of 1898 were very unfortunate.

1898年发生的事件非常不幸。

They were sort of typical of the times.

他们是那个时代的典型。

No one living today had anything to do with any of these things that happened in the past.

生活在今天的人与过去发生的这些事情没有任何关系。

And I've been delighted that the whole celebration could be so positive and a lot of good’s gonna come out of it.

我很高兴整个庆祝活动如此积极，并且会产生很多好处。

Thank you very much for inviting me.

非常感谢您邀请我。

I'm glad to be here.

我很高兴来到这里。

MEG MACRAE, DESCENDANT OF HUGH MACRAE: Me too!

梅格·麦克雷 (MEG MACRAE)，休·麦克雷 (HUGH MACRAE) 的后裔：我也是！

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: For some reason, even when you're trying to heal, the first step or process to healing, you know, you're gonna be angry.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：出于某种原因，即使你试图治愈，治愈的第一步或过程，你知道，你会生气。

Mm-Hmm.

嗯嗯。

and for some reason, uh, the white-the white society, just, um, they don't collectively want a lot of Black people angry at the same time.

出于某种原因，呃，白人社会，只是，嗯，他们集体不希望很多黑人同时生气。

The problem that I had with 1898 was, uh, that my family lost a legacy.

1898 年我遇到的问题是，呃，我的家人失去了一笔遗产。

My, uh, great-grandfather Isham Quick was on the board of directors for the Metropolitan Trust Company, um, which I presume was a black-owned bank.

我的，呃，曾祖父伊沙姆·奎克是大都会信托公司的董事会成员，嗯，我认为这是一家黑人银行。

Basically, um, the business that he had, you know, no longer existed after that massacre.

基本上，嗯，他的生意，你知道，在那场大屠杀之后就不再存在了。

I feel that-that there was a great deal taken from-from my-my mother and from his daughters, um, my grandmother, um, and from my children.

我觉得——我的——我的母亲和他的女儿们，嗯，我的祖母，嗯，还有我的孩子们，我学到了很多东西。

Thank you.

谢谢。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: As a descendant, it wasn't what I envisioned.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：作为后裔，这不是我的设想。

It was a kumbaya type of an agenda instead of repair.

这是一种 kumbaya 类型的议程，而不是修复。

I was really angry.

我真的很生气。

For a long time, I couldn't even talk about it without my eyes like just burning with angry tears.

很长一段时间，我什至无法闭上眼睛谈论这件事，就像愤怒的泪水在燃烧。

I'll tell you, back in the eighties, it was an eerie feeling when you came in, and it was a whole lot of 'why' questions.

我告诉你，在八十年代，当你进来时有一种怪异的感觉，并且有很多“为什么”的问题。

And when you start going into certain areas, historically, asking questions, you can get tagged as a difficult person.

从历史上看，当你开始进入某些领域并提出问题时，你可能会被贴上“难相处的人”的标签。

JENNIFER FINLAY, LIBRARIAN: You're always welcome to come hang out with us 'cause we wanna help.

JENNIFER FINLAY，图书管理员：我们随时欢迎您来和我们一起玩，因为我们想提供帮助。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: Okay.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：好的。

JENNIFER FINLAY, LIBRARIAN: Here's an annual meeting of The Metropolitan Trust Company.

JENNIFER FINLAY，图书管理员： 这是大都会信托公司的年会。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: Hey, wow.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：嘿，哇。

Annual meeting of the Metropolitan Trust Company Colored was held at the city hall last night.

大都会信托公司彩色年会昨晚在市政厅举行。

The amount paid by the stockholders for dues is $5,526 and 45 cents.

股东支付的会费金额为 5,526 美元又 45 美分。

Shoot, I don't know if I have that today.

哎呀，不知道今天有没有。

You know, I always wondered what happened to the-the bank, how the impact of the massacre affected their income.

你知道，我一直想知道银行发生了什么事，大屠杀对他们的收入有何影响。

JENNIFER FINLAY, LIBRARIAN: And then this is the People's Perpetual Building and Loan Association.

JENNIFER FINLAY，图书管理员： 这是人民永久建筑和贷款协会。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: Ohmm!

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔： 噢！

JENNIFER FINLAY, LIBRARIAN: So, and we have the directors and they're...so I found all of that.

詹妮弗·芬利（JENNIFER FINLAY），图书管理员：所以，我们有董事，他们……所以我找到了所有这些。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: I never knew about the second bank.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：我从来不知道第二家银行。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: That is amazing.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：这太棒了。

JENNIFER FINLAY, LIBRARIAN: Not just one bank, but two banks.

JENNIFER FINLAY，图书馆员： 不仅仅是一家银行，而是两家银行。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: [Overlapping] Two banks.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：[重叠] 两家银行。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: You think about the loss of wealth that this mass exile creates, and then what we say is like, 'well, I don't know why Black folks can't make it.

卡罗尔·安德森，历史学家：你想想这种大规模流亡造成的财富损失，然后我们会说，‘好吧，我不知道为什么黑人不能成功。

You know, everybody else who comes here does.

你知道，来到这里的其他人都这样做。

I don't know what's wrong with Black people.' What we have to acknowledge is the stealing of their wealth, the stealing of their generational legacies.

我不知道黑人出了什么问题。我们必须承认的是他们的财富被窃取，他们的世代遗产被窃取。

ROBIN D.G.

罗宾·D.G.

KELLEY, HISTORIAN: Wilmington is one of many, many sites of, uh, racist violence and dispossession where people are demanding, and rightfully so, reparations.

历史学家凯利：威尔明顿是许多种族主义暴力和掠夺发生地之一，人们要求赔偿，这是理所当然的。

An accounting of the dead, the injured, the maimed, uh, a loss of economic opportunity by being forced away.

对死亡者、受伤者、致残者，呃，因被迫离开而失去经济机会的统计。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: Repair is a part of the healing process.

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON，伊沙姆·奎克的后裔：修复是愈合过程的一部分。

Because you can sing and go to church and hold hands, but at the end of the day, people are still struggling to pay their bills.

因为你可以唱歌、去教堂、牵手，但最终，人们仍然在为支付账单而苦苦挣扎。

You know, they're still losing their properties.

你知道，他们仍在失去财产。

There's still been a steady removal of African Americans from the city.

非裔美国人仍在稳步撤离这座城市。

INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON, DESCENDANT OF ISHAM QUICK: Most people when they relocate to Wilmington, they always say, 'This is a beautiful place, but there's just something, something in the atmosphere.

伊沙姆·奎克 (ISHAM QUICK) 的后裔伊内兹·坎贝尔-伊森 (INEZ CAMPBELL-EASON)：大多数人搬到威尔明顿时都会说，‘这是一个美丽的地方，但气氛中有些东西。

You know, something's going on.

你知道，有些事情正在发生。

You know, something is like really weird about this place.

你知道，这个地方确实有些奇怪。

And, you know, those spirits are still here.'

而且，你知道，那些精神仍然在这里。

LUCY MCCAULEY, DESCENDANT OF WILLIAM B.

露西·麦考利，威廉·B. 的后裔

MCKOY: It's important for white people in this town to talk about, to acknowledge, you know, what happened, what our blood, what our ancestors did.

麦考伊：对于这个镇上的白人来说，谈论、承认发生了什么、我们的血统、我们的祖先所做的事情很重要。

LUCY MCCAULEY, DESCENDANT OF WILLIAM B.

露西·麦考利，威廉·B. 的后裔

MCKOY: I think it would be very healing and very helpful for, you know, a restorative justice process in this town to take place.

麦考伊：我认为这将非常治愈，并且对于该镇恢复性司法程序的实施非常有帮助。

But it, you know, it's gotta have more people who will come forward who are descendants.

但你知道，必须有更多的后代挺身而出。

When I read this plaque now, I feel like the most important thing to me is Alfred Howe: Carpenter.

当我现在读到这块牌匾时，我觉得对我来说最重要的是阿尔弗雷德·豪：卡彭特。

He was the master carpenter.

他是木匠大师。

You could basically say he built this house.

你基本上可以说这所房子是他建造的。

He was part of a Black family of builders.

他是布莱克建筑商家族的一员。

They had a hand in so many buildings in this town.

他们参与了这个镇上的许多建筑。

It made perfect sense to me that with my portion of the inheritance from that house, that, um, some kind of scholarship would be established.

对我来说，用我从那所房子继承的那部分遗产，可以建立某种奖学金，这是完全合理的。

Um, and we call it the Howe Scholarship.

嗯，我们称之为豪奖学金。

It's for African American high school students who want to pursue an education in the building arts of any kind.

它适合想要接受任何类型的建筑艺术教育的非裔美国高中生。

Honestly, I, you know, they're my ancestors, I believe they're-they're in me.

老实说，我，你知道，他们是我的祖先，我相信他们就在我体内。

They're coming through me.

他们正从我身边经过。

And the big thing for me is that, you know, the truth begins here, , in my generation.

对我来说最重要的是，你知道，真相从我们这一代开始。

And, um, and the lies stop in my generation.

而且，嗯，谎言在我们这一代就停止了。

ELAINE BROWN, DESCENDANT OF JOSHUA HALSEY: I've always felt like this-this story was always meant to be told.

伊莱恩·布朗，约书亚·哈尔西的后裔：我一直有这样的感觉——这个故事总是要被讲述的。

Not just Joshua's story, but the whole Wilmington story told, honestly.

诚实地说，不仅仅是约书亚的故事，还有整个威尔明顿的故事。

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: As most of you know, one hundred and twenty-three years ago this month, a white supremacist mob massacred an unknown number of Black citizens in this town.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：正如你们大多数人所知，一百二十三年前的这个月，一群白人至上主义暴徒在这个小镇屠杀了数量不详的黑人公民。

Why, despite the fact that so many people were murdered in the city that day, were there no graves?

为什么那天城里被杀的人那么多，却没有坟墓？

Zero.

零。

There was no place in town where a person or a family or a descendant could go and stand and say, here lies a victim of the massacre of 1898.

镇上没有一个地方能让一个人、一个家庭或一个后裔站起来说：这里躺着 1898 年大屠杀的受害者。

Many of the bodies we know were pushed into the river.

我们所知道的许多尸体都被推入河中。

Others were buried privately in backyards.

其他人则被私下埋在后院。

There may be a mass grave somewhere.

某处可能有乱葬坑。

This research has only begun.

这项研究才刚刚开始。

ELAINE BROWN, DESCENDANT OF JOSHUA HALSEY: Our legacy can't be in the swamps.

伊莱恩·布朗，约书亚·哈尔西的后裔：我们的遗产不能留在沼泽里。

It can't be that Josh was murdered.

乔希不可能是被谋杀的。

I feel like this should have been a story of how prominent my grandparents were.

我觉得这应该是一个关于我的祖父母有多么杰出的故事。

People who could read and write, own homes, and knew their rights as citizens.

人们能够读写、拥有房屋并了解自己作为公民的权利。

Where is our legacy?

我们的遗产在哪里？

Where is it?

它在哪里？

FRANK ARTHUR DANIELS III, DESCENDANT OF JOSEPHUS DANIELS: I used to be the editor of The News and Observer.

弗兰克·阿瑟·丹尼尔斯三世，约瑟夫·丹尼尔斯的后裔：我曾经是《新闻与观察家报》的编辑。

I was the fourth editor under the family ownership.

我是家族所有权下的第四位编辑。

Josephus Daniels, his son, Jonathan Daniels, Claude Sitton, and then me.

约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯、他的儿子乔纳森·丹尼尔斯、克劳德·西顿，然后是我。

Then we sold the newspaper in 1995.

然后我们在 1995 年卖掉了报纸。

That's Jonathan Daniels, when he was Press Secretary to Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

那是乔纳森·丹尼尔斯，当时他是富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福的新闻秘书。

My dad was chairman of the Associated Press for almost nine years.

我父亲担任美联社主席近九年。

This is a picture of when my father and grandfather had this statue commissioned, and it's the statue that my cousin, David Warnoff, and I had taken down in 2020.

这是我的父亲和祖父委托建造这座雕像时的照片，这是我和我的表弟 David Warnoff 在 2020 年拆除的雕像。

The News and Observer did so many terrible things back in that period of time.

那段时间《新闻观察报》做了很多可怕的事情。

We have had a, you know, a reckoning with ourselves about, you know, who Josephus was.

你知道，我们对自己进行了一次清算，你知道，约瑟夫斯是谁。

In his later years, he was unapologetic.

晚年，他毫无悔意。

It's a shame that he did not recognize that the things that he did had damaged our state and our nation.

遗憾的是，他没有认识到他所做的事情已经损害了我们的国家和民族。

I can't apologize for him, but, you know, I feel remorse.

我无法为他道歉，但是，你知道，我感到悔恨。

Part of the legacy that I have is that we were the worst of it for a period of time.

我留下的部分遗产是，我们在一段时间内是最糟糕的。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: His businesses, his properties, to this day, they're all still burned down, vacant lots.

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利（Alex Manley）的后裔：直到今天，他的企业、他的财产仍然被烧毁，成为空地。

Someone could have built something else there.

有人可以在那里建造其他东西。

There's scars that have not healed or, you know, not recovered.

有些伤疤还没有愈合，或者你知道，还没有恢复。

They're still kind of, uh, gaping wounds.

它们仍然是，呃，裂开的伤口。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Hi.

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：大家好。

How you doing?

你好吗？

JOHN JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, WRITER: Someone has written, probably Carrie herself, has written on the outside of the envelope, um, '1898.

约翰·杰里米亚·沙利文，作家：有人在信封外面写下了，嗯，“1898 年”，可能是嘉莉本人。

Do Not Destroy.' That's all it said.

不要毁坏。仅此而已。

We started The Daily Record Project, which is about locating as many surviving copies of that newspaper as, as can be found, and also as much surviving text.

我们启动了《每日记录》项目，该项目的目的是找到尽可能多的幸存报纸副本以及尽可能多的幸存文本。

PRISCILLA HAILE, KIERAN'S WIFE: The Daily Record existed for four years?

基兰的妻子普里西拉·海尔：《每日记录》已经存在四年了？

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Mm-Hmm.

基兰·海尔，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：嗯嗯。

.

。

PRISCILLA HAILE, KIERAN'S WIFE: Uh, at least.

基兰的妻子普里西拉·海尔： 呃，至少是这样。

And there are only seven copies remaining in existence of a daily newspaper.

一份日报仅存七份。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Oh, god.

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：哦，上帝​​。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Oh, god.

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：哦，上帝​​。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Yeah.

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：是的。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: That's-that's fantastic.

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔： 那真是太棒了。

Part of me was just kind of afraid that, uh, none of this would ever get seen by anybody and that I, it would just all exist in my mind and, you know what I mean?

我的一部分只是有点担心，呃，这一切都不会被任何人看到，而我，这一切都会存在于我的脑海中，你知道我的意思吗？

So this is proof .

所以这就是证据。

It's very nice to- to actually have something here.

能在这里真正拥有一些东西真是太好了。

That's-that's-that's-it's a new feeling to be honest.

老实说，那是那是那是一种新的感觉。

I mean, thank you all for this work.

我的意思是，谢谢大家所做的工作。

This is fantastic.

这太棒了。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: And I'm glad we have it.

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：我很高兴我们拥有它。

But a part of me is, uh...

但我的一部分是，呃...

PRISCILLA HAILE, KIERAN'S WIFE: You feel the loss of the other copies.

普里西拉·海尔（PRISCILLA HAILE），基兰的妻子：你感觉失去了其他副本。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: I feel- I feel, yeah, the tragedy of all the- everything that we don't have here.

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利（ALEX MANLEY）的后裔：我感觉——是的，我感觉所有的悲剧——我们这里没有的一切。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: How many more stories do we not get to read or talk about or think about?

基兰·海尔（KIERAN HAILE），亚历克斯·曼利（ALEX MANLEY）的后裔：还有多少故事是我们无法阅读、谈论或思考的？

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Hey, how you doing?

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：嘿，你好吗？

ROUX HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLY: There's so many people here.

ROUX HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：这里有很多人。

I wasn't prepared.

我没有准备好。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: .

基兰·海尔，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：。

ROUX HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLY: In an act of remediation, in an act of reclaiming the land and beginning, uh, one very small, uh, step of attending to these scars on the land, we're gonna be planting these daffodil bulbs.

鲁克斯·海尔 (Roux HAILE)，亚历克斯·曼利 (Alex MANLY) 的后裔：在一项补救行动中，在一项开垦土地的行动中，并开始，呃，呃，处理土地上这些伤痕的一个非常小的步骤，我们将种植这些水仙球茎。

KIERAN HAILE, DESCENDANT OF ALEX MANLEY: Places remember us.

KIERAN HAILE，亚历克斯·曼利的后裔：地方记住了我们。

I still feel the energy, uh, of that day when I come here.

当我来到这里时，我仍然感受到那天的能量。

This place is not done with me.

这个地方与我并没有结束。

This place is not done with us.

这个地方还没有结束。

GWENDOLYN ALEXIS, DESCENDANT OF JOSHUA HALSEY: We are the descendants of great people.

格温多林·亚历克西斯，约书亚·哈尔西的后裔：我们是伟人的后裔。

All of the descendants come stand by me.

所有子孙都来支持我。

I want you to stand by me.

我要你站在我这边。

GWENDOLYN ALEXIS, DESCENDANT OF JOSHUA HALSEY I want you all to look.

格温多林·亚历克西斯，约书亚·哈尔西的后裔 我想让你们都看看。

We are still here.

我们还在这里。

We are a family.

我们是一家人。

We are still here.

我们还在这里。

Look at us.

看看我们。

Look at how beautiful we are.

看看我们多漂亮。

Look at how strong we are.

看看我们有多坚强。

CAROL ANDERSON, HISTORIAN: The tragedy of Wilmington is that you see what people had worked so hard to create, just a few decades out of slavery, and then to have white supremacy destroy all of that.

历史学家卡罗尔·安德森：威尔明顿的悲剧在于，你看到人们辛辛苦苦创造的东西，在摆脱奴隶制的短短几十年里，然后让白人至上主义摧毁了这一切。

We have to understand the conditions that allowed a duly elected government to be overthrown...

我们必须了解允许正式选举产生的政府被推翻的条件......

in a democracy.

在民主国家。

The only way that we can deal with this is not to slough it off as this is not who we are, this is not what we do, but is to understand, yes, we did this.

我们处理这个问题的唯一方法不是摆脱它，因为这不是我们是谁，这不是我们所做的，而是要理解，是的，我们这样做了。

And that we will never do this again.

我们永远不会再这样做。

You can take my body, you can take my bones, you can take my blood, but not my soul.

你可以夺走我的身体，你可以夺走我的骨头，你可以夺走我的血液，但夺不走我的灵魂。

You can, my body, you can take my bones, take my blood, but not my soul.

你可以，我的身体，你可以带走我的骨头，带走我的血，但不能带走我的灵魂。

Did you know that just decades after the Civil War, a multi-racial political alliance won control of North Carolina?

您是否知道内战后仅仅几十年，一个多种族政治联盟就赢得了北卡罗来纳州的控制权？

In the 1890s, Black North Carolinians saw an opportunity to “fuse” together with the largely white Populist party for common goals.

1890 年代，北卡罗来纳州黑人看到了与以白人为主的民粹主义政党“融合”在一起以实现共同目标的机会。

Enter: the Fusion government.

输入：融合政府。

To understand the erasure of a landmark event in our nation’s history, look to the books.

要了解我们国家历史上里程碑事件的消失，请查阅书籍。

For families that just decades earlier were torn apart by chattel slavery, being photographed together was proof of their resilience.

对于几十年前因动产奴隶制而四分五裂的家庭来说，一起拍照证明了他们的韧性。

Beautiful, intimate photographs of a society in the crosshairs of white supremacy.

美丽而私密的照片，展示了一个处于白人至上主义十字准线的社会。

Watch a preview of American Coup: Wilmington 1898 .

观看《美国政变：1898 年威尔明顿》的预览。

Fear, loathing, and the only successful coup d’état in American history.

恐惧、厌恶，以及美国历史上唯一成功的政变。

The little-known story of the deadly 1898 race massacre and coup d’etat in Wilmington, NC.

1898 年北卡罗来纳州威尔明顿发生的致命种族屠杀和政变的鲜为人知的故事。