1964

TV announcer (archival): : Ladies and gentlemen across the nation, we’re packed in here, a half a million people I would say, here in Times Square.

电视播音员（档案）：：全国各地的女士们先生们，我们挤在这里，我想说有五十万人，在时代广场。

The village green of little old New York town.

纽约老城的乡村绿地。

Narrator: : On December 31st, 1963, the usual collection of revelers gathered in Times Square to welcome the New Year.

旁白： 1963年12月31日，一如往常的狂欢者聚集在时代广场迎接新年。

TV Announcer (archival): : In a matter of seconds it will be 1964.

电视播音员（档案）： ：几秒钟后就到了 1964 年。

The New Year, a fresh start.

新的一年，新的开始。

Two seconds, one...

两秒，一秒……

Happy New Year!

新年快乐！

Happy New Year 1964!

1964 年新年快乐！

Narrator: : As they broke out the champagne, Americans were full of hope for the year ahead, but their optimism was tinged with a deep anxiety.

旁白：：当美国人开香槟时，他们对未来的一年充满希望，但他们的乐观情绪中却夹杂着深深的焦虑。

No one could forget the shocking events that had occurred just five weeks earlier, in Dallas, Texas.

没有人会忘记五周前在德克萨斯州达拉斯发生的令人震惊的事件。

Reporter (archival audio): : Mrs. Kennedy cried out when the shots were fired, was weeping and trying to hold up her husband's head.

记者（档案音频）：：枪声响起时，肯尼迪夫人大声喊叫，一边哭泣一边试图抱起丈夫的头。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : The year 1964 really began on November 22nd, 1963, with the tragedy of the assassination of a president.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：：1964 年真正开始于 1963 年 11 月 22 日，伴随着总统遇刺的悲剧。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : It’s difficult unless you lived through it to realize how traumatic it was for Americans.

历史学家卡特：除非你亲身经历过，否则很难意识到这对美国人造成了多大的创伤。

Robert Dallek, Historian: : Shook the national confidence; was the President so vulnerable?

历史学家罗伯特·达莱克（Robert Dallek）：：动摇了民族信心；总统就这么脆弱吗？

Is the country that vulnerable?

国家就这么脆弱吗？

Walter Cronkite, CBS News (archival): : From Dallas, Texas, the flash, apparently official.

沃尔特·克朗凯特（Walter Cronkite），哥伦比亚广播公司新闻（档案）：：来自德克萨斯州达拉斯市的闪电消息，显然是官方的。

President Kennedy died at one pm Central Standard Time.

肯尼迪总统于中部标准时间下午一点去世。

Two o'clock Eastern Standard Time.

东部标准时间两点。

Some 38 minutes ago.

大约 38 分钟前。

Reporter (archival audio): : We just got the word.

记者（档案音频）：：我们刚刚得到消息。

Lyndon B.

林登·B.

Johnson has been sworn in as the President of the United States.

约翰逊已宣誓就任美国总统。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : I know that the world shares the sorrow that Mrs. Kennedy and her family bear.

约翰逊（档案）：我知道全世界都与肯尼迪夫人及其家人一样悲痛。

I will do my best.

我会尽力而为。

That is all I can do.

我能做的就是这些。

I ask for your help, and God's.

我请求你的帮助，也请求上帝的帮助。

Jann S.

詹恩·S。

Wenner, Founder, Rolling Stone: : That singular event led to the 60s, as we know it.

Wenner，滚石乐队创始人： 正如我们所知，这一奇异事件导致了 60 年代。

The letting loose of everything.

放下一切。

Narrator: : It would be the year when change was inescapable, the moment that fundamentally altered the kind of nation America would become.

旁白：：这将是变革不可避免的一年，也是从根本上改变美国国家面貌的时刻。

Robert Lipsyte, Sportswriter: : It was in 1964 that every kind of split in American life suddenly became open and visible.

罗伯特·利普赛特，体育记者： 1964 年，美国生活中的各种分裂突然变得公开和明显。

Muhammad Ali, Boxer (archival): : I must be the greatest, I told the world.

穆罕默德·阿里，拳击手（档案）：：我必须是最伟大的，我告诉世界。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : It was the kind of watershed that you very rarely see in history.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），编剧：这是历史上很少见的分水岭。

Marilyn B.

玛丽莲·B.

Young, Historian: : Things are cracking and breaking and fracturing, and being, most importantly, rethought.

年轻的历史学家：事物正在破裂、破碎、破碎，最重要的是，正在重新思考。

Narrator: : It would be the year when the future of the country would be fiercely and passionately debated.

旁白：：这一年，国家的未来将受到激烈而激烈的争论。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : 1964 was the year that changed American politics, absolutely.

历史学家 Lee Edwards：1964 年绝对是改变美国政治的一年。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : My fellow citizens, we have come now to a time of testing.

约翰逊（档案）：我的同胞们，我们现在已经到了一个考验的时刻。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : We set the stage for this to be the greatest country ever.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家：我们为这个成为有史以来最伟大的国家奠定了基础。

We set this stage whereby we could be the showcase for democracy.

我们搭建了一个可以展示民主的舞台。

Richard A.

理查德·A.

Viguerie, Conservative Activist: : What happened in ’64 was terrifying to us.

Viguerie，保守派活动人士：：64 年发生的事情对我们来说是可怕的。

We saw America changing right in front of our eyes.

我们看到美国就在我们眼前发生变化。

Leah Wright Rigueur, Historian: : It’s just this explosive year where people are forced to say what they mean, mean what they say, and follow it up.

历史学家 Leah Wright Rigueur：这是爆炸性的一年，人们被迫说出自己的意思，说出自己的意思，并采取行动。

Narrator: : 1964 would be the year when institutions came under assault, and when generations began to split apart.

旁白： 1964 年是机构受到攻击、代际开始分裂的一年。

Jann S.

詹恩·S。

Wenner, Founder, Rolling Stone: : It was the coming of age of the biggest, best-educated and wealthiest generation in the history of America, and there’s gonna be trouble.

温纳，滚石乐队创始人：这是美国历史上人数最多、受过最好教育、最富有的一代人的时代，他们将会遇到麻烦。

And there was.

确实如此。

Narrator: : On January 1st, the year ahead did not appear to hold out the promise of revolutionary change.

旁白： 1 月 1 日，未来的一年似乎并没有带来革命性变革的希望。

The new hit song on the radio was Bobby Vinton’s “There!

广播中的新热门歌曲是 Bobby Vinton 的“There!

I’ve Said It Again.” Vogue magazine’s cover proclaimed “the look that’s 1964" and featured a modest sky-blue blouse and jaunty straw hat.

我已经说过一遍了。” 《Vogue》杂志的封面宣称“1964 年的造型”，并以朴素的天蓝色衬衫和活泼的草帽为特色。

Robert Cohen, Historian: : I think a lot of people would say that we still weren’t out of the 50s completely.

历史学家罗伯特·科恩：我想很多人会说我们还没有完全走出 50 年代。

America hadn’t taken its coat and tie off yet.

美国还没有脱掉外套和领带。

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : The thing was to have a very narrow lapel, have a very narrow cut, and to go out into the world, with quite clear circumstances in which you advanced in one place.

霍丁卡特三世，报纸编辑：：关键是要有一个非常窄的翻领，有一个非常窄的剪裁，并走出去，在非常明确的环境下，你在一个地方前进。

And that was that.

就是这样。

Reverend Ed King, Civil Rights Activist: : You dressed like everybody else.

民权活动家艾德·金牧师：：你穿得和其他人一样。

Nobody was particularly noticeable.

没有人特别引人注目。

Narrator: : On television, Bonanza remained one of the nation’s highest-rated shows.

旁白：：在电视上，《Bonanza》仍然是全国收视率最高的节目之一。

Hello Dolly , starring Carol Channing, began its remarkable run on Broadway.

由卡罗尔·钱宁主演的《你好多莉》在百老汇开始了非凡的演出。

And in movie theaters, Rock Hudson and Doris Day starred in the romantic comedy Send Me No Flowers .

在电影院里，罗克·哈德森和多丽丝·戴主演了浪漫喜剧《不送花给我》。

Stephanie Coontz, Historian: : As a teenager, I had thought that I would just get married.

史蒂芬妮·孔茨 (Stephanie Coontz)，历史学家： ：十几岁的时候，我曾以为我会结婚。

Every boy I used to date, I used to, you know, put Mrs. So-and-So in front of his name, you know?

我曾经约会过的每个男孩，你知道，我都会把某某夫人放在他的名字前面，你知道吗？

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : Walter Lippmann, the kind of marquee pundit of the day, said that America was more united and at peace with itself than it ever had been.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），作家：沃尔特·李普曼（Walter Lippmann），当时的权威专家，说美国比以往任何时候都更加团结、更加和平。

I mean, 1964 is when we see this great mass middle class.

我的意思是，1964 年我们看到了这个伟大的大众中产阶级。

People who grew up with outhouses in their backyard are taking their children to vacation houses on the lake.

从小在后院有户外厕所的人们带着孩子去湖边的度假屋。

And the idea was that America had figured it out.

这个想法是美国已经找到了答案。

Stephanie Coontz, Historian: : We came out of World War II the most prosperous nation in the world, and there was this tremendous sense that we had defeated Fascism.

史蒂芬妮·孔茨（Stephanie Coontz）：第二次世界大战后，我们成为世界上最繁荣的国家，我们有一种巨大的感觉，我们已经击败了法西斯主义。

Jann S.

詹恩·S。

Wenner, Founder, Rolling Stone: : Our parents had collaborated as a society and one of the greatest achievements ever, you know, World War II and the destruction of Hitler.

温纳，滚石乐队创始人：：我们的父母作为一个社会进行了合作，这是有史以来最伟大的成就之一，你知道，第二次世界大战和希特勒的毁灭。

You know there’s every reason to kind of get along and feel comfortable and not rock the boat.

你知道有充分的理由可以和睦相处并感到舒适而不是搅局。

And it seemed like it was a period of quietude.

这似乎是一段安静的时期。

Narrator: : Despite the outward appearance of calm, as the year began, Americans were still haunted by the assassination of their president.

旁白：尽管表面上平静，但新年伊始，美国人仍然为总统遇刺事件所困扰。

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : Jack Kennedy represented the future he was the dream president and here he was cut off and who succeeds him?

霍丁·卡特三世，报纸编辑：：杰克·肯尼迪代表了未来，他是梦想中的总统，但在这里他被切断了，谁接替他？

Lyndon Johnson.

林登·约翰逊。

Lyndon Johnson is not a figure of great popularity in the general public.

林登·约翰逊在公众中并不是一个很受欢迎的人物。

John H.

约翰·H.

Bracey, Jr., Historian: : Johnson has no legitimacy in that job.

小布雷西（Bracey, Jr.），历史学家：：约翰逊担任这项职务没有合法性。

He’s there because somebody got shot.

他在那里是因为有人被枪杀了。

He wasn’t elected, somebody got shot.

他没有当选，有人被枪杀。

Jon Margolis, Author, The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964: : The Constitution says, when there is a vacancy, the vice president takes over.

乔恩·马戈利斯（Jon Margolis），《最后的无辜之年：1964 年的美国》作者：宪法规定，当出现职位空缺时，由副总统接任。

But he didn’t feel legitimate.

但他觉得不合法。

It’s not just political.

这不仅仅是政治上的。

It’s sort of psychological.

这是一种心理作用。

“I’m here.

“我在这儿。

I’m the most powerful person in the world.

我是世界上最有权势的人。

But the public didn’t choose me.

但公众没有选择我。

I didn’t get elected.”

我没有当选。”

Narrator: : Johnson’s chance to prove himself -- the 1964 election -- was only 10 months away, and in the meantime, the new president faced a daunting set of challenges.

旁白：距离约翰逊证明自己的机会——1964 年大选——只剩下 10 个月的时间了，与此同时，这位新总统面临着一系列艰巨的挑战。

John F.

约翰·F.

Kennedy had put forward a progressive legislative agenda to address the increasingly volatile problem of inequality in America -- a landmark civil rights bill, and a series of initiatives to fight poverty.

肯尼迪提出了一项渐进的立法议程，以解决美国日益不稳定的不平等问题——一项具有里程碑意义的民权法案，以及一系列消除贫困的举措。

Neither of them had made progress in a divided Congress.

在分裂的国会中，他们都没有取得进展。

And on the international front, Kennedy’s policies had drawn America deeper into the simmering conflict in Vietnam.

在国际方面，肯尼迪的政策使美国更深地陷入了越南一触即发的冲突之中。

Now, on January eighth, only seven weeks after taking office, Lyndon Johnson had to make the case for his own administration in his first State of the Union address.

现在，1 月 8 日，也就是上任仅七周后，林登·约翰逊必须在他的第一次国情咨文演讲中为自己的政府辩护。

Reporter (archival audio): : It is now 12:30 pm Eastern Standard Time in Washington.

记者（档案音频）： ：现在是华盛顿东部标准时间中午 12:30。

Everyone is assembled.

大家都集合了。

House Sergeant at Arms (archival): : Mr. Speaker, the President of the United States.

众议院武装士官（档案）：：议长先生，美国总统。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : Lyndon Johnson wanted to be a great president.

卡特，历史学家：：林登·约翰逊想成为一位伟大的总统。

And I think he understood we had developed this broad middle class, but there were many groups that were completely left out.

我认为他明白我们已经发展了这个广泛的中产阶级，但有许多群体被完全排除在外。

If he could do something that had never been done before in America, and that was actually attack the root causes of poverty, transform America, it would be a legacy that no other president would have had.

如果他能做一些美国以前从未做过的事情，实际上是解决贫困的根源，改变美国，那么这将是其他任何总统都不会拥有的遗产。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : This administration today here and now declares unconditional war on poverty in America.

约翰逊（档案）：：本届政府今天此时此地向美国的贫困宣战。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : What he spells out to that Congress, it’s unprecedented.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：：他向国会阐述的内容是史无前例的。

He says, “We’re not just going to try to alleviate poverty, we’re going to try and end it.”

他说：“我们不仅要努力减轻贫困，而且要努力结束贫困。”

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : Let me make one principle of this administration abundantly clear.

约翰逊（档案）：：让我非常清楚地阐明本届政府的一项原则。

All of these increased opportunities in employment and education and housing must be open to Americans of every color.

所有这些增加的就业、教育和住房机会必须向各种肤色的美国人开放。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : Johnson understands poverty and race are inextricably mixed in the great injustice in America.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：约翰逊明白，美国的巨大不公正现象与贫困和种族密不可分。

He is the president who has this vision of a vast, domestic reform of justice.

他是一位有着大规模国内司法改革愿景的总统。

You know, Martin Luther King said the moral arc of the universe bends slowly, but it bends towards justice.

你知道，马丁·路德·金说过，宇宙的道德弧线缓慢弯曲，但它会趋向正义。

In 1964, Lyndon Johnson is trying to bend that arc faster.

1964 年，林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 试图更快地弯曲这条弧线。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : Join with me in working for a nation, a nation that is free from war, and a world that is free from hate.

约翰逊（档案）：：与我一起为一个国家而努力，一个没有战争的国家，一个没有仇恨的世界。

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : For Johnson, the ghost of John Kennedy was huge in 1964.

马克·科兰斯基 (Mark Kurlansky)，编剧：对于约翰逊来说，1964 年约翰·肯尼迪的幽灵是巨大的。

When Kennedy was killed, it was felt that somehow this was a plot to stop progress.

当肯尼迪被杀时，人们认为这是一个阻止进步的阴谋。

Johnson has to make people feel that the spirit of John Kennedy is living on.

约翰逊必须让人们感到约翰·肯尼迪的精神仍在继续。

Although in doing that he would do much more than John Kennedy actually ever did.

尽管在这样做时，他所做的事情比约翰·肯尼迪实际上所做的要多得多。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : Johnson was going to promise to do away with poverty; he was going to educate everybody.

历史学家李·爱德华兹：：约翰逊将承诺消除贫困；他要教育每个人。

And everybody was going to have a house, everybody was going to have a TV set, and on and on and on and on.

每个人都会有房子，每个人都会有电视机，等等。

Of course the price tag for all of this would be billions and billions of dollars.

当然，所有这一切的代价将是数十亿美元。

For me, as a young conservative, I had very mixed feelings.

对于我来说，作为一个年轻的保守派，我的感受非常复杂。

Richard A.

理查德·A.

Viguerie, Conservative Activist: : For the young conservatives, LBJ was over the top.

Viguerie，保守派活动人士：：对于年轻的保守派来说，林登·约翰逊是过分的。

It was terrifying.

太可怕了。

We felt we could see our world slipping from us, and we wanted to change that.

我们觉得我们可以看到我们的世界正在离我们而去，我们想改变这一点。

Narrator: : In early January, the nation’s press assembled on the lawn of a hilltop house in Phoenix.

旁白：一月初，全国媒体聚集在凤凰城一座山顶房子的草坪上。

Arizona’s two-term Senator, Barry Goldwater, was about to make a dramatic announcement, one that would not only reshape the politics of 1964, but transform the American political landscape for generations to come.

亚利桑那州两届参议员巴里·戈德华特 (Barry Goldwater) 即将发表一项戏剧性的声明，这一声明不仅将重塑 1964 年的政治，还将改变未来几代人的美国政治格局。

Senator Barry Goldwater (archival): : I want to tell you that I will seek the Republican Presidential nomination.

参议员巴里·戈德华特（档案）：我想告诉你们，我将寻求共和党总统提名。

And I've decided to do this because of the principles in which I believe and because I'm convinced that millions of Americans share my belief in those principle.

我决定这样做是因为我所相信的原则，并且因为我确信数百万美国人与我一样相信这些原则。

Richard A.

理查德·A.

Viguerie, Conservative Activist: : Goldwater told us, he said, you know, as conservatives we can take this party over.

Viguerie，保守党活动人士：戈德华特告诉我们，他说，你知道，作为保守派，我们可以接管这个政党。

Before that, we didn’t have a voice; we didn’t have anybody speaking for us.

在此之前，我们没有发言权；没有人为我们说话。

The Republican Party was establishment Republicans, big government Republicans.

共和党是建制派共和党人、大政府共和党人。

Narrator: : For years, conservative activists had been searching for a presidential candidate who would embrace the ideals they cherished.

旁白：多年来，保守派活动人士一直在寻找一位能够拥护他们所珍视的理想的总统候选人。

Phyllis Schlafly, Conservative Leader: : Before 1964, the Republican establishment was picking all of our candidates.

菲利斯·施拉夫利 (Phyllis Schlafly)，保守党领袖： 1964 年之前，共和党建制派正在挑选我们所有的候选人。

They had given us two-time loser Tom Dewey.

他们给了我们两次失败者汤姆杜威。

They were "me too" Republicans.

他们是“我也是”共和党人。

Whatever the Democrats said, basically, they said, "me too." And we were tired of that.

无论民主党说什么，基本上，他们都会说“我也是”。我们对此感到厌倦。

We wanted a real conservative who would stand up for real American and conservative principles.

我们想要一个真正的保守派，能够维护真正的美国和保守原则。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : We believed that we had the right ideas.

李·爱德华兹（Lee Edwards），历史学家：：我们相信我们的想法是正确的。

You know, limited government, individual freedom, free enterprise, traditional American values, a strong national defense.

你知道，有限的政府、个人自由、自由企业、传统的美国价值观、强大的国防。

These were not only conservative ideas, but were American ideas.

这些不仅是保守的想法，而且是美国的想法。

We would organize ourselves into some kind a youth group, a political action group and coming out of that was Young Americans for Freedom.

我们将自己组织成某种青年团体，一个政治行动团体，其中就有“美国青年争取自由”组织。

And really from the beginning we looked to Barry Goldwater.

事实上，从一开始我们就向巴里·戈德华特寻求帮助。

Narrator: : The senator’s philosophy had been distilled into a book entitled The Conscience of a Conservative , which quickly became a kind of manifesto for the new right.

旁白：这位参议员的哲学被提炼成一本名为《保守党的良心》的书，这本书很快成为新右翼的一种宣言。

Richard A.

理查德·A.

Viguerie, Conservative Activist: : He believed in a balanced budget, he believed in limited government, he believed in increasing liberty and freedom for the individuals.

维盖里，保守派活动家：他相信平衡预算，他相信有限政府，他相信增加个人的自由和自由。

Finally somebody is saying what we’ve been thinking about.

终于有人说出了我们一直在思考的事情。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : So we bombarded Goldwater with telegrams, with letters, with telephone calls and what have you, saying you must run, you must run, you must run for the country, you must run for the movement.

历史学家李·爱德华兹：所以我们用电报、信件、电话以及其他什么方式轰炸戈德华特，说你必须竞选，你必须竞选，你必须为国家竞选，你必须为运动竞选。

And finally, at the last minute, he said, “All right, damn it, I will.”

最后，在最后一刻，他说：“好吧，该死，我会的。”

Senator Barry Goldwater (archival): : I won't change my beliefs to win votes.

参议员巴里·戈德华特（档案）：：我不会为了赢得选票而改变我的信念。

I will offer a choice, not an echo.

我会提供一个选择，而不是回应。

This will not be an engagement in personalities; it will be an engagement of principles.

这不会是个性化的参与；这将是原则性的约定。

Singer (archival audio): : Goldwater, go, go, go, you’re going to win we know.

歌手（档案音频）：：戈德华特，加油，加油，加油，我们知道你会赢。

Reporter (archival audio): : Goldwater’s ultra right supporters aren’t always middle aged by any means.

记者（档案音频）：：无论如何，戈德华特的极右支持者并不总是中年人。

To these young Republicans who wrote this ditty, Barry Goldwater is the old wild westerner come to life.

对于这些写下这首小曲的年轻共和党人来说，巴里·戈德华特就是活生生的老西部狂人。

A bulwark against the welfare state and red tyranny.

反对福利国家和红色暴政的堡垒。

Phyllis Schlafly, Conservative Leader: : Goldwater was authentic, he said what he believed and believed what he said, and we liked that.

菲利斯·施拉夫利 (Phyllis Schlafly)，保守党领袖：：戈德华特很真诚，他说他所相信的，也相信他所说的，我们喜欢这一点。

1964 was the birth of the modern conservative movement.

1964年是现代保守运动的诞生日。

Narrator: : At 1:20 pm on February 7th, Pan Am Flight 101 touched down at New York's recently renamed John F.

旁白： 2 月 7 日下午 1 点 20 分，泛美航空 101 航班降落在纽约新更名为约翰肯尼迪机场。

Kennedy Airport, and the Beatles arrived in America.

肯尼迪机场，披头士乐队抵达美国。

The Beatles (archival, singing): : Close your eyes and I'll kiss you.

披头士乐队（档案，演唱）：：闭上你的眼睛，我会吻你。

Tomorrow I'll miss you.

明天我会想念你的。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : I remember watching them on the Ed Sullivan Show.

历史学家道格拉斯：：我记得在《埃德·沙利文秀》上看过他们。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : I am in our TV room, hugging a Naugahyde ottoman to help anchor me.

历史学家道格拉斯：：我在电视室里，抱着 Naugahyde 脚凳来帮助我固定。

There they are with their long hair and Paul’s eyelashes, and their heels and they sang about us.

他们留着长发，留着保罗的睫毛，穿着高跟鞋，为我们唱歌。

They liked girls and they also felt the same pain that girls did.

他们喜欢女孩，也感受到女孩所感受到的痛苦。

I think that's one of the big reasons we all screamed our heads off.

我认为这是我们所有人尖叫的重要原因之一。

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : The Beatles arriving represent hopefulness.

托德·吉特林，社会学家：：披头士乐队的到来代表着希望。

They’re just a whole lot of fun filling stadiums.

它们只是充满乐趣的体育场。

Jann S.

詹恩·S。

Wenner, Founder, Rolling Stone: : I was just blown away by the kind of -- the life, the spirit, the enjoyment, the joy.

温纳，滚石乐队创始人：：我被那种生活、精神、享受、快乐所震撼。

The music was wonderful.

音乐很棒。

Beatles fans (archival): : We want the Beatles!

披头士乐队粉丝（档案）：：我们想要披头士乐队！

We want the Beatles!

我们想要披头士乐队！

Jon Margolis, Author, The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964: : They did scare a lot of parents.

乔恩·马戈利斯（Jon Margolis），《最后的纯真岁月：1964 年的美国》作者：他们确实吓到了很多家长。

These kids, they were the first generation who had been brought up in the well-ordered, comfortable life of suburbia and therefore, many of them were quite bored.

这些孩子，他们是在郊区秩序井然、舒适的生活中长大的第一代，因此，他们中的许多人都感到很无聊。

And so they were beginning to rebel in sort of harmless ways.

于是他们开始以某种无害的方式反抗。

You know?

你知道？

Boys stopped cutting their hair.

男孩们不再剪头发了。

And there were fights in households.

而且家里还发生过争吵。

You have to get a haircut.

你必须去理发。

I won’t get a haircut.

我不会理发。

I mean, you know, and that became kind of almost a public issue.

我的意思是，你知道，这几乎成了一个公共问题。

Boy (archival): : Well I let my hair flop around until it’s all messy.

男孩（档案）：：好吧，我让头发随意垂落，直到变得凌乱。

Reporter (archival): : You don't care if your parents like it or not?

记者（档案）：：你不在乎你父母喜欢不喜欢？

Robert Lipsyte, Sportswriter: : The Beatles, they were in the beginning of their first American tour.

罗伯特·利普赛特（Robert Lipsyte），体育记者：：甲壳虫乐队，他们正处于第一次美国巡演的开始阶段。

They were in Miami Beach.

他们在迈阿密海滩。

So they went to have a picture taken with Sonny Liston, the heavyweight champion of the world.

于是他们去和世界重量级拳王桑尼·利斯顿合影。

And he took one look at these four little boys and he said, “I ain't posing with them sissies.” So the Beatles were stuffed back into their limo, and as second-best they were taken to Cassius Clay’s training camp.

他看了一眼这四个小男孩，说道：“我才不会和他们合影呢，娘娘腔。”因此，披头士乐队被塞回他们的豪华轿车中，作为第二名，他们被带到了卡修斯·克莱的训练营。

Cassius Clay was fighting Sonny Liston for the heavyweight championship of the world.

卡修斯·克莱正在与桑尼·利斯顿争夺世界重量级冠军。

So I'm 26 years old, I was a feature writer.

我今年 26 岁，是一名专题作家。

I was sent down to cover the fight.

我被派去报道这场战斗。

I go down to where Cassius Clay trained.

我去了卡修斯·克莱训练的地方。

I go up the stairs to the gym, and there's this hubbub behind me.

我走上楼梯去健身房，身后一片喧闹。

And I ask one of the guys, "Some group, you know, singers for girls." And Cassius Clay has not arrived.

我问其中一个人，“有一个团体，你知道，是女孩歌手。”卡修斯·克莱还没有到。

The Beatles turn around, ‘cause they’re not going to wait for some Cassius Clay, but the guards push them right up.

披头士乐队转身，因为他们不会等待卡西乌斯·克莱，但警卫把他们推了上去。

In those days you could push the Beatles.

在那些日子里，你可以推动披头士乐队。

They pushed them right up the stairs and they push all five of us into an empty dressing room, lock the door.

他们把他们推上楼梯，把我们五个人推到一个空的更衣室，锁上门。

The Beatles were raging, and they were banging and cursing.

披头士乐队正在肆虐，他们敲打着、咒骂着。

And then suddenly, the door bursts open, and there is the most beautiful creature any of us have ever seen.

然后突然，门突然打开，出现了我们所见过的最美丽的生物。

You forget how big Cassius Clay was 'cause he was so perfect.

你忘记了卡修斯·克莱有多大，因为他太完美了。

He was laughing and he said, “Come on, Beatles, let's go make some money!” And they followed him out, like kindergarten kids.

他笑着说：“来吧，披头士乐队，我们去赚钱吧！”他们就像幼儿园的孩子一样跟着他出去。

February 18th, 1964.

1964 年 2 月 18 日。

It’s an amazing moment, the kind of confluence of two of the great socio-cultural rivers of our time.

这是一个令人惊叹的时刻，是我们这个时代两条伟大的社会文化河流的交汇。

And afterwards the Beatles leave.

之后披头士乐队就离开了。

Cassius Clay goes back into that dressing room to get his rubdown.

卡修斯·克莱回到更衣室进行按摩。

He beckons me over and he said, “So who were those little sissies?”

他招呼我过来，说道：“那些小娘们儿是谁？”

Narrator: : The heavy-weight championship fight between Cassius Clay and Sonny Liston was scheduled for February 25th, at the Miami Beach Convention Hall.

旁白：：卡修斯·克莱 (Cassius Clay) 和桑尼·利斯顿 (Sonny Liston) 之间的重量级冠军争夺战定于 2 月 25 日在迈阿密海滩会议厅举行。

For the young challenger, this moment had been a long time coming.

对于这位年轻的挑战者来说，这一刻已经到来很久了。

Clay had arrived on the boxing scene in 1954 and had captured the Olympic gold medal in 1960.

克莱于 1954 年进入拳击界，并于 1960 年夺得奥运会金牌。

Yet his professional record wasn’t all that impressive.

然而他的职业记录并不那么令人印象深刻。

He had fought a string of weak, handpicked opponents on the way to his matchup with Liston.

在与利斯顿对决的路上，他与一系列弱小的、精心挑选的对手进行了战斗。

By the eve of the fight, Clay was a 7-1 underdog.

比赛前夕，克莱以 7-1 处于劣势。

But the greater the odds against him, the more outrageous Clay became.

但对他不利的机会越大，克莱就变得越离谱。

Cassius Clay (archival): : Fifteen times I have told the clown what round he’s goin' down, and this chump ain’t no different.

卡修斯·克莱（档案）：：我已经十五次告诉小丑他要倒下哪一轮了，这个笨蛋也不例外。

He’ll fall at eight to prove that I’m great, and if he keeps talkin’ jive, I’m gonna cut it to five.

他会在八点摔倒，以证明我很棒，如果他继续胡言乱语，我会把它减到五点。

If Sonny Liston whips me, I’ll kiss his feet in the ring.

如果桑尼·利斯顿鞭打我，我会在擂台上亲吻他的脚。

I won’t get hit, I won’t get hit, I’m so quick.

我不会被击中，我不会被击中，我太快了。

He’s gonna be so tired in five rounds...

五轮之后他会很累的……

John H.

约翰·H.

Bracey, Jr., Historian: : He just didn’t shut up.

小布雷西，历史学家：：他只是没有闭嘴。

He just, he’s rhyming all the time, he’s making predictions.

他只是，他一直在押韵，他在做出预测。

You’re not supposed to make predictions when you fight, ‘cause you get in trouble.

当你打架时，你不应该做出预测，因为你会遇到麻烦。

He didn’t care.

他不在乎。

Narrator: : Clay was not a typical heavyweight champ in another respect.

旁白：：克莱在另一个方面并不是典型的重量级冠军。

A few years earlier, he had begun flirting with the Muslim faith, but he had kept his newfound spirituality quiet, afraid that if it became public he would be denied a shot at the title.

几年前，他开始与穆斯林信仰调情，但他对自己新发现的灵性保持沉默，担心如果公开，他将失去获得冠军的机会。

Now, Clay’s moment had come.

现在，克莱的时刻到了。

Announcer (archival audio): : World heavyweight boxing title on the line.

播音员（存档音频）： ：世界重量级拳击冠军上线。

Jon Margolis, Author: : Everybody who knew anything about boxing knew that Sonny Liston would just wipe up the floor with young Cassius Clay.

乔恩·马戈利斯，作者：：每个了解拳击的人都知道桑尼·利斯顿只会和年轻的卡西乌斯·克莱一起擦地板。

Robert Lipsyte, Sportswriter: : I was sitting ringside.

罗伯特·利普赛特，体育记者：：我坐在场边。

Once the fight began, there was no question Clay was in absolute control.

战斗一开始，毫无疑问克莱就占据了绝对的控制权。

Announcer (archival audio): : Another jarring right hand that time -- another one!

播音员（档案音频）： ：那次右手的另一只刺耳的声音——另一只！

Sonny wobbles.

桑尼摇摇晃晃。

Sonny wobbles.

桑尼摇摇晃晃。

Robert Lipsyte, Sportswriter: : Liston never came out for the seventh round, he had a deep cut.

罗伯特·利普赛特（Robert Lippsyte），体育记者：：利斯顿在第七轮比赛中从未出局，他的伤口很深。

Announcer (archival audio): : They might be stopping it.

播音员（档案音频）：：他们可能会阻止它。

That might be all, ladies and gentlemen.

女士们先生们，这可能就是全部了。

Robert Lipsyte, Sportswriter: : The morning after the fight, he was uncharacteristically subdued and polite.

罗伯特·利普赛特（Robert Lipsyte），体育记者：：比赛结束后的第二天早上，他一反常态地表现得谦逊而有礼貌。

He more or less said that he had done all these outrageous things, said all this, made these flamboyant actions to sell tickets for the fight, but that now that it was over he could be a polite and responsible gentleman champion.

他或多或少地说过，他做过所有这些令人发指的事情，说了所有这些话，做出了这些夸张的动作来卖比赛门票，但现在结束了，他可以成为一个有礼貌和负责任的绅士冠军。

The younger reporters, we were really disappointed.

年轻的记者们，我们真的很失望。

And somebody said, "Are you a card-carrying Muslim?" And of course card-carrying, even in 1964, had some real resonance, you know "card-carrying communist."

有人问：“你是持证穆斯林吗？”当然，即使在 1964 年，“持牌共产主义”也引起了一些真正的共鸣，你知道“持牌共产主义者”。

Cassius Clay (archival): : Why is everybody so shook up?

Cassius Clay（档案）：为什么每个人都如此震惊？

What do I look like I am to you?

在你眼里我是什么样的？

Reporter (archival): : I don’t know Cassius, you just...

记者（档案）：：我不认识卡西乌斯，你只是……

Like you say, you're the greatest.

正如你所说，你是最伟大的。

Cassius Clay (archival): : I don't have to be what you want me to be.

Cassius Clay（档案）：：我不必成为你希望我成为的人。

I'm free to be what I want to be and think what I want to think.

我可以自由地成为我想成为的人，想我想想的事。

Jon Margolis, Author, The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964: : He said, “I don't have to be what you want me to be.” And in a way it was the same thing that the kids who were not getting their haircuts were saying.

乔恩·马戈利斯 (Jon Margolis)，《最后的纯真之年：1964 年的美国》作者：他说，“我不必成为你希望我成为的人。”在某种程度上，这和那些没有理发的孩子们说的是一样的。

It was the same thing that people were saying in politics.

人们在政治上也这么说。

You've had this role cut out for me, but I don't have to play it anymore.

你已经为我安排了这个角色，但我不必再扮演它了。

John H.

约翰·H.

Bracey, Jr., Historian: : I’m not following the mold, whatever the mold was, like, I'm not in it, I'm going to be myself, and whatever that is.

小布雷西（Bracey, Jr.），历史学家：：我不会遵循模式，无论模式是什么，就像，我不在其中，我要做我自己，无论那是什么。

Narrator: : The next day, Cassius Clay put the rumors to rest, announcing that he had, in fact, joined the Muslim faith.

旁白：第二天，卡西乌斯·克莱平息了谣言，宣布他实际上已经加入了穆斯林信仰。

Reporter (archival): : Why do you insist on being called Muhammad Ali now?

记者（档案）：：为什么你现在坚持叫穆罕默德·阿里？

Cassius Clay (archival): : That’s the name given to me by leading teacher, the honorable Elijah Muhammad.

卡西乌斯·克莱（Cassius Clay）（档案）：：这是首席老师、尊敬的伊利亚·穆罕默德给我起的名字。

That’s my original name, that’s a black man name.

这是我原来的名字，是一个黑人的名字。

Cassius Clay was my slave name.

卡修斯·克莱是我奴隶的名字。

I’m no longer a slave.

我不再是奴隶了。

Cassius Clay (archival): : Muhammad means "worthy of all praises" and Ali means "most high."

卡修斯·克莱（档案）：穆罕默德的意思是“值得所有赞美”，阿里的意思是“至高无上”。

Robert Lipsyte, Sportswriter: : He made no apologies for himself.

罗伯特·利普赛特，体育记者：：他没有为自己道歉。

He said, "Here I am." He just seemed like somebody who had come out of the neighborhood, somebody who was going to stand up for the man, and say what he believed in.

他说：“我在这里。”他看起来就像一个从附近走出来的人，一个会为这个人挺身而出，说出他所相信的事情的人。

The Beatles, Cassius Clay, I mean this was the toppling of the order that was my generation.

披头士乐队、卡西乌斯·克莱，我的意思是，这是我们这一代人秩序的颠覆。

And it was thrilling.

这真是令人兴奋。

Stephanie Coontz, Historian: : My mom was a homemaker in Salt Lake City.

史蒂芬妮·孔茨 (Stephanie Coontz)，历史学家：：我的妈妈是盐湖城的一名家庭主妇。

She had been a very adventurous young woman.

她是一位非常富有冒险精神的年轻女性。

She worked in the shipyards during World War II and was very proud of herself and very resentful when they were fired as soon as the first boatload of GI's came home.

第二次世界大战期间，她在造船厂工作，她为自己感到非常自豪，但当第一批大兵回国后，他们就被解雇了，她对此感到非常不满。

But it was time to start a family and she settled down and eventually got bored with it but had been so kind of brainwashed by the women’s magazines and the TV shows that even this woman who'd been very kind of bohemian and radical in her youth began to feel that there was something wrong with her for not being totally happy.

但到了组建家庭的时候，她安定下来，最终对此感到厌倦，但被女性杂志和电视节目洗脑了，即使是这个年轻时非常放荡和激进的女人也开始觉得自己有些不对劲，因为她并不完全幸福。

The first time I learned this about her was in 1964.

我第一次了解她是在 1964 年。

I was away at school and we had a weekly phone call and she started telling me about this book she was reading, The Feminine Mystique , and how indignant it made her and how it opened her eyes and then all of this all this stuff poured out of her.

我当时不在学校，我们每周都会通一次电话，她开始告诉我她正在读的这本书，《女性的奥秘》，这本书让她多么愤怒，这本书如何让她大开眼界，然后所有这些东西都从她身上倾泻而出。

I had thought she was a totally happy homemaker.

我原以为她是一个非常幸福的家庭主妇。

She said, "Oh my god;" she said, "I was going crazy and I thought it was something wrong with me."

她说：“天哪；”她说：“我快疯了，我觉得我出了什么问题。”

Narrator: : The work of a magazine writer and student of psychology named Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique hit the bestseller lists on March 15th, 1964.

旁白：：杂志作家兼心理学学生贝蒂·弗里丹 (Betty Friedan) 的作品《女性的奥秘》于 1964 年 3 月 15 日登上畅销书排行榜。

It would become one of the most popular paperbacks of the year, and one of the most influential books of the century.

It would become one of the most popular paperbacks of the year, and one of the most influential books of the century.

In its pages, Friedan defined something that afflicted millions of American women; she called it "the problem that has no name."

弗里丹在书中定义了困扰数百万美国女性的问题：她称之为“没有名字的问题”。

Claire Bond Potter, Historian: : The problem that had no name was a strange stirring.

克莱尔·邦德·波特（Claire Bond Potter），历史学家：：这个没有名字的问题令人感到奇怪。

Today we would call it depression, but what Friedan describes is a set of feelings that women can't put into words.

今天我们称之为抑郁症，但弗里丹描述的是女性无法用语言表达的一系列感受。

That they are prosperous, they have children, they have husbands.

他们很富裕，他们有孩子，他们有丈夫。

In other words, they have everything that they have been told by commercial culture that they’re supposed to want, and yet they're still unhappy and they don’t know why.

换句话说，他们拥有商业文化告诉他们应该想要的一切，但他们仍然不快乐，而且不知道为什么。

Interviewer (archival): : Now, Ms. Friedan, you feel then that a very tremendous problem with women is not knowing who they are -- a loss of touch of their own identity.

采访者（档案）：弗里丹女士，您现在觉得女性面临的一个非常大的问题是不知道自己是谁——失去了自己的身份。

Betty Friedan (archival): : Well, it's not being anybody themselves, for so many, and even feeling guilty.

Betty Friedan (archival): : Well, it's not being anybody themselves, for so many, and even feeling guilty.

You see, I've had letters from over a thousand women since my book came out, and a woman today has been made to feel freakish and alone and guilty if simply she wants to be more than her husband's wife, her children’s' mother, if she really wants to really use her abilities in society.

你看，自从我的书出版以来，我已经收到了一千多名女性的来信，而今天的女性如果只是想超越丈夫的妻子、孩子的母亲，如果她真的想真正在社会上发挥自己的能力，她就会感到怪异、孤独和内疚。

And so, all women have suffered by the feminine mystique.

因此，所有女性都遭受过女性神秘感的困扰。

Claire Bond Potter, Historian: : Betty Friedan defines the feminine mystique as something that's invented in popular culture, and specifically by advertisers.

克莱尔·邦德·波特（Claire Bond Potter），历史学家：贝蒂·弗里丹（Betty Friedan）将女性的神秘感定义为流行文化中发明的东西，特别是由广告商发明的东西。

Advertisement (archival): : You know, it's a crime not to have delicious coffee like this all the time.

Advertisement (archival): : You know, it's a crime not to have delicious coffee like this all the time.

We will now that I've discovered "the mountains!"

现在我已经发现了“山脉”！

Claire Bond Potter, Historian: : Women are expected to be happy, by consuming things, consuming houses, consuming dishwashers, consuming the right soap, consuming the right clothes and makeup and shoes.

历史学家克莱尔·邦德·波特：女性应该通过消费东西、消费房屋、消费洗碗机、消费正确的肥皂、消费正确的衣服、化妆品和鞋子来获得幸福。

Advertisement (archival): : All these reasons for being happy come out of this bottle.

广告（档案）： ：所有这些快乐的理由都来自这个瓶子。

Claire Bond Potter, Historian: : The feminine mystique is something that doesn’t exist, that women can never be and women can never have and thus it becomes a trap for them.

克莱尔·邦德·波特，历史学家：：女性的神秘感是不存在的，女性永远不可能拥有，因此它成为她们的陷阱。

Betty Friedan (archival): : Television, for instance, you see there are no what I call, no heroines, things, on television today.

贝蒂·弗里丹（档案）： ：例如电视，你看今天的电视上没有我所谓的女英雄之类的东西。

There are -- there's this mindless little drudge who seems never to have gotten beyond fifth grade herself, whose greatest thrill and ecstasy is to get that kitchen sink or floor pure white.

有这样一个没有头脑的小苦力，她自己似乎从未超过五年级，她最大的兴奋和狂喜就是让厨房水槽或地板变成纯白色。

And needs the advice of some wise elderly man even to do that, you see…

甚至需要一些明智的老人的建议才能做到这一点，你看……

Stephanie Coontz, Historian: : At one point Friedan says, "A women will look around and she’ll think maybe it's her husband's fault, maybe her house isn’t big enough, maybe she doesn’t have enough kids, maybe she needs another child." She says, "None of it's that.

史蒂芬妮·孔茨（Stephanie Coontz），历史学家：弗里丹曾说过，“一个女人环顾四周，她会想也许这是她丈夫的错，也许她的房子不够大，也许她没有足够的孩子，也许她需要另一个孩子。”她说：“都不是那样的。

It's that you're missing the opportunity to grow as a human being and that’s a normal desire, and when it is thwarted it's normal to feel bad about it, and so instead of allowing it to be thwarted you should do something about it."

而是你错过了作为一个人成长的机会，这是一种正常的愿望，当它受到阻碍时，感到难过是正常的，所以你不应该让它受到阻碍，你应该做点什么。”

Announcer (archival): : A sure sign of spring and the first robin.

播音员（档案）：：春天和第一只知更鸟的明确标志。

Here are the hat fashions that will star in the Easter style parade.

以下是复活节风格游行中的明星帽子时装。

Narrator: : The spring of 1964 brought with it familiar rituals, but also signs that change was in the air.

旁白： 1964 年的春天带来了熟悉的仪式，但也有迹象表明变化即将来临。

Visitors flocked past the tilted globe known as the Unisphere, as the World’s Fair opened in New York City; Americans debated the Surgeon General’s recent announcement that smoking increased the risk of lung cancer; and a stylish new convertible, the Ford Mustang, hit the American highway.

Visitors flocked past the tilted globe known as the Unisphere, as the World’s Fair opened in New York City;美国人对卫生局局长最近宣布吸烟会增加患肺癌的风险进行了辩论；一款时尚的新型敞篷车福特野马出现在美国高速公路上。

Jon Margolis, Author, The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964: : The Mustang was sportier than any American car that had ever been created.

乔恩·马戈利斯 (Jon Margolis)，《最后的纯真岁月：1964 年的美国》作者：野马比任何美国汽车都更具运动性。

It was designed for young people, and in buying one a person was making a statement about him or herself.

它是为年轻人设计的，购买一件就等于表达了自己的个性。

As much as buying a piece of transportation to get from here to there.

As much as buying a piece of transportation to get from here to there.

Announcer (archival audio): : Albert’s a Mustanger now.

播音员（档案音频）：：阿尔伯特现在是野马了。

He bought a beautiful Mustang convertible.

他买了一辆漂亮的野马敞篷车。

All of a sudden his whole life changed.

突然之间，他的整个生活都改变了。

Put a few kicks in your life.

为你的生活注入一些活力。

Narrator: : Americans were living through a period of unprecedented prosperity, flooding into newly built suburbs, raising larger and larger families.

旁白：美国人正经历着一个前所未有的繁荣时期，人们涌入新建的郊区，养育了越来越多的家庭。

Jon Margolis, Author, The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964: : There had never been so many young people in the world and they never had so much money.

乔恩·马戈利斯（Jon Margolis），《最后的纯真岁月：1964 年的美国》作者：世界上从来没有这么多的年轻人，他们也从来没有这么多的钱。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : Our parents came of age during the Depression and the second World War.

历史学家道格拉斯：我们的父母在大萧条和第二次世界大战期间长大。

These were times of sacrifice and privation.

这是一个充满牺牲和匮乏的时期。

Our generation – we were told we were going to be different.

我们这一代人——我们被告知我们会有所不同。

We were gonna move into the suburbs.

我们要搬到郊区。

We were gonna go to college in record numbers.

我们将以创纪录的人数进入大学。

We were told over and over again that we were special, that our lives were going to be different.

我们一遍又一遍地被告知，我们很特别，我们的生活将会有所不同。

We were being told that we mattered economically.

我们被告知我们在经济上很重要。

They were selling us everything.

他们把一切都卖给我们。

And once you start to think that you matter economically, you begin to think that you matter politically.

And once you start to think that you matter economically, you begin to think that you matter politically.

Narrator: : On Friday, May 22nd, the largest class in the history of the University of Michigan gathered to hear its commencement address delivered by the president of the United States.

旁白： 5 月 22 日星期五，密歇根大学历史上规模最大的班级聚集在一起，聆听美国总统发表的毕业典礼致辞。

Lyndon Johnson used the opportunity to introduce a phrase he hoped would embody the far-reaching goals of his presidency.

林登·约翰逊利用这个机会提出了一个短语，他希望能够体现他总统任期内的深远目标。

Robert Dallek, Historian: : Franklin Roosevelt had the New Deal, Harry Truman had the Fair Deal, Kennedy had the New Frontier.

Robert Dallek, Historian: : Franklin Roosevelt had the New Deal, Harry Truman had the Fair Deal, Kennedy had the New Frontier.

What is his administration going to be called?

他的政府将被称为什么？

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : “In your time, we have the opportunity to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the Great Society.

约翰逊（档案）：“在你们的时代，我们有机会不仅走向富裕社会和强大社会，而且向上走向伟大社会。

The Great Society demands an end to poverty and racial injustice."

伟大社会要求结束贫困和种族不平等。”

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : A Great Society, that is his vision -- a moral, just America.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：：一个伟大的社会，这就是他的愿景——一个道德的、公正的美国。

When he said A Great Society, he meant a Great Society.

当他说一个伟大的社会时，他的意思是一个伟大的社会。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : So will you join in the battle to give every citizen the full equality which God enjoins and the law requires?

Johnson (archival): : So will you join in the battle to give every citizen the full equality which God enjoins and the law requires?

Whatever his belief, or race, or the color of his skin."

Whatever his belief, or race, or the color of his skin."

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : It has this kind of aching utopian energy of the sort that you can’t even imagine a presidential candidate speaking about now.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），作家：：它有一种令人痛苦的乌托邦能量，你甚至无法想象现在的总统候选人会谈论这种能量。

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : The Great Society, and where I was, and where an awful lot of Americans were, it offered such hope for so many people.

霍丁卡特三世，报纸编辑：：伟大的社会，以及我所在的地方，以及大量美国人所在的地方，它为这么多人带来了这样的希望。

It was the audacity of saying we ought to be as great as we say we are and we ought to be a society that makes good on its promises to all of its people, and we can do it.

这是一种大胆的说法，我们应该像我们所说的那样伟大，我们应该成为一个兑现对全体人民的承诺的社会，而且我们可以做到。

We can do it.

我们能做到。

Narrator: : The Michigan audience loved his speech and so did the nation’s press, but back in Washington, Lyndon Johnson knew that no amount of soaring rhetoric would make his Great Society a reality.

旁白：密歇根州的观众喜欢他的演讲，全国媒体也喜欢他的演讲，但回到华盛顿，林登·约翰逊知道，再多的豪言壮语也无法让他的伟大社会成为现实。

What was needed was legislation that would use the power of the federal government to advance the cause of equality.

What was needed was legislation that would use the power of the federal government to advance the cause of equality.

Martin Luther King (archival): : This nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed.

马丁·路德·金（档案）：：这个国家将会崛起，活出其信条的真正意义。

Narrator: : The March on Washington the summer before had thrust civil rights onto the national stage, but blacks in the South were still subject to pervasive and often violent discrimination.

旁白：前年夏天的华盛顿游行将公民权利推上了国家舞台，但南方的黑人仍然受到普遍且经常是暴力的歧视。

And mainstream civil rights leaders were finding it increasingly hard to manage the frustration within their movement.

主流民权领袖发现越来越难以控制运动中的挫败感。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : You have this long, pent up fight with civil rights reaching a crescendo.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : You have this long, pent up fight with civil rights reaching a crescendo.

If this doesn’t change, if after all this sacrifice on the streets of the South -- they had fire hoses turned on them and police dogs.

If this doesn’t change, if after all this sacrifice on the streets of the South -- they had fire hoses turned on them and police dogs.

They were murdered there.

他们在那里被谋杀。

What’s gonna happen if that situation, if government does not do something?

What’s gonna happen if that situation, if government does not do something?

Leah Wright Rigueur, Historian: : In 1964, race is coming to a boiling point.

Leah Wright Rigueur，历史学家： 1964 年，种族问题即将达到沸点。

The 1964 civil rights bill is on the table -- Republicans and Democrats are arguing over, debating over, what will this mean to the country?

The 1964 civil rights bill is on the table -- Republicans and Democrats are arguing over, debating over, what will this mean to the country?

Robert Dallek, Historian: : It was gonna end segregation in all places of public accommodation.

历史学家罗伯特·达莱克：它将结束所有公共场所的种族隔离。

Restaurants, swimming pools, bus stations, train stations.

餐厅、游泳池、汽车站、火车站。

Announcer (archival): : "...cafeterias, lunch rooms, lunch counters, soda fountains, gasoline stations, theaters…”

Announcer (archival): : "...cafeterias, lunch rooms, lunch counters, soda fountains, gasoline stations, theaters…”

Robert Dallek, Historian: : It just was going to end a way of life across the South.

历史学家罗伯特·达莱克 (Robert Dallek)：：这将结束整个南方的一种生活方式。

It was a huge political gamble because Johnson is running for president.

It was a huge political gamble because Johnson is running for president.

Is he going to alienate those Southern segregationists?

他会疏远那些南方种族隔离主义者吗？

Is he gonna lose the South?

他会失去南方吗？

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : Johnson had decided to turn the corner and that if that meant that the Democratic Party was gonna forgo Southern support, so be it.

社会学家托德·吉特林：约翰逊决定扭转局面，如果这意味着民主党将放弃南方的支持，那就这样吧。

Chips were down.

筹码下降了。

Narrator: : By early June, Southerners in Congress had been successfully blocking the bill for more than two months, and there was no reason to assume they would back down.

旁白： ：到六月初，国会中的南方人已经成功阻止该法案两个多月了，没有理由认为他们会退缩。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : The problem for Johnson in pushing through the civil rights bill was the same problem it had been for Kennedy and for anyone who wanted to promote civil rights, it had this solid Deep South core of Senators, solidly opposed to any federal action on civil rights, and a handful of other conservative Republicans, outside the region, which made it impossible to move forward.

历史学家卡特：约翰逊在推动民权法案时遇到的问题与肯尼迪和任何想要促进民权的人面临的问题是一样的，它有坚定的南方核心参议员，坚决反对联邦对民权采取的任何行动，以及该地区之外的少数其他保守派共和党人，这使得该法案无法向前推进。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : The South in the Senate has through the filibuster and the threat of the filibuster defeated every strong civil rights bill for almost a century.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：：参议院的南方通过阻挠议事和阻挠议事的威胁击败了近一个世纪以来每一项强有力的民权法案。

There is no sign that this is going to change.

没有迹象表明这种情况会改变。

Narrator: : To defeat the South’s filibuster and break their stranglehold on the measure, Johnson needed 67 votes in the Senate.

旁白：：为了击败南方的阻挠并打破他们对该法案的束缚，约翰逊需要在参议院获得 67 票。

That meant 23 Republicans had to cross the aisle and support the bill.

这意味着 23 名共和党人必须跨过党派并支持该法案。

Rick Perlstein, Writer : What Lyndon Johnson had that John F.

里克·珀尔斯坦 (Rick Perlstein)，编剧：林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 拥有约翰·肯尼迪 (John F.

Kennedy didn't was an unbelievable power to sway legislators.

肯尼迪并没有拥有令人难以置信的影响立法者的权力。

There was this thing called the Johnson treatment.

有一种叫做约翰逊疗法的东西。

He’d kind of plant his shoes next to you, he'd tower over you, he'd literally grab your lapels, his hot breath would be six inches in front of your face.

他会把鞋子放在你旁边，他会比你高，他会抓住你的翻领，他的热气会在你脸前六英寸处。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : I mean this is the other side of Lyndon Johnson.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：：我的意思是，这是林登·约翰逊的另一面。

He doesn’t just have the ideals; he knows how to push the levers.

他不仅有理想，而且有理想。他知道如何推动杠杆。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : He had this politician’s gift for knowing exactly what each person he was trying to persuade’s vulnerabilities were and he would hit them like a jackhammer.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），作家：他拥有政治家的天赋，能够准确地知道他试图说服的每个人的弱点是什么，并且他会像手提钻一样打击他们。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : If the senator said, “You know, that’s gonna kill me with my constituency,” he would refute, he would cajole you, threaten you, or bribe you.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：如果参议员说，“你知道，这会杀死我和我的选区”，他会反驳，他会哄骗你，威胁你，或者贿赂你。

Anything he had to do to get your vote.

为了获得你的选票，他必须做任何事。

Richard Russell, the leader of the South, says, flatly, we could’ve beaten Kennedy on civil rights, we could’ve stopped ‘em in the Senate, but Lyndon Johnson, he says, will beat us.

南方领导人理查德·拉塞尔直言不讳地说，我们本可以在民权问题上击败肯尼迪，我们本可以在参议院阻止他们，但他说林登·约翰逊会击败我们。

He’ll tear your arm off at the shoulder and beat you over the head with it.

他会从肩膀处扯下你的手臂，然后用它打你的头。

But he will get this passed.

但他会让这件事过去的。

We’re going to lose.

我们会输的。

Narrator: : In the end, on June 19th, after the longest filibuster in the Senate’s history, 27 Republicans voted for the bill; only six, including Barry Goldwater, voted no.

旁白：：最终，6月19日，经过参议院历史上最长的阻挠，27名共和党人投票支持了该法案；只有包括巴里·戈德华特在内的六人投了反对票。

Announcer (archival audio): : Congress passes the most sweeping civil rights bill ever to be written into the law.

播音员（档案音频）：：国会通过了有史以来写入法律的最全面的民权法案。

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 is signed at the White House by President Johnson.

1964 年民权法案由约翰逊总统在白宫签署。

Narrator: : But even as Johnson was enshrining civil rights into what he called "the books of law", he knew that the response to the measure would challenge not only his presidency, but the entire nation.

旁白：但即使约翰逊将公民权利写入他所谓的“法律书籍”，他也知道对该措施的反应不仅会挑战他的总统职位，还会挑战整个国家。

Richard A.

理查德·A.

Viguerie, Conservative Activist: : It was a game changer.

Viguerie，保守派活动人士：：这是一个游戏规则的改变者。

The creation of a new America.

创建一个新美国。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : Civil Rights Bill, it lays out all of these divisions in American society.

历史学家卡特：：《民权法案》列出了美国社会的所有这些分歧。

Whether it is social divisions, culture divisions, racial divisions.

无论是社会分歧、文化分歧、种族分歧。

Suddenly you can’t escape from them anymore.

突然间你再也无法逃离他们了。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : It completely unravels the entire social system of segregation in the south.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），作家：：它彻底瓦解了南方整个种族隔离的社会制度。

The very foundation upon which the quote-unquote "Southern way of life" is built.

这就是“南方生活方式”的基础。

It’s revolutionary.

这是革命性的。

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : 90% of all the white people in the deep south thought, “Oh my god, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 means what!?

霍丁·卡特三世 (Hodding Carter III)，报纸编辑：：90% 的南方腹地白人认为，“天哪，1964 年的民权法案意味着什么！？

What do you mean you’re going to tell me who I have to serve?

你要告诉我我必须为谁服务是什么意思？

They’re going to be in the same place as me?"

他们会和我在同一个地方吗？”

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : My fellow Americans, this civil rights act is a challenge to all of us, to go to work in our communities and our states in our homes and in our hearts to eliminate the last vestiges of injustice.

约翰逊（档案）：我的美国同胞们，这项民权法案是对我们所有人的挑战，我们要在我们的社区、我们的州、我们的家中、在我们的心中努力消除不公正的最后痕迹。

Reporter (archival): : This is the demonstration that was suppose to have some 600 or a thousand people in it but now in addition to this civil rights demonstration we also had a demonstration by some young people for Ringo Starr.

记者（档案）： ：这次示威本来应该有大约 600 或 1000 人参加，但现在除了这次民权示威外，我们还举行了一些年轻人为林戈·斯塔尔举行的示威活动。

What is this all about?

这是怎么回事？

Girls (archival): : This is Ringo’s birthday today he’s 24, and this is a Beatles booster club, and Ringo is going to be president too.

女孩（档案）：：今天是林戈的生日，他 24 岁了，这是甲壳虫乐队的后援俱乐部，林戈也将担任主席。

Girls (archival): : There are going to be billions and trillions of girls voting for him.

女孩（档案）：：将会有数十亿、数万亿女孩投票给他。

Ringo rules.

林戈规则。

No, be quiet.

不，安静点。

If Ringo is not president we want Johnson, nothing but Johnson, because Johnson is the best.

如果林戈不是总统，我们只想要约翰逊，只有约翰逊，因为约翰逊是最好的。

Ringo is gonna win.

林戈会赢。

We want Ringo.

我们想要林戈。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : 1964, we were literally beside ourselves.

历史学家道格拉斯：1964 年，我们简直是疯了。

Pop psychologists and sociologists were trying to figure out.

流行心理学家和社会学家试图找出答案。

What did it mean that young women were willing to violate police barricades, ignore police authority completely so that they could try to touch Ringo’s hair?

年轻女性愿意冲破警察路障，完全无视警察权威，试图触摸林戈的头发，这意味着什么？

What adults were seeing was a new youthful energy just being released by thousands and thousands of girls.

大人们看到的是成千上万的女孩正在释放出新的青春能量。

It was kind of a collective jailbreak.

这是一种集体越狱。

Narrator: : The young girls at the barricades were not alone.

旁白：：街垒里的年轻女孩并不孤单。

Narrator: : All during the summer of 1964, new forms of rebellion were taking shape.

旁白： 1964 年整个夏天，新形式的叛乱正在形成。

Frankie Avalon and Annette Funicello’s sexy, skin-filled beach movies raised eyebrows and packed summer movie theaters; pop artist Andy Warhol thumbed his nose at the art establishment, with silk screens of Campbell’s soup cans that would appear in a gallery made to look like an American supermarket; and novelist Ken Kesey, and his band of Merry Pranksters, hopped on their brightly painted Magic Bus, setting off from California on an LSD-infused road trip across the country.

弗兰基·阿瓦隆 (Frankie Avalon) 和安妮特·福尼塞洛 (Annette Funicello) 的性感、肌肤饱满的海滩电影引起了人们的注意，夏季电影院座无虚席；波普艺术家安迪·沃霍尔（Andy Warhol）对艺术机构嗤之以鼻，用丝网印刷的金宝汤罐头出现在一个看起来像美国超市的画廊里；小说家肯·凯西 (Ken Kesey) 和他的快乐恶作剧乐队 (Merry Pranksters) 跳上他们色彩鲜艳的魔法巴士，从加利福尼亚出发，开始了一场迷幻药穿越全国的公路旅行。

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : In the summer of ’64, young people are proposing that an entrenched way of life be dismantled and superseded.

社会学家托德·吉特林 (Todd Gitlin)：64 年夏天，年轻人提议废除和取代根深蒂固的生活方式。

Jann S.

詹恩·S。

Wenner, Founder, Rolling Stone: : Young vs. old, and the new vs. the old.

温纳，滚石乐队创始人：：年轻与年长，新与旧。

It was about that.

就是关于这个的。

You know, because we were young, and we knew better than anybody else.

你知道，因为我们还年轻，我们比任何人都清楚。

And it was about our youthful ideals and our youthful beliefs and what we want society to be.

这是关于我们年轻的理想、我们年轻的信念以及我们希望社会成为什么样子的。

Narrator: : On June 15th, about 300 students, and a group of veteran civil rights activists, joined together for an experiment in social change.

旁白： 6月15日，大约300名学生和一群资深民权活动人士一起进行了一项社会变革实验。

They had come to a small college in Ohio to prepare for Freedom Summer -- a radical new campaign to increase voter registration of blacks in the Deep South.

他们来到俄亥俄州的一所小学院，为“自由之夏”做准备——这是一项激进的新运动，旨在增加南部腹地黑人的选民登记。

The new recruits were young and idealistic.

新入职的员工年轻且充满理想主义。

They were also, overwhelmingly, white.

他们绝大多数也是白人。

Reverend Ed King, Civil Rights Activist: : I was there for training as a minister.

民权活动家埃德·金牧师：：我在那里接受牧师培训。

The point of the project was to expand the movement and here was this help from college students recruited through college chaplains.

该项目的目的是扩大运动，这就是通过大学牧师招募的大学生的帮助。

John H.

约翰·H.

Bracey, Jr., Historian: : They were gonna spend their summer in Mississippi fighting for black people’s freedom.

小布雷西，历史学家：：他们将在密西西比州度过夏天，为黑人的自由而战。

And I think they saw it that way.

我认为他们是这么看的。

They weren’t radical, radical kids, gonna take over the world kind of thing, they thought this was right, this is something you can do, it shouldn’t take that long because you’re doing something that’s right.

他们不是激进的、激进的孩子，想要接管世界之类的事情，他们认为这是正确的，这是你可以做的事情，不应该花那么长时间，因为你正在做正确的事情。

Narrator: : The Freedom Summer Project was run by the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, known as SNCC.

旁白： ：自由夏季项目由学生非暴力协调委员会（SNCC）负责管理。

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : Those who had been organizing for years conceived of a plan.

托德·吉特林（Todd Gitlin），社会学家：：那些多年来一直在组织的人构思了一个计划。

The idea, quite brilliant idea, was to import students, young people, to make Mississippi front-burner news.

这个想法非常聪明，就是引进学生、年轻人，让密西西比州成为热门新闻。

Narrator: : The new strategy was necessary because, despite the promise of the Civil Rights Act, activists on the ground were making little progress towards equality.

旁白：：新战略是必要的，因为尽管《民权法案》做出了承诺，但当地的活动人士在实现平等方面进展甚微。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : When a black person tries to vote in a place like Mississippi, there are all sorts of obstacles, both legal and illegal, they face.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），作家：当黑人试图在密西西比州这样的地方投票时，他们会面临各种合法和非法的障碍。

I mean, a legal obstacle might be, say, a literacy test in which they claim that they have to recite the entire Constitution.

我的意思是，法律障碍可能是，比如说，扫盲测试，他们声称必须背诵整部宪法。

Illegal, you might be organizing to register voters in a church, and the Ku Klux Klan might burn your church down.

非法，你可能会组织在教堂登记选民，而三K党可能会烧毁你的教堂。

Reverend Ed King, Civil Rights Activist: : In Mississippi we had been having one black man a month murdered by the Klan just to set an example there will be no voter registration work in this area.

艾德·金牧师，民权活动人士：：在密西西比州，每个月都有一名黑人被三K党谋杀，只是为了树立一个榜样，该地区将不再进行选民登记工作。

People felt like the government in Washington lets these things happen.

人们觉得华盛顿政府让这些事情发生。

Bob Moses, Civil Rights Activist: : Those kind of events, it was just utter silence, utter silence.

鲍勃·摩西，民权活动家：：那些事件，只是完全的沉默，完全的沉默。

There's nobody knows, and the media doesn't care.

没人知道，媒体也不关心。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : A lot of us were tired.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家：我们很多人都很累。

We had been in this thing nonstop.

我们一直在不停地做这件事。

So there were a lot of discussions going on at that time, what's gonna happen if you bring in all these young kids into the places.

所以当时有很多讨论，如果你把所有这些小孩都带进这些地方会发生什么。

But we really felt we had no choice.

但我们真的觉得我们别无选择。

The time was right.

时机恰到好处。

You had to get America's attention.

你必须引起美国的注意。

Narrator: : The students had come to Ohio for a crash course in nonviolent activism, and the voter registration laws of Mississippi.

旁白：学生们来到俄亥俄州参加非暴力行动主义和密西西比州选民登记法的速成课程。

They were also warned about what was waiting for them in the South.

他们还被警告南方将面临什么。

Instructor 1 (archival): : Most likely a cop won't try to chunk you in here but he will hit you across here.

教练 1（档案）：：很可能警察不会试图将你困在这里，但他会在这里打你。

Instructor 2 (archival): : We want to get used to this, used to people jeering at us.

讲师2（档案）：：我们要习惯这一点，习惯人们嘲笑我们。

Instructor 3 (archival): : Yell it out, get out of here nigger, nigger-lovers coming from the North.

讲师 3（档案）：：大声喊出来，黑鬼，离开这里，来自北方的黑鬼爱好者。

Go home Yankee!

洋基回家吧！

Bob Moses, Civil Rights Activist: : The goal for me was to help the students understand their job was just to be in Mississippi and survive.

鲍勃·摩西，民权活动家：：我的目标是帮助学生了解他们的工作只是为了在密西西比州生存。

That was their job.

那是他们的工作。

Reporter (archival): : Do you worry about what's going to happen to you in Mississippi?

记者（档案）：您担心在密西西比州会发生什么吗？

Activist (archival): : Very much, this is something, which I had to think out before I even decided whether to apply to the program.

活动家（档案）：：非常喜欢，这是我在决定是否申请该计划之前必须考虑的事情。

And that is whether or not I was willing not only to face a beating but whether or not it was something worth being killed for.

这不仅关系到我是否愿意挨打，还关系到我是否愿意为此而被杀。

We all feel hopeful that we are gonna be able to do something when we sing songs together I think a lot of us mean it.

当我们一起唱歌时，我们都充满希望能够做点什么，我想我们很多人都是这么想的。

That we shall overcome and that something really will come out over this summer.

我们将克服困难，今年夏天确实会有一些成果。

Reporter (archival): : With some knowledge of what may await them, but with little protection against it, they set forth for a summer in Mississippi.

记者（档案）：：他们对等待他们的事情有所了解，但几乎没有采取任何保护措施，于是他们出发前往密西西比州度过一个夏天。

Claire Bond Potter, Historian: : It is a year of choice.

历史学家克莱尔·邦德·波特：这是充满选择的一年。

And these college students are trying to decide what they can do to create a more just world.

这些大学生正在努力决定他们能做些什么来创造一个更加公正的世界。

Reporter (archival audio): : Yesterday the first 200 civil rights workers arrived in Mississippi and fanned out over the state.

记者（档案音频）： ：昨天，第一批 200 名民权工作者抵达密西西比州，并在该州上空散开。

John H.

约翰·H.

Bracey, Jr., Historian: : I don't think they sensed the danger, because you can't comprehend being in the United States and having somebody who wants to shoot you because you want black people to have the right to vote.

小布雷西（Bracey, Jr.），历史学家：我认为他们没有意识到危险，因为你无法理解在美国却有人想开枪射杀你，因为你希望黑人有投票权。

We learned in civics class: everybody's a citizen; they all have the right to vote, just about.

我们在公民课上学到：每个人都是公民；他们几乎都有投票权。

Well, in Mississippi...

嗯，在密西西比州...

Reporter (archival) : You've got a telephone, I understand there have been quite a few people calling you.

记者（档案）：你有电话，我知道有不少人给你打电话。

What do they say?

他们怎么说？

Activist (archival): : Well we got a series of phone calls about two minutes after the telephone was installed.

活动家（档案）： ：电话安装后大约两分钟，我们接到了一系列电话。

There is of course incredible profanity, numerous threats, bomb threats, personalized threats, asking for people by name.

当然，还有令人难以置信的脏话、无数的威胁、炸弹威胁、个性化威胁、询问人的名字。

Rita Schwerner Bender, Civil Rights Activist: : People throw around the words police state but Mississippi was.

丽塔·施维尔纳·本德 (Rita Schwerner Bender)，民权活动家：人们常说“警察国家”，但密西西比州却是。

I guess I would call it a Klan state.

我想我会称其为三K党国家。

One thinks of the police as the protectors, the police were not the protectors.

人们认为警察是保护者，但警察并不是保护者。

Narrator: : On June 21st, three members of the Freedom Summer Project based in Meridian, Mississippi -- Andrew Goodman, James Chaney, and Mickey Schwerner -- drove to the nearby town of Longdale, where a black church had been burned to the ground.

旁白：6 月 21 日，密西西比州默里迪恩自由夏季项目的三名成员——安德鲁·古德曼、詹姆斯·钱尼和米基·施维尔纳——驱车前往附近的朗代尔镇，那里的一座黑人教堂被烧毁。

Reverend Ed King, Civil Rights Activist: : The civil rights workers went up to talk to church people who had been beaten and attacked by the Klan.

民权活动家艾德·金牧师：民权工作者上前与遭受三K党殴打和袭击的教会成员交谈。

And somebody reported to the police that they were around.

有人向警方报告说他们就在附近。

Narrator: : Anxious not to be on the roads at night, the three young men headed home.

旁白： 三个年轻人担心晚上不上路，就回家了。

Outside the town of Philadelphia, they were arrested for speeding and taken to the county jail.

在费城镇外，他们因超速被捕并被送往县监狱。

Around 10 p.m.

晚上 10 点左右

they were released.

他们被释放了。

Then they disappeared.

然后他们就消失了。

Andrew Goodman had only been in Mississippi for 24 hours, having just arrived from his training course in Ohio.

安德鲁·古德曼 (Andrew Goodman) 刚从俄亥俄州的培训课程抵达密西西比州，只待了 24 小时。

James Chaney was a Mississippi native, working for an organization called CORE -- the Congress of Racial Equality.

詹姆斯·钱尼 (James Chaney) 是密西西比人，为一个名为 CORE（种族平等大会）的组织工作。

Mickey Schwerner, also with CORE, had arrived in the state six months earlier, with his wife Rita.

米基·施维尔纳 (Mickey Schwerner) 也是 CORE 成员，他与妻子丽塔 (Rita) 于六个月前抵达该州。

Rita Schwerner Bender, Civil Rights Activist: : Mickey and I first went to Meridian to establish a community center there.

Rita Schwerner Bender，民权活动家： ：米奇和我首先去了默里迪恩，在那里建立了一个社区中心。

It would be a place where kids could simply come and hang out and talk about what was going on in the community and how they wanted to effect it.

孩子们可以在这里闲逛，谈论社区正在发生的事情以及他们希望如何实现这一目标。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : When they first came in, I was not very pleased, to be honest with you.

戴夫·丹尼斯 (Dave Dennis)，民权活动家： 说实话，当他们第一次进来时，我不太高兴。

They came in this little Volkswagen like little flower people, so I didn't particularly like the idea.

他们开着这辆小型大众车进来，就像小花人一样，所以我不太喜欢这个主意。

But then one day Mickey called me and asked me to come over.

但有一天米奇打电话给我并邀请我过去。

So, I made an excuse.

所以，我找了个借口。

He said, "Please come over." So I went over there.

他说：“请你过来一下。”所以我就去了那里。

When I got there, they had the Freedom School set up, they had books, they had all this stuff, they had all these kids there and people coming in, and I was just amazed, and that's when I began to get to know Mickey Schwerner.

当我到达那里时，他们建立了自由学校，他们有书籍，他们有所有这些东西，他们有所有这些孩子和人们进来，我很惊讶，就在那时我开始了解米基·施维尔纳。

He made a statement to me at the time, and I still don't know today whether he was joking or not, he said, "Sometimes when I'm here, and I'm with the people, I don't know whether I'm black or white." And I sort of laughed it off and told him, "You white." But I wasn't understanding at that time, really, what he probably meant.

他当时向我发表了一份声明，我今天仍然不知道他是否在开玩笑，他说，“有时候，当我在这里，和人们在一起时，我不知道我是黑人还是白人。”我对此一笑置之并告诉他：“你是白人。”但当时我真的不明白他的意思。

And I wish I had a deeper conversation with him about that point.

我希望我能就这一点与他进行更深入的交谈。

Cause he didn't laugh.

因为他没有笑。

Reporter (archival): : There is some mystery and some fear concerning three of the civil rights workers, two whites from New York City and a Negro from Mississippi.

记者（档案）：：对于三名民权工作者，其中两名来自纽约市的白人和一名来自密西西比州的黑人，存在一些神秘和恐惧。

Police say they arrested the three men for speeding yesterday, but released them after they posted bond.

警方表示，他们昨天因超速驾驶逮捕了这三名男子，但在交纳保释后将他们释放。

They have not been heard from since.

从那以后就再也没有他们的消息了。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : No one at the time thought we're gonna use them as kind of sacrificial lambs, but when it happened, that's exactly what it was.

历史学家卡特：当时没有人认为我们会用它们作为牺牲品，但当它发生时，事实就是如此。

All of a sudden, instead of the three paragraphs on page 19A of the New York Times, it was front page.

突然间，《纽约时报》第 19A 页的三段文字变成了头版。

Reporter (archival): : James Cheney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner....

记者（档案）：：詹姆斯·切尼、安德鲁·古德曼和迈克尔·施维尔纳……

Reporter (archival): : Mississippi in the past few days has become a kind of giant amplifier...

记者（档案）：：密西西比州这几天已经成为一种巨型放大器……

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : Every news story was dominated by it, and the whole Freedom Summer became a kind of national exposure for what was going on in the Deep South.

卡特，历史学家：：每条新闻报道都受其支配，整个自由之夏成为对南方腹地所发生事情的全国性曝光。

Rita Schwerner Bender, Civil Rights Activist: : I think it was pretty clear almost instantly when there was no information in the first few hours, I think it was pretty clear that they had been killed.

丽塔·施维尔纳·本德 (Rita Schwerner Bender)，民权活动家：我认为，当最初几个小时内没有任何信息时，我认为几乎立即就很清楚了，我认为很明显他们已经被杀了。

Reporter (archival): : Do you believe your husband has been murdered?

记者（档案）：：您认为您的丈夫是被谋杀的吗？

Rita Schwerner Bender, Civil Rights Activist: : Since I was getting this attention in any event, I needed to draw attention to what this was all about.

Rita Schwerner Bender，民权活动家：：由于无论如何我都会受到这种关注，所以我需要引起人们对这一切的关注。

It wasn’t about three men, although it certainly in a personal way was about that.

这不是关于三个男人的，尽管从个人角度来说这肯定是关于三个男人的。

But it was really about what the violence was all about, what the denial of just basic human rights was all about and who were the usual victims.

但这实际上是关于暴力的本质、对基本人权的剥夺以及通常的受害者是谁的问题。

Rita Schwerner (archival): : As you know, lynchings in Mississippi are not uncommon; they have occurred for many, many, many years.

丽塔·施维尔纳 (Rita Schwerner)（档案）： 如您所知，私刑在密西西比州并不少见；它们已经发生了很多很多很多年了。

Maybe this one could be the last if some positive steps were taken to show that the people of this country have had enough.

如果采取一些积极措施来表明这个国家的人民已经受够了，也许这可能是最后一次。

That they require that human beings be treated as human beings.

他们要求人被当作人来对待。

Reporter (archival): : Someone spotted a charred blue station wagon in the woods about 20 miles from Philadelphia.

记者（档案）：：有人在距费城约 20 英里的树林里发现了一辆烧焦的蓝色旅行车。

The blue station wagon was the one in which they were last seen.

那辆蓝色旅行车是他们最后一次见到的那辆旅行车。

It had been burned but it had not been wrecked.

它被烧毁了，但并没有被毁坏。

Martin Luther King (archival): : These young men have probably been killed in the state of Mississippi.

马丁·路德·金（档案）：：这些年轻人可能在密西西比州被杀。

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : When black civil rights workers were murdered, the country could live with that.

社会学家托德·吉特林：当黑人民权工作者被谋杀时，这个国家可以忍受。

But, ok, other people are in danger, it looks like something else.

但是，好吧，其他人也处于危险之中，这看起来像是另外一回事。

Reporter (archival): : Goodman, 20, a New York college student, had never participated...

记者（档案）：：古德曼，20岁，纽约大学生，从未参加过……

Leah Wright Rigueur, Historian: : It's something that affects people who are sitting at home saying, "Well, this could never happen to somebody like me." All of a sudden this is something that could happen to someone like me.

历史学家 Leah Wright Rigueur：这会影响那些坐在家里说“嗯，这永远不会发生在像我这样的人身上”的事情。突然之间，这可能会发生在像我这样的人身上。

Rita Schwerner Bender, Civil Rights Activist: : Three days after the disappearance I went up to Washington, and I met with President Johnson.

丽塔·施维尔纳·本德 (Rita Schwerner Bender)，民权活动家： 失踪三天后，我前往华盛顿，会见了约翰逊总统。

The major message of our meeting was, you know, we want you to do what it takes to figure out what happened to these three people.

我们会议的主要信息是，你知道，我们希望你尽一切努力弄清楚这三个人发生了什么事。

But, Mr. President, there has to be federal protection for civil rights workers.

但是，总统先生，联邦必须对民权工作者提供保护。

I was really pushing the president to make a commitment and he was trying to be as evasive as he could be.

我确实在敦促总统做出承诺，但他却试图尽可能地回避。

So we left and we were walking down this long corridor with the press secretary and he was obviously somewhat miffed, and said to me, “You know, you don’t talk to the President of the United States that way,” and I was a little bit miffed too, so I said, “Well, I think I just did.”

所以我们离开了，我们和新闻秘书一起走在这条长长的走廊上，他显然有点生气，对我说，“你知道，你不能那样和美国总统说话，”我也有点生气，所以我说，“好吧，我想我只是这么做了。”

Narrator: : Johnson remained committed to civil rights, but worried about further antagonizing the South by sending federal forces into Mississippi.

旁白：：约翰逊仍然致力于民权，但担心派遣联邦军队进入密西西比州会进一步激怒南方。

Now, with the three men missing, and the national media refusing to let go of the story, the president felt enormous pressure to deliver results.

现在，随着三人失踪，全国媒体拒绝报道这个故事，总统感到了交付成果的巨大压力。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival audio): : I asked Hoover two weeks ago, after talking to the Attorney General, to fill up Mississippi with FBI men and infiltrate everything he could.

约翰逊（档案音频）：两周前，在与司法部长交谈后，我要求胡佛在密西西比州布满联邦调查局人员，并渗透到他能渗透的一切地方。

I’ve asked him to put more men after these three kids.

我要求他派更多人来照顾这三个孩子。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : They were finding bodies in Mississippi.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家：：他们在密西西比州发现尸体。

While they were looking, they were finding bodies.

当他们寻找时，他们发现了尸体。

And so the press would come out and says they found two bodies, or they found a body, and they'd check in the autopsy to see if it’s -- 'cause it's decomposed, whether to see if it's one of the missing people.

所以媒体会出来说他们发现了两具尸体，或者他们发现了一具尸体，他们会检查尸检，看看它是否——因为它已经腐烂了，看看它是否是失踪人员之一。

And they'd kind of like, nope, they're not one of the missing people, there's like, okay, it really wasn't them, okay, maybe they're still alive.

他们有点像，不，他们不是失踪人员之一，就像，好吧，真的不是他们，好吧，也许他们还活着。

And you're like, wait a minute, you're finding bodies, people, you know, you're finding bodies, but they were black bodies.

你就像，等一下，你正在寻找尸体，人们，你知道，你正在寻找尸体，但他们是黑人尸体。

Still, America had not dealt with this thing about what really was going in Mississippi.

尽管如此，美国还没有处理过密西西比州真正发生的事情。

Phyllis Schlafly, Conservative Leader: : In 1964, I was the president of the Illinois Federation of Republican Women, and I went all over the state of Illinois, giving speeches for Goldwater.

菲利斯·施拉夫利（Phyllis Schlafly），保守党领袖： 1964年，我担任伊利诺伊州共和党妇女联合会主席，我走遍了伊利诺伊州，为戈德华特发表演讲。

We wanted the grassroots to nominate the candidate.

我们希望基层提名候选人。

And that's why I wrote my book, A Choice Not An Echo .

这就是我写书《选择而非回声》的原因。

It started out as speeches and then I developed it into a little paperback book.

它一开始是演讲，然后我把它发展成一本平装小书。

I plunged with an order for 25,000, thinking that would take care of it, and I ended up selling three million out of my garage.

我一头扎进了 25,000 辆的订单，以为这样就可以了，结果我从车库里卖出了 300 万辆。

Narrator: : When Barry Goldwater announced his candidacy, he was not considered a favorite for the Republican presidential ticket.

旁白：：当巴里·戈德华特宣布参选时，他并不被认为是共和党总统候选人的热门人选。

But his celebration of individual liberty and his attacks on the federal government had struck a chord with the electorate.

但他对个人自由的庆祝和对联邦政府的攻击引起了选民的共鸣。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : The Goldwater folks are these young, young Americans for Freedom activists, they’re housewives.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），作家：：戈德华特家族的人都是年轻的美国自由活动家，她们是家庭主妇。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : Small businessmen, conservative professionals, doctors, dentists; simply middle class Americans, who were, as they saw it, fed up with what was going on in American society.

历史学家卡特：：小商人、保守派专业人士、医生、牙医；只是美国中产阶级，他们认为，他们厌倦了美国社会正在发生的事情。

Narrator: : Members of what came to be known as “Goldwater’s Army” had fanned out across America, knocking on doors, raising fistfuls of cash, and lining up delegates to support his nomination.

旁白：后来被称为“戈德华特军团”的成员在美国各地散开，挨家挨户敲门，筹集大把现金，并排队代表支持他的提名。

Now, they jammed the aisles of the aging, smoke-filled Cow Palace in San Francisco as the 1964 Republican National Convention was called to order on July 13th.

现在，当 7 月 13 日召开 1964 年共和党全国代表大会时，他们挤满了旧金山老旧、烟雾缭绕的牛宫的过道。

Richard A.

理查德·A.

Viguerie, Conservative Activist: : It just didn’t get any better than this.

Viguerie，保守派活动人士：：没有比这更好的了。

We thought we had just died and gone to heaven politically.

我们以为我们刚刚死了，在政治上进入了天堂。

It was Mecca, I mean if you were a young conservative you just had to say, "I was there."

那是麦加，我的意思是，如果你是一个年轻的保守派，你只需说，“我在那里。”

Phyllis Schlafly, Conservative Leader: : We all marched around, people were really revved up about getting Goldwater nominated and elected.

菲利斯·施拉夫利（Phyllis Schlafly），保守党领袖：：我们大家都游行，人们对戈德华特的提名和当选感到非常兴奋。

Narrator: : Finally, a true conservative was poised to win the Republican nomination, and he had done it by embracing positions long considered too extreme for his own party.

旁白：：最终，一位真正的保守派即将赢得共和党提名，而他是通过接受长期以来被认为对自己的政党来说过于极端的立场来做到这一点的。

Goldwater was against a progressive income tax, believed Social Security should be voluntary, and, in the wake of the Cuban Missile Crisis, even seemed willing to consider using nuclear weapons against the Soviet Union.

戈德华特反对累进所得税，认为社会保障应该是自愿的，在古巴导弹危机之后，他甚至似乎愿意考虑对苏联使用核武器。

His vote against the Civil Rights Act had been yet another example of the Senator’s determination to go his own way.

他投票反对《民权法案》是这位参议员决心走自己的路的又一个例子。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : Goldwater was against the civil rights bill not because he was opposed to civil rights, but because he was opposed to the role of the federal government enforcing civil rights.

卡特，历史学家：：戈德华特反对民权法案并不是因为他反对民权，而是因为他反对联邦政府在执行民权方面的作用。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : If you look at the Goldwater record in Arizona it's extraordinary.

李·爱德华兹（Lee Edwards），历史学家：如果你看看亚利桑那州戈德华特的记录，你会发现这是非凡的。

He helped to desegregate the Air National Guard.

他帮助废除了空军国民警卫队的种族隔离。

He hired blacks for his department store.

他为他的百货公司雇用了黑人。

He supported the idea of equal rights and equality, but he wanted it to come about in a conservative way, which is to say gradually, which is to say through states’ rights.

他支持平权和平等的理念，但他希望它以保守的方式实现，也就是说逐渐地，也就是通过各州的权利来实现。

Leah Wright Rigueur, Historian: : Goldwater believes that states should have the right to decide what is best for them.

Leah Wright Rigueur，历史学家：戈德华特认为，各国应该有权决定什么对他们最有利。

For black voters, that's interpreted as an open all-pass for segregationists, for racists, for white supremacists.

对于黑人选民来说，这被解读为对种族隔离主义者、种族主义者和白人至上主义者的开放通行证。

News Announcer (archival audio): : The largest civil rights demonstration since the March on Washington last summer is assembled before the San Francisco City Hall.

新闻播音员（档案音频）：：自去年夏天华盛顿游行以来最大规模的民权示威活动在旧金山市政厅前举行。

Forty thousand people, half of them Negroes, demonstrate against Goldwater.

四万人示威反对戈德华特，其中一半是黑人。

Leah Wright Rigueur, Historian: : At the 1964 convention there are these images of people angrily storming the street outside of the Cow Palace, saying “We do not want Barry Goldwater!

历史学家 Leah Wright Rigueur：在 1964 年的大会上，有这些图像，人们愤怒地冲进牛宫外的街道，说“我们不想要巴里·戈德华特！

We don’t want Barry Goldwater!” because they're terrified that the Republicans will nominate somebody that represents this conservative brand of Republicanism.

我们不想要巴里·戈德华特！”因为他们害怕共和党会提名代表这种保守的共和主义的人。

Narrator: : But for the true believers inside the Cow Palace, Goldwater was the leader of a conservative wave that would sweep Establishment Republicans aside.

旁白：：但对于牛宫内部的真正信徒来说，戈德华特是保守派浪潮的领导者，它将扫除共和党建制派。

At last, on the evening of July 15th, South Carolina put Goldwater over the top.

最终，7 月 15 日晚，南卡罗来纳州将戈德华特推上了榜首。

Announcer (archival audio): South Carolina casts 16 votes for Senator Barry Goldwater.

播音员（档案音频）：南卡罗来纳州将 16 票投给了参议员巴里·戈德华特。

Reporter (archival audio): : It surely begins right then and there.

记者（档案音频）：：事情肯定是从那时、从那里开始的。

Barry Morris Goldwater, grandson of a Polish immigrant, senator from Arizona, and leader of the conservatives, is the Republican choice to oppose Lyndon Johnson for the presidency.

波兰移民的孙子、亚利桑那州参议员、保守党领袖巴里·莫里斯·戈德华特 (Barry Morris Goldwater) 是反对林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 竞选总统的共和党人选。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : It was a delicious night for him and for us.

李·爱德华兹（Lee Edwards），历史学家：：对于他和我们来说，这都是一个美好的夜晚。

The Republican Party had become the Conservative Party.

共和党变成了保守党。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : When he was nominated, the first thing you would think Barry Goldwater would want to do is kind of heal all the factions, so everyone can kind of work together, and put their shoulder to the wheel to support the party in November.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），编剧：：当他被提名时，你会认为巴里·戈德华特想做的第一件事就是治愈所有派系，这样每个人都可以共同努力，并在 11 月全力支持该党。

He does the exact opposite.

他的做法恰恰相反。

Senator Barry Goldwater (archival): : Anyone who joins us in all sincerity we welcome.

参议员巴里·戈德华特（档案）：我们欢迎任何真诚地加入我们的人。

Those who do not care for our cause, we don't expect to enter our ranks in any case.

那些不关心我们事业的人，无论如何我们都不希望进入我们的行列。

I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.

我想提醒您，捍卫自由的极端主义并不是罪恶。

And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.

我还要提醒大家，追求正义时的节制并不是美德。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : What Goldwater wanted to say was, "I'm a radical." Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.

卡特，历史学家：：戈德华特想说的是，“我是一个激进分子。”捍卫自由的极端主义并不是罪恶。

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : When that phrase was uttered it was deafening, the reaction to that, that was it.

霍丁卡特三世，报纸编辑：：当这句话说出时，它是震耳欲聋的，对此的反应，就是这样。

They were people on a mission, which was in the best American tradition to be emphatic about the redemption of our values and to be immoderate in advancing their position.

他们是肩负使命的人，这是美国最好的传统，强调我们的价值观的救赎，并毫不节制地推进他们的立场。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : 1964: both left and right are trying to kill each other, fighting over the same word, freedom.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），编剧：1964 年：左派和右派都试图互相残杀，为同一个词——自由而战。

For the right, the greatest traducer of freedom is the federal government.

对于右翼来说，最大的自由诽谤者是联邦政府。

For the left, it’s Southern segregationists.

对于左派来说，是南方的种族隔离主义者。

There’s no clear consensus over what that key concept, that key American concept, on what freedom even means.

对于这个关键概念，这个关键的美国概念，甚至自由的含义，还没有明确的共识。

Narrator: : In the summer of 1964, in a small recording studio at Detroit’s Motown Records, the singer Marvin Gaye was laying down a demo for a new song when one of the label’s rising stars, Martha Reeves, happened to walk into the studio.

旁白：1964 年夏天，在底特律摩城唱片公司的一间小型录音室里，歌手马文·盖伊 (Marvin Gaye) 正在制作一首新歌的小样，这时该厂牌的新星之一玛莎·里夫斯 (Martha Reeves) 碰巧走进了录音室。

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : Martha heard that Marvin Gaye was singing a new song, and she loved Marvin Gaye, she used to sing backup for him.

马克·库兰斯基（Mark Kurlansky），编剧：：玛莎听说马文·盖伊正在唱一首新歌，她很喜欢马文·盖伊，她常常为他唱伴唱。

The song was called "Dancing in the Streets." Marvin Gaye saw her there and said, "Oh, why don't we let Martha do it?" So she sang it to the track.

这首歌被称为“在街上跳舞”。马文·盖伊看到她在那里，说道：“哦，我们为什么不让玛莎来做呢？”所以她把这首歌唱到了轨道上。

And she just nailed it.

她刚刚成功了。

Martha Reeves (archival, singing): : Calling out, around the world, are you ready for a brand new beat?

玛莎·里夫斯（档案、演唱）：：向全世界呼唤，你准备好迎接全新的节奏了吗？

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : The interesting thing about “Dancing in the Streets” and then you have this strong black voice saying, “summer’s here and the time is right for dancing in the street.”

马克·库兰斯基（Mark Kurlansky），编剧：：《在街上跳舞》的有趣之处在于，你会听到一个强有力的黑人声音说：“夏天来了，是时候在街上跳舞了。”

Martha Reeves (archival, singing): : Philadelphia PA, dancing in the street.

玛莎·里夫斯（档案、演唱）：：宾夕法尼亚州费城，在街上跳舞。

Baltimore and DC now, dancing in the street.

现在是巴尔的摩和华盛顿特区，在街上跳舞。

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : The song lists all these cities.

马克·库尔兰斯基（Mark Kurlansky），作家：：这首歌列出了所有这些城市。

And they’re all cities with large, volatile black populations.

这些城市都有大量且不稳定的黑人人口。

You know, the lyrics are so right for the political movement that was coming.

你知道，歌词非常适合即将到来的政治运动。

Martha Reeves (archival, singing): : It doesn’t matter what you wear, just as long as you are there.

玛莎·里夫斯（档案、演唱）：：穿什么并不重要，只要你在场就行。

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : In a way people were being called upon to rise up.

马克·库尔兰斯基（Mark Kurlansky），作家：：在某种程度上，人们被号召起来。

Martha Reeves (archival, singing): : Everywhere around the world, they're dancin'.

玛莎·里夫斯（档案、演唱）：：世界各地，他们都在跳舞。

Narrator: : Over the course of the summer, "Dancing in the Street" would become one of Motown’s biggest hits, and an unexpected soundtrack for a nation in the midst of radical change.

旁白：整个夏天，《在街上跳舞》将成为摩城最热门的歌曲之一，并为一个处于彻底变革中的国家带来意想不到的配乐。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : I came to New York in July to visit a friend of mine, James Baldwin's brother, David Baldwin.

戴夫·丹尼斯 (Dave Dennis)，民权活动家： ：我七月来到纽约拜访我的朋友，詹姆斯·鲍德温 (James Baldwin) 的兄弟大卫·鲍德温 (David Baldwin)。

I was going to spend the night with him and then leave the next day and go back to Mississippi.

我打算和他一起过夜，然后第二天离开并返回密西西比州。

And all of a sudden we heard all these sirens.

突然我们听到了所有这些警报声。

What the heck is going on?

到底是怎么回事？

So it finally just kept going and we decided to step out to see what we could see out there, and there's just, you know, lit up.

所以它最终继续下去，我们决定出去看看我们能看到什么，然后，你知道，灯亮了。

The Harlem riots were going on.

哈林区骚乱正在进行中。

Narrator: : On July 16th, during an altercation with the manager of a Manhattan apartment building, a 15-year-old black teenager named James Powell was shot and killed by a white off-duty police officer.

旁白：7月16日，在与曼哈顿一栋公寓楼经理发生口角时，一名名叫詹姆斯·鲍威尔的15岁黑人少年被一名下班的白人警察开枪打死。

Two days later, a protest over the missing Mississippi civil rights workers turned violent, and Harlem began to burn.

两天后，针对密西西比州民权工人失踪的抗议活动演变成暴力活动，哈莱姆区开始燃烧。

Suddenly, the racial violence that had been tearing apart the South was now flaring up in a northern city.

突然间，分裂南方的种族暴力现在在北方城市爆发。

John H.

约翰·H.

Bracey, Jr., Historian: : When I was growing up, policemen walked around communities, white policeman, single white policeman could walk around a neighborhood and tell you to move off the corner and so forth and you did.

小布雷西（Bracey, Jr.），历史学家：：在我成长的过程中，警察在社区里走来走去，白人警察，单身白人警察可以在社区里走来走去，告诉你从拐角处走开等等，你就这么做了。

You know, you’d be standing there making noise, singing doo-wop or whatever, and there’d be one white policeman and he’d say, "Okay, it’s too late why don’t you all go home," and you went home.

你知道，你会站在那里发出声音，唱着“嘟哇”之类的，然后会有一名白人警察说，“好吧，现在太晚了，为什么不回家呢？”然后你就回家了。

It never occurred to you that you would question authority of this policeman.

你没想到你会质疑这个警察的权威。

But when you shoot a black kid, it's like wait a minute.

但当你射杀一个黑人孩子时，就好像等一下。

I thought, you know, protect and serve, you’re not protecting or serving you're hurting us.

我想，你知道，保护和服务，你不是在保护或服务，而是在伤害我们。

So that policeman coming around the corner don’t look the same any more.

所以那个从拐角处过来的警察看起来就不再一样了。

It’s like who are you to tell me what to do, why aren’t you locking up these white people that are messing with these black people.

就像你是谁来告诉我该怎么做，你为什么不把这些骚扰黑人的白人关起来。

I mean that’s the hypocrisy that people see and that’s the hypocrisy that people respond to.

我的意思是，这就是人们看到的虚伪，也是人们回应的虚伪。

People came out in large numbers.

人们大批涌出。

Young black protester (archival): : I walked downtown, just walking downtown.

年轻的黑人抗议者（档案）：：我在市中心散步，只是在市中心散步。

Cop come up to me, “Hey, you!

警察走到我面前，“嘿，你！

Whatcha doing down here?

在这里做什么？

Get up against the wall.

靠墙站起来。

Where’s your identification?

你的身份证明在哪里？

Identify yourself." What right’s he got to come up to me like that for?

表明你自己的身份。”他有什么权利这样来找我？

John H.

约翰·H.

Bracey, Jr., Historian: : There was an increasing skepticism about the commitment of the white Americans to any kind of racial equality at all.

小布雷西（Bracey, Jr.），历史学家：：人们越来越怀疑美国白人对任何形式的种族平等的承诺。

Young people are saying, “You’re not moving fast enough," and Malcolm X is rising as a counter-voice to the Civil Rights movement.

年轻人说，“你们行动得不够快”，马尔科姆·X 正在崛起，成为民权运动的反对声音。

Malcolm X (archival): : We want freedom, by any means necessary.

马尔科姆·X（档案）：：我们想要自由，不惜一切必要手段。

We want justice by any means necessary.

我们希望通过任何必要手段伸张正义。

We want equality by any means necessary.

我们希望通过任何必要的手段实现平等。

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : Malcolm X made a very famous speech.

马克·库尔兰斯基 (Mark Kurlansky)，作家： 马尔科姆·艾克斯 (Malcolm X) 发表了一篇非常著名的演讲。

It was this break in the civil rights movement that happened right there in the summer of '64.

民权运动的这次突破就发生在 64 年夏天。

Malcolm X (archival): : We don’t feel that in 1964 that we should have to sit around and wait for some degree of civil rights.

Malcolm X（档案）：我们不认为 1964 年我们应该坐等某种程度的公民权利。

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : There was no more patience.

马克·库尔兰斯基（Mark Kurlansky），作家：：没有更多的耐心。

Black people had been left behind in an era of affluence.

黑人在富裕时代被抛在了后面。

Reporter (archival audio): : Just heard a volley of shots ring out, this happened after a policeman was hit by a flying bottle.

记者（档案音频）：：刚刚听到一阵枪声，这是一名警察被飞来的瓶子击中后发生的。

Guns started to fire.

枪声开始响起。

Narrator: : As the riots erupted, more than 8,000 people took to the streets, hurling Molotov cocktails, smashing windows, and looting local businesses.

旁白：：骚乱爆发后，8000多人走上街头，投掷燃烧弹、砸碎窗户、抢劫当地企业。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : I watched police as they came in in trucks like that as taunting people, and Dave and I were walking down.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家：：我看到警察开着卡车进来，嘲笑人们，然后戴夫和我走下来。

There were some police and this kid darted out.

有一些警察，这个孩子冲了出去。

And the cop just ran out and he knocked over a can, a trash can, but he was just trying to get out of the way.

警察刚跑出去，就撞翻了一个罐子、一个垃圾桶，但他只是想躲开。

And this cop just turned around and unloaded on him.

而这个警察却转身向他开枪。

Blew him away right in front of me.

当着我的面把他打飞了。

And so David goes over and they tried to get David away from him, pull him away.

于是大卫走过去，他们试图让大卫离开他，把他拉开。

And this cop, he made David get on his knees and he put his gun to his head.

这位警察让大卫跪下，然后用枪指着他的头。

And he said “I'm gonna blow you away, nigger.” And David looked at him and said, “You might as well kill me, cause you can't do me no more harm.”

他说：“我要把你吹走，黑鬼。”大卫看着他说：“你还是杀了我吧，因为你不能再伤害我了。”

Mickey and them are missing.

米奇和他们失踪了。

I'm questioning myself.

我在质疑自己。

I'm questioning what we're doing, I'm questioning is that -- what is it that this country really listens to, you know what -- are they really getting it, you know?

我质疑我们正在做的事情，我质疑的是——这个国家真正在听什么，你知道吗——他们真的明白了吗？

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : In Harlem it wasn't simply about police misconduct.

托德·吉特林（Todd Gitlin），社会学家：：在哈莱姆区，这不仅仅是警察不当行为的问题。

It was about low wages.

这是关于低工资的。

It was about bad schools.

这是关于糟糕的学校。

It's about poverty.

这是关于贫穷的。

It's about racial subordination.

这是关于种族从属关系。

There was something cooking up, especially during the summer, one more moment of brutality.

事情正在酝酿之中，尤其是在夏天，又是一个残酷的时刻。

One more instance of mistreatment, and, you know, there's a lot of tinder ready to burn up.

又是一次虐待事件，而且，你知道，有很多火种即将燃烧。

Narrator: : By the end of July, the Freedom Summer project had nearly 900 volunteers at work on voter registration in Mississippi.

旁白： 截至 7 月底，“自由之夏”项目已有近 900 名志愿者在密西西比州从事选民登记工作。

But hanging over everything was the disappearance of the three civil rights workers, who had been missing for almost six weeks.

但令一切最为悬念的是三名民权工作者的失踪，他们已经失踪近六周了。

Reporter (archival): : The hunt for clues, or something more grim, has reached the river dragging stage, with small boats being used along the muddy, shallow Pearl River.

记者（档案）： ：寻找线索，或者说更严峻的事情，已经到了拖河阶段，小船沿着泥泞、浅的珠江行驶。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : Johnson called up J.

卡特，历史学家：：约翰逊召集了 J.

Edgar Hoover, the FBI, who was not terribly enthusiastic about Civil Rights, and he said, "You do what you need to do, what you have to do, I don't care how much you spend, I don't care who you bend, but you find out who killed these three young men."

联邦调查局局长埃德加·胡佛对民权并不太热心，他说：“你做你需要做的事情，你必须做的事情，我不在乎你花多少钱，我不在乎你屈服于谁，但你要找出是谁杀了这三个年轻人。”

Narrator: : More than 250 FBI agents flooded into Mississippi, such a large force that local residents complained of a federal invasion of their state.

旁白： 超过 250 名 FBI 探员涌入密西西比州，人数如此庞大，以至于当地居民抱怨联邦入侵了他们的州。

At first there was nothing to go on but rumors, but as the long summer wore on, information began to leak out.

起初除了谣言之外什么也没有，但随着漫长的夏天的过去，信息开始泄露。

Jon Margolis, Author, The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964: : The FBI went in there with skilled investigators, and lots of cash to pay, essentially, bribes to people, and they finally managed to get enough people to provide enough information.

乔恩·马戈利斯 (Jon Margolis)，《最后的无辜之年：1964 年的美国》作者：联邦调查局 (FBI) 派出了熟练的调查员，投入了大量现金，本质上是向人们行贿，他们最终设法让足够多的人提供足够的信息。

They were told that the bodies were probably buried under this dam, and they dug and they found the bodies.

他们被告知尸体可能埋在这个水坝下，他们挖掘并发现了尸体。

Reporter (archival audio): : Two of those bodies were firmly identified as those of Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman.

记者（档案音频）：：其中两具尸体已被确认为迈克尔·施维尔纳（Michael Schwerner）和安德鲁·古德曼（Andrew Goodman）。

Authorities are all but certain the third body is that of James Chaney.

当局几乎可以肯定第三具尸体就是詹姆斯·钱尼的尸体。

Narrator: : A group of local Klansmen, including the sheriff’s deputy, had shot the men at close range.

旁白：：一群当地的三K党成员，包括副警长，近距离射杀了这些人。

Reverend Ed King, Civil Rights Activist: : Here we are, the Freedom Summer began the first day with these three men disappearing, and it's just about the last day of the summer when we're having the funeral for them.

艾德·金牧师，民权活动人士：：自由之夏从这三个人失踪的第一天开始，而我们正在为他们举行葬礼时，正好是夏天的最后一天。

The law in Mississippi says that blacks and whites cannot be buried together even if they’ve been executed together.

密西西比州的法律规定，黑人和白人即使被一起处决，也不能埋在一起。

So the New York families are going to have services in New York, but the service for James Chaney was basically a memorial service for all three.

因此，纽约家庭将在纽约举行葬礼，但詹姆斯·钱尼的葬礼基本上是为三人举行的追悼会。

Dave Dennis is carrying a very heavy personal load; he was the nonviolent general who had ordered them to go into this very dangerous place.

戴夫·丹尼斯背负着非常沉重的个人负担；他是命令他们进入这个非常危险的地方的非暴力将军。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist (archival): : I feel that he's got his freedom.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家（档案）：：我觉得他得到了自由。

We're still fighting for it.

我们仍在为之奋斗。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : Well I had been asked by the national office of CORE, there was so much unrest around the country and what was going on, there was mounting tensions, could you just take it easy?

戴夫·丹尼斯 (Dave Dennis)，民权活动人士： ：CORE 国家办公室问我，全国各地发生了如此多的骚乱，发生了什么事，紧张局势不断加剧，你能放轻松吗？

And we can try to make a quiet, low-key kind of eulogy, basically.

基本上，我们可以尝试写一篇安静、低调的悼词。

And so I'd written some notes and I was gonna try to do this.

所以我写了一些笔记，我打算尝试这样做。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist (archival): : But what I want to talk about right now is the living dead that we have right among our midst in the state of Mississippi but throughout the nation.

戴夫·丹尼斯（Dave Dennis），民权活动家（档案）： ：但我现在想谈论的是密西西比州以及全国范围内的活死人。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : And I looked out there, and I saw little Ben Chaney.

戴夫·丹尼斯 (Dave Dennis)，民权活动家：：我向外望去，看到了小本·钱尼 (Ben Chaney)。

And he loved his brother.

他爱他的兄弟。

And I was tired of going to funerals, I was tired of seeing it, and I looked at Ben Chaney, I saw this kid in Harlem.

我厌倦了参加葬礼，我厌倦了看到它，我看着本·钱尼，我在哈莱姆区看到了这个孩子。

He couldn't have been much older.

他不可能老了很多。

And I lost it.

我把它弄丢了。

I lost it.

我把它弄丢了。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist (archival): : I'm sick and tired and I can't help but feel bitter, you see, deep down inside, and I'm not going to stand here asking anybody in here not to be angry tonight.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家（档案）：：我又病又累，我情不自禁地感到痛苦，你看，在内心深处，我不会站在这里要求任何人今晚不要生气。

Don't bow down anymore.

别再低头了

Hold your heads up!

抬起头来！

We want our freedom now!

我们现在就想要自由！

I don't want to have to go to another memorial.

我不想再去另一个纪念馆了。

I'm tired of funerals.

我厌倦了葬礼。

I'm tired of it!

我厌倦了！

We've got to stand up!

我们必须站起来！

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : The ultimate aim for Freedom Summer was to open the doors to give black people the right to participate, the right to vote.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家：“自由之夏”的最终目标是打开大门，给予黑人参与权和投票权。

We felt the country could really see what was going on, that they we’re going to step up to the plate.

我们觉得这个国家真的可以看到正在发生的事情，我们将挺身而出。

Saying, look, we can't have this.

说，看，我们不能接受这个。

This is America.

这是美国。

We are a democratic society.

我们是一个民主社会。

These people need to be a part of this effort.

这些人需要成为这项努力的一部分。

So we really believed that.

所以我们真的相信这一点。

And the tragic thing about it, the young people who came down believed that.

可悲的是，下来的年轻人却相信这一点。

They believed in this country.

他们相信这个国家。

This country missed a golden opportunity with those thousand kids.

这个国家错过了与这数千名孩子一起的黄金机会。

John H.

约翰·H.

Bracey, Jr., Historian: : And I think a lot of the hard lessons learned by young white kids in Mississippi that later got them into the Left, and later turned a lot of people very kind of radical, was that their parents had been lying to them about what the country was all about.

小布雷西（Bracey, Jr.），历史学家：我认为，密西西比州的年轻白人孩子学到的很多惨痛教训后来让他们加入了左派，后来让很多人变得非常激进，那就是他们的父母一直在向他们撒谎，让他们了解这个国家的本质。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : When those kids left, they left Mississippi disappointed, they left Mississippi angry.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家：：当这些孩子离开时，他们失望地离开密西西比州，他们离开密西西比州时感到愤怒。

They went back to their universities and colleges and they'd begin to question everything that this country was saying.

他们回到自己的大学和学院，开始质疑这个国家所说的一切。

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : By 1964 I was editor of the family newspaper, the Delta Democrat-Times of Greenville, Mississippi.

霍丁·卡特三世 (Hodding Carter III)，报纸编辑： 1964 年，我担任家庭报纸《密西西比州格林维尔三角洲民主党时报》的编辑。

Freedom Summer, that stirred the beast.

自由之夏，激起了野兽。

All of a sudden, these Freedom Schools and houses are popping up all over Mississippi.

突然之间，这些自由学校和房屋在密西西比州各地涌现。

And with them come burnings, and explosions.

随之而来的是燃烧和爆炸。

The death of those boys was it.

那些男孩的死就是这样。

It was the end of the game for me.

对我来说，比赛就结束了。

I had been very careful for a long time.

很长一段时间我都非常小心。

I wanted to stay in business.

我想继续做生意。

At that point, I said the hell with this.

那时我就​​说管它呢。

I can’t just sit here and be an observer at a time in which change is supposed to be coming and every lever of power in this state has been used to stop it, including violence.

在变革即将到来，而这个州的一切权力手段（包括暴力）都被用来阻止变革的时候，我不能只是坐在这里做一个观察者。

And knowing there was not a thing to be done about it in Mississippi, I decided to go where I thought I could do some good and I went off to work for Lyndon Johnson.

我知道在密西西比州对此无能为力，所以我决定去我认为可以做点好事的地方，然后我就去为林登·约翰逊工作。

There’s an old hymn, “once to every man and nation comes the moment to decide.” And that was it.

有一首古老的赞美诗：“每个人和每个国家都到了做出决定的时刻了。”就是这样。

Narrator: : As the November election approached, Lyndon Johnson could look back on his first months in office with justifiable pride.

旁白：随着 11 月大选的临近，林登·约翰逊可以带着合理的自豪感回顾他上任的头几个月。

He had steadied the nation in the wake of President Kennedy’s death, passed historic civil rights legislation, and launched ambitious plans for the Great Society.

肯尼迪总统去世后，他稳定了国家，通过了历史性的民权立法，并为伟大社会启动了雄心勃勃的计划。

On the campaign trail, the President was leading Barry Goldwater in the polls, and running on a platform of prosperity at home and peace overseas.

在竞选过程中，总统在民调中领先巴里·戈德华特，并以国内繁荣、海外和平为竞选纲领。

Then, on the morning of August 4th, events on the other side of the globe threatened to derail Johnson’s plans.

然后，8 月 4 日早上，地球另一端发生的事件有可能破坏约翰逊的计划。

Frank McGee, NBC News (archival): : Good evening, I’m Frank McGee, NBC news.

弗兰克·麦吉，NBC 新闻（档案）：：晚上好，我是弗兰克·麦吉，NBC 新闻。

Today, for the second time, North Vietnamese torpedo boats attacked United States naval vessels patrolling in international waters.

今天，北越鱼雷艇第二次袭击在国际水域巡逻的美国海军舰艇。

Narrator: : Reports claimed American destroyers in the Gulf of Tonkin had been attacked twice and suddenly the Vietnam War was front-page news.

旁白：：有报道称，北部湾的美国驱逐舰遭到两次袭击，越南战争突然成为头​​条新闻。

Johnson had hoped to put off the issue of Vietnam until after the election in the fall.

约翰逊曾希望将越南问题推迟到秋季大选之后。

In fact, for years, the war had remained a distant conflict most Americans cared little about.

事实上，多年来，这场战争一直是一场大多数美国人不太关心的遥远冲突。

President Kennedy had begun sending military advisors to Vietnam back in 1961.

肯尼迪总统早在 1961 年就开始向越南派遣军事顾问。

By the time Johnson had inherited the war, the number had grown to more than 16,000, but the situation in South Vietnam had continued to deteriorate.

到约翰逊继承战争权时，人数已增至16,000多人，但南越局势却持续恶化。

Now, news of hostilities in the Gulf of Tonkin meant the war could no longer be ignored.

现在，有关北部湾敌对行动的消息意味着战争不能再被忽视。

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : Johnson was running for election as a peace candidate, and all of a sudden there’s this incandescent war moment.

托德·吉特林，社会学家：：约翰逊作为和平候选人参加选举，突然间出现了这个白热化的战争时刻。

There’s a hysteria about our ships being fired upon, and suddenly we were involved in a shootout.

我们的船只遭到射击，我们感到歇斯底里，突然我们陷入了枪战。

Narrator: : Although there was considerable doubt about whether the second attack against American destroyers had even happened, Johnson took decisive action -- ordering airstrikes in retaliation, and asking Congress for increased authority to prosecute the war.

旁白：尽管人们对是否发生了第二次针对美国驱逐舰的袭击存在很大疑问，但约翰逊采取了果断行动——下令进行空袭以进行报复，并要求国会增加发动战争的权力。

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : Johnson avails himself of the moment to cash in on the avalanche of support.

社会学家托德·吉特林 (Todd Gitlin)：约翰逊利用这一时刻从大量支持中获利。

Robert Dallek, historian: : He goes to the Congress with what becomes known as the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution.

历史学家罗伯特·达莱克 (Robert Dallek)：：他带着后来被称为“北部湾决议”的决议来到国会。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : Johnson wants a free hand.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：：约翰逊想要放手一搏。

And it’s relatively easy for him to get it, because people don’t realize, the Congress doesn’t realize, the Senate does not realize what we are getting into.

对他来说，得到它相对容易，因为人们没有意识到，国会没有意识到，参议院没有意识到我们正在面临什么。

News Anchor (archival): : And here is a late development.

新闻主播（档案）： ：这是一个后期发展。

President Johnson will go on live television and radio tonight with a statement on the situation in Southeast Asia.

约翰逊总统今晚将通过电视和广播直播就东南亚局势发表声明。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : I shall immediately request the Congress to pass a resolution…

约翰逊（档案）：：我将立即请求国会通过一项决议……

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : Tonkin Gulf provided a blank check for the expansion, which was of course going to come, apparently.

霍丁卡特三世，报纸编辑：：北部湾为扩张提供了一张空白支票，显然，扩张当然会到来。

Though God knows you didn’t know it at the time.

尽管上帝知道你当时并不知道。

I mean, that wasn’t what the campaign seemed to be about.

我的意思是，这并不是这次竞选活动的目的。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : We are not about to send American boys nine or 10,000 miles away from home, to do what Asian boys ought to be doing for themselves.

约翰逊（档案）：我们不会将美国男孩送到离家九英里或一万英里的地方，去做亚洲男孩应该为自己做的事情。

Max Frankel, Correspondent and Editor: : Johnson knew the right rhetoric.

马克斯·弗兰克尔（Max Frankel），通讯员兼编辑：：约翰逊知道正确的言辞。

He had to run as the fellow who was not gonna to go to war.

他必须作为一个不会参战的人参选。

And that was the burden on his conscience and on his shoulders, because behind the scenes he knows people were proposing a very significant escalation.

这是他良心和肩上的负担，因为他知道在幕后人们正在提议非常重大的升级。

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : I think we smelled very big trouble.

托德·吉特林（Todd Gitlin），社会学家：：我认为我们闻到了很大的麻烦。

I don’t know that we could’ve imagined just how big and bad and long it was gonna be.

我不知道我们能想象到它会有多大、有多糟糕、有多长。

But we took it very seriously.

但我们非常认真地对待它。

Marilyn B.

玛丽莲·B.

Young, Historian: : I knew there was something fuzzy about it and I also knew it was an overreaction to retaliate in that form, it was a-- didn’t have to do with what occurred in the Gulf.

年轻的历史学家：我知道这件事有些模糊，我也知道以这种形式进行报复是一种过度反应，这与海湾地区发生的事情无关。

I knew that.

我知道这一点。

And yet I firmly believed he would end this thing.

但我坚信他会结束这件事。

Bob Dylan (archival, singing): : Gather 'round, people, wherever you roam, and admit that the waters around you have grown.

鲍勃·迪伦（档案，演唱）：：人们聚集在一起，无论你在哪里漫游，并承认你周围的水已经增长。

And accept it that soon you'll be drenched to the bone.

并接受这样一个事实：很快你就会全身湿透。

If your time to you is worth saving, then you better start swimming or you'll sink like a stone, for the times, they are a-changin'.

如果你的时间值得节省，那么你最好开始游泳，否则你会像石头一样下沉，因为时代在变化。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : By the time Bob Dylan is singing "The Times they are A-Changin" in 1964, there was an emerging sense of betrayal.

历史学家道格拉斯： 1964 年，当鲍勃·迪伦 (Bob Dylan) 演唱《时代正在变》时，一种背叛感正在浮现。

1964 exposed fault lines around politics, fault lines around race, fault lines around gender.

1964年暴露了围绕政治的断层线、围绕种族的断层线、围绕性别的断层线。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : I think the story America had been telling, that it was united and at peace with itself, was an unsustainable story, and it kind of cracks of its own internal contradictions.

作家里克·珀尔斯坦：我认为美国一直在讲述的故事，即它团结一致、与自己和平共处，是一个不可持续的故事，它是其自身内部矛盾的裂痕。

And 1964 is when those contradictions come to a fore.

1964年正是这些矛盾凸显出来的时候。

Narrator: : In the autumn of 1964, after months marked by racial violence, and echoes of war overseas, Americans revisited the event that had so shaken the national confidence.

旁白： 1964 年秋天，在经历了种族暴力和海外战争回响的几个月后，美国人重新审视了这一曾如此动摇民族信心的事件。

News Announcer (archival audio): : “The final verdict on the fateful tragedy that engulfed the nation 10 months ago.”

新闻播音员（档案音频）：“10个月前席卷全国的致命悲剧的最终判决。”

Narrator: : On September 27th, the Warren Commission announced that Lee Harvey Oswald was the sole gunman responsible for the assassination of President Kennedy.

旁白： 9月27日，沃伦委员会宣布李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德是刺杀肯尼迪总统的唯一枪手。

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : Lee Harvey Oswald acting alone -- what’s going on here?

马克·科兰斯基（Mark Kurlansky），编剧：李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德（Lee Harvey Oswald）独自行动——这里发生了什么事？

This was a widely believed thing, that some kind of conspiracy was involved.

人们普遍认为这涉及某种阴谋。

Walter Cronkite, CBS News (archival): : The assassination of President Kennedy was, inevitably, a mystery story on a grand scale.

沃尔特·克朗凯特（Walter Cronkite），哥伦比亚广播公司新闻（档案）：：肯尼迪总统的刺杀事件不可避免地是一个规模宏大的神秘故事。

Narrator: : In the days following its release, all three networks devoted extensive coverage to the Warren Report, fueling the national obsession with the assassination.

旁白：：在沃伦报告发布后的几天里，所有三个网络都对沃伦报告进行了广泛报道，加剧了全国对暗杀事件的痴迷。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : Television had a huge impact on people’s sensibilities.

历史学家道格拉斯：电视对人们的情感产生了巨大的影响。

Television is now a major fixture in people’s homes.

电视现在已成为人们家庭中的主要设备。

It is delivering a half an hour of news every night and entertainment.

它每晚提供半小时的新闻和娱乐节目。

So it’s all in there together.

所以一切都在一起。

Narrator: : At first glance, the fall line-up that year was a reassuring collection familiar faces -- Andy Griffith, Gomer Pyle, and Dick Van Dyke.

旁白： 乍一看，那一年的秋季阵容是一群令人放心的熟悉面孔——安迪·格里菲斯 (Andy Griffith)、戈默·派尔 (Gomer Pyle) 和迪克·范·戴克 (Dick Van Dyke)。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : Television was still primarily black-and-white.

历史学家道格拉斯：电视仍然主要是黑白的。

And you could see it as a black-and-white world.

你可以将其视为一个黑白世界。

You could see it as a very simple world.

你可以把它看作一个非常简单的世界。

But you also see television representing what’s going on in the culture in a very metaphorical fashion.

但你也会看到电视以一种非常隐喻的方式代表文化中正在发生的事情。

Addams Family theme song (archival audio): : They're creepy and they're kooky, mysterious and spooky...

亚当斯一家主题曲（档案音频）：：他们令人毛骨悚然，他们古怪、神秘、阴森......

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : There are new shows like The Addams Family .

历史学家道格拉斯：：有像《亚当斯一家》这样的新节目。

Here are these ghoulish, monstrous, grotesque people moving in, bringing difference to the neighborhood.

这些残忍、可怕、怪诞的人搬进来了，给社区带来了变化。

Mrs. Addams, The Addams Family (archival): : Welcome, honeymooners, welcome!

亚当斯夫人，《亚当斯一家》（档案）：：欢迎，蜜月夫妇，欢迎！

Welcome!

欢迎！

Man, The Addams Family (archival): : Aren’t they thoughtful, dear?

亚当斯一家（档案）：：亲爱的，他们不是很体贴吗？

Throwing rice.

扔米饭。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : It is this kitschy way to work through how to manage white-bread neighborhoods dealing with a very different kind of family moving in.

历史学家道格拉斯：：这是一种庸俗的方式来研究如何管理白面包社区，以应对搬入的非常不同类型的家庭。

Darren, Bewitched (archival): : I mean you’re going to have to learn to be a suburban housewife.

达伦，着迷（档案）：：我的意思是你必须学会成为一名郊区家庭主妇。

Darren, Bewitched (archival): : Now you’ll have to learn to cook, and keep house.

达伦，着迷（档案）：：现在你必须学习做饭和持家。

Samantha, Bewitched (archival): : And soon we’ll be a normal happy couple with no problems.

萨曼莎，着迷（档案）：：很快我们就会成为一对正常的幸福夫妻，没有任何问题。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : People dismissed Bewitched as the kitschiest, most ridiculous show ever.

历史学家道格拉斯：人们认为《迷惑》是有史以来最庸俗、最荒谬的节目。

But this is a very much kind of hinge show around women’s power, women’s desire for power.

但这在很大程度上是一部围绕女性权力、女性对权力的渴望的枢纽秀。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : Here is a show about a very beautiful suburban wife who happens to be a witch.

历史学家道格拉斯：：这是一部关于一位非常美丽的郊区妻子的故事，她恰好是一名女巫。

Who has magical powers that her husband begs her not to use.

她拥有神奇的力量，她的丈夫恳求她不要使用。

You know, people think this is just entertainment, but people in television are members of our culture, and they imbibe the zeitgeist of the times.

你知道，人们认为这只是娱乐，但电视里的人是我们文化的成员，他们吸收了时代精神。

Samantha, Bewitched (archival): : I thought we could start with a protest march.

萨曼莎，着迷（档案）：：我想我们可以从抗议游行开始。

Susan J.

苏珊·J。

Douglas, Historian: : Change is everywhere.

历史学家道格拉斯：：变化无处不在。

Rebellion is everywhere.

叛逆无处不在。

Narrator: : As the new school year got underway at the University of California at Berkeley, students flocked to the campus from all over the nation.

旁白：：随着加州大学伯克利分校新学年的开始，来自全国各地的学生涌入校园。

In many ways they were typical American undergraduates -- clean-cut, career-minded, and conventional in most respects.

从很多方面来说，他们都是典型的美国本科生——干净利落、有事业心、在大多数方面都很传统。

But this year there was a difference.

但今年有所不同。

Some of them had spent the previous months working in Mississippi as part of the Freedom Summer.

他们中的一些人前几个月在密西西比州工作，作为“自由之夏”的一部分。

Robert Cohen, Historian: : By ’64, northern students are being inspired by the Southern freedom struggle and using civil disobedience to try to knock down all kinds of discrimination in their backyards.

历史学家罗伯特·科恩：到 64 年，北方学生受到南方自由斗争的启发，并利用公民不服从来试图消除自家后院的各种歧视。

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : We would organize people to go picket the Oakland Tribune and other institutions that discriminated against African Americans and we put our tables up right at the entrance to the campus.

Stephanie Coontz，伯克利学生：我们会组织人们去奥克兰论坛报和其他歧视非裔美国人的机构纠察，我们把桌子放在校园入口处。

Narrator: : The center of student activism was a row of tables at the corner of Bancroft and Telegraph streets that had been traditionally used for the distribution of information about a wide range of campus activities.

旁白：学生活动的中心是班克罗夫特街和电报街拐角处的一排桌子，这些桌子传统上用于分发有关各种校园活动的信息。

Robert Cohen, Historian: : And they think that's on city property.

历史学家罗伯特·科恩：：他们认为这是城市财产。

It turns out they're partially on campus property and there's pressure put on university administration -- how can the university be used as a center for social protest and social change?

事实证明，它们的一部分位于校园财产上，这给大学管理带来了压力——大学如何能被用作社会抗议和社会变革的中心？

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : And they told us, "You can no longer organize off-campus activities; you can't have political tables on campus."

伯克利学生 Stephanie Coontz：：他们告诉我们，“你不能再组织校外活动；你不能在校园内设立政治桌。”

Robert Cohen, Historian: : And that leads to this huge battle over free speech.

历史学家罗伯特·科恩：这导致了这场关于言论自由的巨大斗争。

Student (archival): : At this particular point, we have been denied this, and we think, whether or not this is true or not as far as why they're doing it, the effect of cutting this off is to stop political activity on this campus.

学生（档案）：：在这一点上，我们被否认了这一点，我们认为，无论这是否属实，至于他们这样做的原因，切断这种联系的效果就是停止这个校园的政治活动。

Clark Kerr, Chancellor of UC Berkeley: : We told them they had to go back on the streets where they've been traditionally for this kind of activity.

加州大学伯克利分校校长克拉克·科尔：我们告诉他们必须回到他们传统上进行此类活动的街道上。

And they then took the position that, "We want to undertake these activities on campus property itself," and we said, "This is not possible."

然后他们采取的立场是，“我们希望在校园内开展这些活动”，我们说，“这是不可能的。”

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : That was sort of the crystalizing moment at which the free speech movement came into being.

托德·吉特林（Todd Gitlin），社会学家：：那是言论自由运动诞生的结晶时刻。

The free speech movement was organized by veterans of Mississippi Summer, and if you had been in Mississippi and you were up against the Ku Klux Klan and the racist leadership, to have some university administrator telling you "Ooh, boys and girls, you better not go pass out leaflets," that didn't go over well.

言论自由运动是由密西西比州夏季退伍军人组织的，如果你在密西西比州，你面对三K党和种族主义领导层，有一些大学管理人员告诉你“哦，男孩和女孩，你最好不要去散发传单”，这不会得到很好的结果。

Robert Cohen, Historian: : This is not the right group to challenge or the right time.

历史学家罗伯特·科恩：：这不是挑战的正确群体，也不是正确的时间。

Because by this time, even though they're young, they have a lot more political experience than the people who are, these middle-aged administrators who are trying to suppress them.

因为到了这个时候，尽管他们很年轻，但他们的政治经验却比那些试图镇压他们的中年官员丰富得多。

Narrator: : Angry at what they perceived as a violation of their first amendment rights, a diverse coalition of student groups decided to defy the new restrictions and set up their tables even further inside the campus.

旁白：：一个多元化的学生团体联盟对他们认为侵犯第一修正案权利的行为感到愤怒，决定藐视新的限制，并在校园内更远的地方设立了他们的桌子。

In response, the administration suspended eight students associated with the protests.

作为回应，政府停课了八名与抗议活动有关的学生。

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : At one point, people were sitting at a table and a guy named Jack Weinberg, who was a veteran of the Civil Rights Movement, was at the table and he was not a student.

Stephanie Coontz，伯克利学生：有一次，人们坐在一张桌子旁，桌旁坐着一个名叫杰克·温伯格的人，他是民权运动的资深人士，但他不是学生。

And when they asked him for a student I.D.

当他们向他索要学生证时

and he couldn't produce one the police told him that he was trespassing and he was going to be arrested.

他无法出示一张，警察告诉他，他非法侵入，将被逮捕。

Police Officer (archival): : I am arresting you, you’re either going to come with me.

警官（档案）：：我要逮捕你，你要么跟我走。

Student (archival): : All of us, you arrest us all, we’re all manning the table.

学生（档案）：：我们所有人，你们逮捕了我们所有人，我们都在桌子上。

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : Instead of getting up, he used his civil rights training and just went limp.

斯蒂芬妮·孔茨 (Stephanie Coontz)，伯克利分校学生：：他没有站起来，而是利用了民权训练，然后变得一瘸一拐。

They drove a police car onto campus just about lunch hour when people were streaming out of their classes and we see somebody being bodily lifted into a police car.

大约午餐时间，他们开着一辆警车进入校园，当时人们正从教室里涌出来，我们看到有人被抬上警车。

And so people said, "What's going on?" and they surrounded the police car, not on purpose, but once we found out what was going on it was like, "No, that's not right."

于是人们就问：“这是怎么回事？”他们包围了警车，不是故意的，但当我们发现发生了什么事后，我们的反应是：“不，那是不对的。”

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : People start to argue about what we should do.

Stephanie Coontz，伯克利学生：人们开始争论我们应该做什么。

Should we let them take the car?

我们应该让他们开车吗？

What if we get arrested?

如果我们被捕怎么办？

What should we do?

我们应该做什么？

And finally somebody brings a bullhorn and says, "Why don't we stand on top of the car so that people can hear?" So that's what we did.

最后有人拿着扩音器说：“我们为什么不站在车顶上，这样人们就能听到呢？”这就是我们所做的。

One person at a time who was going to speak did that.

一次只有一个要发言的人这样做了。

Every single one of them taking their shoes off so that we wouldn't damage the car.

他们每个人都脱掉鞋子，以免我们损坏汽车。

That was the kind of mentality.

就是这样的心态。

And so there was a spirited debate.

于是，大家展开了激烈的辩论。

Todd Gitlin, Sociologist: : What emerged was not simply, "Let's go support civil rights," but "Let's have a university that's sort of worthy of our better selves."

社会学家托德·吉特林：出现的不仅仅是“让我们去支持公民权利”，而是“让我们拥有一所值得我们更好的自己的大学”。

Student (archival): : The remarkable thing about this entire situation is that there's been a coalition that I think is completely unusual in politics.

学生（档案）：整个情况的显着之处在于，出现了一个我认为在政治上完全不寻常的联盟。

There's been a coalition from youth for Goldwater all the way over from the Young Socialist Alliance.

从青年社会主义联盟到戈德华特，都有一个来自青年的联盟。

And usually these two groups don’t even speak together.

通常这两个群体甚至不会一起说话。

This is an amazing thing to me, and a very happy experience for my life to see so many democratic students.

这对我来说是一件了不起的事情，也是我一生中非常高兴见到这么多民主学生的经历。

Jack Weinberg, Protestor (archival): : I just did what any of my fellow students, or my fellows in all these organizations, would've done.

抗议者杰克·温伯格（档案）：：我只是做了我的同学或所有这些组织中的同事会做的事情。

So I was just singled out.

所以我就被单独挑出来了。

Chance selected me.

机会选择了我。

I’m no martyr.

我不是烈士。

Narrator: : Jack Weinberg spent 32 hours in the police car, while more than a thousand students protested around him, and leaders of the new movement, including a young philosophy student named Mario Savio, negotiated with the administration.

旁白：杰克·温伯格在警车里度过了 32 个小时，而他周围有一千多名学生抗议，新运动的领导人，包括一位名叫马里奥·萨维奥的年轻哲学系学生，正在与政府进行谈判。

Finally, on the evening of October 2nd, the university and the demonstrators reached a deal.

最终，10月2日晚，大学与示威者达成了协议。

University President (archival): : Well, there has been an agreement signed.

大学校长（档案）： ：嗯，已经签署了协议。

University President (archival): : Yes, by the student groups and by me as the president of the university, which has several points to it.

大学校长（档案）： ：是的，由学生团体和我作为大学校长，这有几点。

The first point is that the student demonstrators shall desist from their illegal actions protesting university regulations.

第一点，学生示威者应当停止抗议校规的违法行为。

We’ve also agreed to set up a committee to examine the rules.

我们还同意成立一个委员会来审查这些规则。

Narrator: : For weeks the activists and university officials negotiated, searching for a way to end the crisis.

旁白：：活动人士和大学官员进行了数周的谈判，寻找结束危机的方法。

Then the chancellor abruptly announced that Mario Savio and three other students would, in fact, be suspended.

然后校长突然宣布马里奥·萨维奥和其他三名学生实际上将被停职。

Infuriated, Savio and the other leaders raised the stakes, calling for immediate occupation of the administration building.

愤怒的萨维奥和其他领导人提高了赌注，呼吁立即占领行政大楼。

Mario Savio, Student Protestor: : There's a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can't take part, you can't even passively take part, and you've got to put your bodies upon the gears, and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus, and you've got to make it stop.

马里奥·萨维奥（Mario Savio），学生抗议者：：曾经有一段时间，机器的操作变得如此令人厌恶，让你心烦意乱，以至于你无法参与，你甚至无法被动地参与，你必须把你的身体放在齿轮上，放在轮子上，放在杠杆上，放在所有装置上，你必须让它停止。

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : Mario Savio was this eloquent, eloquent guy.

Stephanie Coontz，伯克利学生：马里奥·萨维奥（Mario Savio）是一位能言善辩的人。

I’ve never reread the speech but it was just burned in my memory.

我从来没有重读过这篇演讲，但它已经深深地印在了我的记忆中。

Robert Cohen, Historian: : People are marching slowly in, Joan Baez is singing "We Shall Overcome." It's not like a hijacking.

历史学家罗伯特·科恩：：人们慢慢地走进来，琼·贝兹正在唱“我们将克服”。这不像是劫持。

It's like a nonviolent occupation of the building that follows Mario's speech.

这就像马里奥演讲后对大楼的非暴力占领。

The sense of community inside there was amazing.

里面的社区意识是惊人的。

People were holding Freedom School classes, poetry's being read, films are being shown.

人们正在举办自由学校课程，朗诵诗歌，放映电影。

It's like they're doing all this education reform work right in the building.

就好像他们正在大楼里进行所有这些教育改革工作。

Jack Weinberg, Protestor (archival): : The Bay Area Civil Rights Movement in the stairwell over there.

Jack Weinberg，抗议者（档案）：：那边楼梯间的湾区民权运动。

Student Protestor (archival): : The door will be open for anyone who would like to leave and you may leave at any time but you may not get back into the building.

学生抗议者（档案）：：门将为任何想要离开的人敞开，您可以随时离开，但不得返回大楼。

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : This was not a party.

Stephanie Coontz，伯克利学生：这不是一个聚会。

We were so idealistic and I remember calling my mom and I said, "Mom, I think I'm gonna get arrested."

我们是如此理想主义，我记得打电话给我妈妈，我说：“妈妈，我想我会被捕。”

University Administrator (archival): : I have an announcement: This assemblage has developed to such a point that the purpose and work of the university have been materially impaired.

大学管理员（档案）： ：我有一个公告：这个组合已经发展到了大学的宗旨和工作受到重大损害的地步。

Narrator: : In the early hours of the morning, hundreds of state and campus police entered the building and began arresting the demonstrators.

旁白：：凌晨时分，数百名州和校园警察进入大楼并开始逮捕示威者。

Almost 800 students would be carted off to jail.

近800名学生将被送进监狱。

Jann S.

詹恩·S。

Wenner, Berkeley Student: : I could see the arrests going on, you know, and the cops, they’re dragging people down marble staircases.

温纳，伯克利学生：：我可以看到逮捕正在进行，你知道，警察把人们拖下大理石楼梯。

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : I actually got up and walked, I have to say.

Stephanie Coontz，伯克利学生：：我不得不说，我实际上站起来走了。

And then we were thrown into paddy wagons and driven off.

然后我们被扔进稻车并被赶走。

We started singing freedom songs.

我们开始唱自由之歌。

Jann S.

詹恩·S。

Wenner, Berkeley Student: : Well it just galvanized everybody.

Wenner，伯克利学生：：嗯，它激励了每个人。

I mean it just riveted the entire campus.

我的意思是它吸引了整个校园。

Narrator: : And within days, the academic senate, composed of the university's faculty, voted overwhelmingly in favor of the students.

旁白： 几天之内，由大学教师组成的学术评议会以压倒性多数投票支持了学生们。

The undergraduates who had faced disciplinary action had their suspensions dropped.

受到纪律处分的本科生的停学被取消。

Reporter (archival): : Several thousand students have gathered for what has been billed as a victory celebration.

记者（档案）：：数千名学生聚集在一起，庆祝胜利。

A victory the students feel is assured as a result of yesterday's action by the academic senate.

由于学术委员会昨天的行动，学生们感到胜利是确定的。

Stephanie Coontz, Berkeley Student: : In 1964, even those of us who had tremendous criticisms of the government, its burgeoning involvement in Vietnam, its failure to really enforce the Civil Rights Act, nevertheless we were, we still had a lot of illusions or hope that America did stand for freedom, would stand up for freedom.

斯蒂芬妮·孔茨（Stephanie Coontz），伯克利学生：1964 年，即使我们这些人对政府、其对越南的迅速介入、其未能真正执行《民权法案》提出了巨大的批评，但我们仍然抱有很多幻想或希望，美国确实捍卫自由，将会捍卫自由。

And so there was the sense that when things went wrong, they must not understand.

因此，人们有一种感觉，当事情出错时，他们一定不能理解。

You know, maybe if we just explain to them that this is not part of our tradition, we should be doing something else.

你知道，也许如果我们只是向他们解释这不是我们传统的一部分，我们就应该做点别的事情。

And then when they didn't listen, it was a radicalizing experience.

当他们不听时，这就是一种激进的经历。

Jann S.

詹恩·S。

Wenner, Berkeley Student: : It was, to me anyway, it was the precedent of the modern student movement.

Wenner，伯克利学生：：无论如何，对我来说，这是现代学生运动的先例。

Student protest, as we know it, as we came to know it, started there, then.

据我们所知，正如我们所知，学生抗议就是从那里开始的。

Robert Cohen, Historian: : This is a moment when that sort of spreading of that hyper-democratic ethos of the freedom movement from the South is spreading nationally.

历史学家罗伯特·科恩：这是来自南方的自由运动的超民主精神正在全国范围内传播的时刻。

Soon it's gonna be about the war.

很快就会涉及到战争。

Later it's going to be about gender equality.

稍后会涉及性别平等。

It's going to burst into lots of other areas as well.

它也将渗透到许多其他领域。

So it really reshaped a lot of American politics, not just something strange that's happening in California.

所以它确实重塑了很多美国政治，而不仅仅是加州发生的奇怪事情。

This is something that's going to be shaping American politics for years to come.

这将在未来几年塑造美国政治。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : My fellow Americans, your choice in this election may be the most important that you will ever make.

约翰逊（档案）：我的美国同胞们，你们在这次选举中的选择可能是你们所做的最重要的选择。

Narrator: : As the presidential campaign entered its final weeks, both candidates appeared to be men with something to prove.

旁白：随着总统竞选进入最后几周，两位候选人似乎都需要证明一些东西。

Senator Barry Goldwater (archival): : I pledge that I will restore to America, a dedication to principle and to conscience among its public servants.

参议员巴里·戈德华特（档案）：我保证我将恢复美国公务员对原则和良心的奉献精神。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : Government is not an enemy of people.

约翰逊（档案）：：政府不是人民的敌人。

Government is the people themselves

政府就是人民自己

Narrator: : As he crisscrossed the country, campaigning at a breakneck pace, Lyndon Johnson seemed determined to win a victory that would vanquish any doubts about his legitimacy, and validate the social programs that were the centerpiece of his administration.

旁白：林登·约翰逊在全国各地以极快的速度进行竞选活动时，他似乎决心赢得一场胜利，消除对他合法性的任何怀疑，并验证作为其政府核心的社会计划。

Barry Goldwater, on the other hand, seemed less interested in winning the White House than in taking a stand on the conservative principles that he so passionately championed.

另一方面，巴里·戈德华特似乎对入主白宫不太感兴趣，而更感兴趣的是在他如此热情拥护的保守原则上表明立场。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : The Goldwater people and the Johnson people saw this as a fundamental kind of choice.

卡特，历史学家：：戈德华特人和约翰逊人认为这是一种基本的选择。

Senator Barry Goldwater (archival): : I suggest tonight that the liberal approach to America’s problems has failed miserably in every sphere of activity.

参议员巴里·戈德华特（档案）：今晚我认为，解决美国问题的自由主义方法在各个活动领域都惨遭失败。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : Everyone can have a job.

约翰逊（档案）：：每个人都可以有工作。

Every kid can have an education.

每个孩子都可以接受教育。

We can get these folks off the streets.

我们可以让这些人离开街道。

In time we can have the great society that we are all entitled to.

假以时日，我们就能拥有我们所有人都有权享有的伟大社会。

Senator Barry Goldwater (archival): : “We can prevent Depression, we can have full employment.” I’ve heard these pipe dreams for the last 30 years.

参议员巴里·戈德华特（档案）：“我们可以预防萧条，我们可以实现充分就业。”过去 30 年我一直听到这些白日梦。

And I’ve never seen one of them come true.

我从未见过其中之一成为现实。

Narrator: : As the candidates made their case to the voters, a historic shift was underway in the electorate.

旁白：：随着候选人向选民陈述自己的观点，选民中正在发生历史性的转变。

Because of his support for civil rights, Johnson knew he was too unpopular to do much campaigning in the Deep South.

由于支持民权，约翰逊知道自己太不受欢迎，无法在南方腹地进行太多竞选活动。

His wife, Lady Bird, however, offered to go, convinced that Southern chivalry would still prevail.

然而，他的妻子伯德女士主动提出前往，她相信南方骑士精神仍然会盛行。

As it turned out, her reception was barely civil, and in South Carolina, she was almost shouted off the stage.

事实证明，她的接待几乎没有礼貌，在南卡罗来纳州，她几乎被喊下了舞台。

Robert Dallek, Historian: : Johnson is now thoroughly identified with integration, with civil rights.

历史学家罗伯特·达莱克（Robert Dallek）：：约翰逊现在完全认同融合和公民权利。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : Because of Barry Goldwater's vote against the civil rights act, because he speaks of the South as a class of people who are victimized by the north, this process of the solid Democratic South becoming a vehicle for the Republican Party begins.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），编剧：由于巴里·戈德华特（Barry Goldwater）投票反对民权法案，因为他将南方视为是北方受害者的一个阶级，坚实的民主南方成为共和党工具的过程开始了。

And that really is the most important realignment in the way the party system is structured since the American Civil War.

这确实是自美国内战以来政党体系结构上最重要的调整。

Narrator: : If Goldwater’s fortunes were improving throughout the South, nationally his campaign was in need of a boost.

旁白：如果戈德华特的命运在整个南方有所改善，那么他在全国范围内的竞选活动就需要推动。

It came from a surprising source.

它的来源令人惊讶。

Narrator: : On October 27th, just one week before the election, the Goldwater campaign found themselves with an unused 30-minute block of television time on NBC.

旁白： 10 月 27 日，就在大选前一周，戈德华特竞选团队发现 NBC 的 30 分钟电视节目时间没有使用。

At the last minute the campaign chose to fill it with a speech that had been recorded earlier that fall, by an actor-turned-Republican-activist named Ronald Reagan.

在最后一刻，竞选团队选择用那年秋天早些时候录制的演讲来填充它，演讲者是演员出身的共和党活动家，名叫罗纳德·里根。

Ronald Reagan, Actor (archival): : For three decades we’ve sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning and the more the plans fail the more the planners plan.

演员罗纳德·里根（档案）：三十年来，我们一直试图通过政府规划来解决失业问题，而计划失败的次数越多，规划者的计划就越多。

But now if government planning and welfare had the answer, and they’ve had almost 30 years of it, shouldn’t we expect government to read the scores to us once in a while?

但现在，如果政府规划和福利已经有了答案，而且他们已经有近 30 年的经验了，我们难道不应该期望政府偶尔向我们读一下分数吗？

Phyllis Schlafly, Conservative Leader: : The Goldwater people just went bananas when they saw it.

菲利斯·施拉夫利（Phyllis Schlafly），保守党领袖：：戈德华特人看到这件事后简直疯了。

Ronald Reagan, Actor (archival): : Barry Goldwater has faith in us.

罗纳德·里根，演员（档案）：：巴里·戈德华特对我们充满信心。

He has faith that you and I have the ability, and the dignity, and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.

他相信你和我有能力、有尊严、有权利做出自己的决定并决定自己的命运。

Thank you very much.

非常感谢。

Jon Margolis, Author, The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964: : The reaction was so favorable that it was run again.

乔恩·马戈利斯（Jon Margolis），《最后的纯真之年：1964 年的美国》作者： 反响如此热烈，以至于再次举办。

It was originally scheduled to run once, and it ran again.

本来计划跑一次，结果又跑了。

And it established Ronald Reagan as a political factor to be reckoned with in the future.

它将罗纳德·里根确立为未来不可忽视的政治因素。

Dan T.

丹·T.

Carter, Historian: : People may not have thought about him as a political candidate, but he was, from ’64 on, a serious political figure.

历史学家卡特：人们可能没有想到他是一位政治候选人，但从 64 年开始，他就是一位严肃的政治人物。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : Without any question, that without any Goldwater there would have been no Ronald Reagan.

历史学家李·爱德华兹：毫无疑问，如果没有戈德华特，就不会有罗纳德·里根。

Narrator: : On Election Day, November 3rd, Barry Goldwater and his wife arrived at their local precinct in Phoenix to cast their votes.

旁白： 11 月 3 日选举日，巴里·戈德华特 (Barry Goldwater) 和他的妻子抵达凤凰城当地选区投票。

The officials tried to wave the candidate inside but, characteristically, Goldwater insisted on waiting in line.

官员们试图挥手让这位候选人进去，但戈德华特一如往常地坚持排队等候。

Lyndon Johnson kept campaigning until the last possible moment.

林登·约翰逊一直坚持竞选活动，直到最后一刻。

He had left nothing to chance, and by early that evening, the results would show just how completely the Johnson juggernaut had triumphed.

他没有留下任何机会，到那天傍晚早些时候，结果将显示约翰逊主宰者取得了多么彻底的胜利。

Walter Cronkite, CBS News (archival): : Lyndon Baines Johnson has been elected president of the United States.

沃尔特·克朗凯特，哥伦比亚广播公司新闻（档案）：：林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊当选美国总统。

And the landslide has carried him in for his first term in office on his own right, by his own election.

压倒性的胜利让他凭借自己的力量、通过自己的选举进入了他的第一个任期。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : Lyndon Johnson finally wins his landslide.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），编剧：林登·约翰逊最终赢得了压倒性胜利。

He gets 61 percent of the popular vote, he wins every state except for a few in the South and Arizona, which Barry Goldwater barely wins, and the mandate for liberalism and the Great Society and civil rights has been achieved.

他获得了 61% 的普选票，赢得了除南部和亚利桑那州少数几个州外的所有州的胜利，而巴里·戈德华特 (Barry Goldwater) 勉强赢得了这两个州，自由主义、伟大社会和公民权利的使命也已经实现。

Narrator: : Not only was Johnson’s presidential victory unprecedented, he had carried with him huge new majorities in both houses of Congress.

旁白：约翰逊在总统选举中取得的胜利不仅是史无前例的，而且他还赢得了国会两院的新多数席位。

Now the astonishing ambition of the Great Society seemed possible.

现在，伟大社会的惊人野心似乎成为可能。

Bill after bill -- for Medicare, federal aid to education, voting rights, environmental protection -- were all within reach, and the conservative opposition had been vanquished.

一项又一项的法案——医疗保险、联邦教育援助、投票权、环境保护——都触手可及，保守派反对派被击败。

Rick Perlstein, Writer: : The pundits claim that conservatism is dead, it’s that definitive.

里克·珀尔斯坦（Rick Perlstein），作家：：专家们声称保守主义已经死了，这是确定的。

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : But the thing about it was, the only people who didn’t think they were dead were the people who were supposed to be dead.

报纸编辑霍丁·卡特三世：但问题是，唯一不认为自己死了的人就是那些应该死的人。

Jon Margolis, Author, The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964: : The story they missed was that this candidate, Barry Goldwater, who espoused policies that were substantially outside the national consensus of the last previous 20 years at least, had gotten 40 percent of the vote.

乔恩·马戈利斯（Jon Margolis），《最后的纯真的一年：1964 年的美国》作者：他们错过了这样一个故事：这位候选人巴里·戈德华特（Barry Goldwater）所拥护的政策至少在过去 20 年里基本上超出了全国共识，但他却获得了 40% 的选票。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : That told us, we were right.

历史学家李·爱德华兹：这告诉我们，我们是对的。

Our ideas were not only right, but they have a power.

我们的想法不仅是正确的，而且具有力量。

They have an influence, they have a great, great potential.

他们有影响力，他们有巨大的潜力。

Senator Barry Goldwater (archival): : I have no bitterness, no rancor at all.

参议员巴里·戈德华特（档案）：：我没有任何怨恨，也没有任何怨恨。

Mark Kurlansky, Writer: : Twenty-seven million people voted for Barry Goldwater, and this became the base of a new Republican party.

马克·科兰斯基（Mark Kurlansky），编剧： 2700 万人投票给巴里·戈德华特，这成为了新共和党的基础。

President Lyndon B.

总统林登·B.

Johnson (archival): : The lights of Christmas symbolize each year the happiness of this wonderful season.

约翰逊（档案）：：圣诞节的灯光象征着每年这个美好季节的幸福。

But this year I believe their brightness expresses the hopefulness of the times in which we live.

但今年我相信它们的光芒表达了我们生活的时代的希望。

Robert A.

罗伯特·A.

Caro, Author, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: : At the end of the year Lyndon Johnson is where he has wanted to be all his life.

卡罗，《林登·约翰逊的岁月》作者：：年底，林登·约翰逊实现了他一生梦想的目标。

He has a vision for the country -- you really feel this vision, it’s starting to move.

他对这个国家有一个愿景——你真的能感受到这个愿景，它正在开始发生变化。

He’s a figure just so immensely triumphant, it’s hard to believe that things are gonna change so dramatically.

他是一个非常胜利的人物，很难相信事情会发生如此巨大的变化。

Narrator: : In the years ahead, Lyndon Johnson’s dream of a Great Society would be shattered by the long and divisive war in Vietnam.

旁白：在未来的岁月里，林登·约翰逊的伟大社会梦想将因越南漫长而分裂的战争而破灭。

Embittered and unpopular, he would decide not to run for president four years later.

四年后，他心怀怨恨且不受欢迎，决定不再竞选总统。

The activists that had conceived of Freedom Summer would fight on, some continuing the path of non-violence, while others turned towards a new doctrine of black power.

构想“自由之夏”的活动人士将继续战斗，其中一些人继续走非暴力道路，而另一些人则转向新的黑人权力学说。

Out of the ashes of the Goldwater campaign, young Republicans would regroup, and finally make good on their conservative revolution.

在戈德华特竞选的灰烬中，年轻的共和党人将重新集结，并最终实现他们的保守派革命。

A new generation would challenge authority at every turn, refusing to follow the rules, and helping to bring an end to the war in Vietnam.

新一代将在每一个关头挑战权威，拒绝遵守规则，并帮助结束越南战争。

And women awakened by The Feminine Mystique would go on to champion a movement that would fundamentally reshape the nature of American society.

被《女性奥秘》唤醒的女性将继续支持一场从根本上重塑美国社会本质的运动。

The spirit of revolution that would be sparked by the tumultuous events of 1964, and reverberate throughout the rest of the 1960s and beyond, was summed up in a song by Sam Cooke, released in the final months of that transformative year.

1964 年的动荡事件引发了革命精神，并在 20 世纪 60 年代及以后的整个时期产生了反响，山姆·库克 (Sam Cooke) 在这变革性的一年的最后几个月发行了一首歌曲，概括了这种精神。

It was called "A Change is Gonna Come."

它被称为“改变即将到来”。

Reverend Ed King, Civil Rights Activist: : In ‘64 everywhere people are saying, "I can do something." Change is possible.

艾德·金牧师，民权活动家：：64 年，各地人们都在说，“我可以做点什么。”改变是可能的。

Change is worth living and dying for and, would we dare go forward?

改变是值得为之生死的，我们敢于前进吗？

Yes, we would.

是的，我们会的。

Richard A.

理查德·A.

Viguerie, Conservative Activist: : It was the creation of a new America.

维盖里，保守派活动家：：这是一个新美国的创建。

It was a door to our future.

这是通往我们未来的一扇门。

Once we went through it there was no going back.

一旦我们经历了它就没有回头路了。

Stephanie Coontz, Historian: : 1964 saw a series of events that really did crystalize the tension between the tremendous sense of idealism coexisting with the dawning sense of outrage.

史蒂芬妮·孔茨 (Stephanie Coontz)，历史学家：1964 年发生的一系列事件确实体现了巨大的理想主义意识与初现端倪的愤怒意识之间的紧张关系。

Dave Dennis, Civil Rights Activist: : Here it is, America.

戴夫·丹尼斯，民权活动家：：这就是美国。

Here's the bad, let's make it good.

这是不好的地方，让我们把它改好。

That's what we’re about.

这就是我们的目的。

We're Americans.

我们是美国人。

Lee Edwards, Historian: : We were still on fire, we were still feeling what it was like to mobilize, and I think I determined that coming out of that, that it is possible to change the course of history.

历史学家李·爱德华兹（Lee Edwards）：我们仍然热情高涨，我们仍然感受到动员起来的感觉，我想我已经确定，从那以后，改变历史进程是可能的。

Hodding Carter III, Newspaper Editor: : I would pay money to go back, just to live through that whole era again.

霍丁卡特三世，报纸编辑：：我愿意花钱回去，只是为了再次经历整个时代。

I would make all the same mistakes, but I’d know, as I knew then, that I could never have asked for a better time to be involved in the affairs of my nation.

我会犯同样的错误，但我知道，正如我当时所知道的那样，我再也没有比这更好的时机来参与我的国家的事务了。

Sixty-four was the propulsion from the past into the future.

六十四是从过去到未来的推动力。

1964 - the year America rose up and made choices.

1964 年——美国崛起并做出选择的一年。