Longreads Best of 2020: Investigative Reporting
All through December, we’re featuring Longreads’ Best of 2020.
整个 12 月，我们都会精选 Longreads 的 2020 年最佳作品。
This year, our team picked and featured hundreds of in-depth investigations published across the web.
今年，我们的团队挑选并精选了网络上发布的数百项深入调查。
Here are our top picks.
这是我们的首选。
If you like these, you can sign up to receive our weekly email every Friday.
如果您喜欢这些，您可以注册以每周五接收我们的每周电子邮件。
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## The Last Patrol (Nathaniel Penn, The California Sunday Magazine)
## 最后的巡逻（纳撒尼尔·佩恩，《加州星期日杂志》）
In July 2012, U.S. Army First Lieutenant Clint Lorance gave an order that killed two Afghan civilians on a motorcycle near an operating base outside of Kandahar, in a volatile region in Afghanistan.
2012 年 7 月，美国陆军中尉克林特·洛兰斯下令，在阿富汗动荡地区坎大哈郊外的一个作战基地附近杀害了两名骑摩托车的阿富汗平民。
Lorance was convicted of murder.
洛兰斯被判犯有谋杀罪。
The narrative weaved by Sean Hannity and others at Fox News framed Lorance as a war hero; he was pardoned by Donald Trump in November 2019 and served six years of a 20-year sentence.
福克斯新闻的肖恩·汉尼提和其他人编织的叙述将洛兰斯塑造成战争英雄； 2019 年 11 月，他被唐纳德·特朗普赦免，并在 20 年徒刑中服刑 6 年。
The former Army officer, who had been advised to take interviews only from conservative media outlets, agreed to talk with Nathaniel Penn, and the result is an incredibly riveting and comprehensive piece on his case.
这位前陆军军官曾被建议只接受保守派媒体的采访，但他同意与纳撒尼尔·佩恩交谈，结果是一篇关于他的案件的令人难以置信的引人入胜和全面的报道。
Arriving on the dirt road that led into the village, the patrol discovered two of the three Afghan men lying beside a ditch.
巡逻队到达通往村庄的土路时，发现三名阿富汗男子中的两人躺在一条沟渠旁边。
They were dead.
他们死了。
Their companion had run away.
他们的同伴已经逃跑了。
Near them, the motorcycle leaned on its kickstand.It wasn’t at all the scene Lorance had imagined.
在他们附近，摩托车靠在支架上。这根本不是洛伦斯想象的场景。
“If I would have been up there,” he told me, “and would have known that they were stopped and off their motorcycle, I would never in a million years have said, ‘Fire at them.’ I would want to go talk to them and get intel out of them.
“如果我在上面，”他告诉我，“并且知道他们被拦住并下了摩托车，我一百万年内就不会说‘向他们开枪’。我会想去和他们交谈，从他们那里得到情报。
I’d be like, ‘Who are you?
我会说，‘你是谁？
Where are you from?’ I would want to know everything about them.”A woman and two children stood near the bodies, weeping.Holy shit, Lorance thought.
你从哪里来？’我想知道关于他们的一切。”一个女人和两个孩子站在尸体旁边哭泣。天哪，洛伦斯心想。
Did we just kill good people?The way to find out was to do a Battle Damage Assessment.
我们刚刚杀了好人吗？找出答案的方法是进行战斗伤害评估。
Skelton was the intelligence specialist who carried the SEEK.
斯克尔顿是携带 SEEK 的情报专家。
But Lorance wanted Skelton to follow him into the village to carry out the mission and get the biometric enrollments.
但洛伦斯希望斯克尔顿跟随他进入村庄执行任务并进行生物识别登记。
The engagement with the motorcycle had been necessary and unfortunate, but it wasn’t important.
与摩托车的接触是必要的，也是不幸的，但这并不重要。
He ordered two of his men to conduct the Battle Damage Assessment while he proceeded into the village.
他命令两名手下在进村时进行战损评估。
They had the necessary training, even if they didn’t have the SEEK.
他们接受了必要的培训，即使他们没有 SEEK。
They knelt by the bodies.Captain Swanson, who had been alerted to the situation, was radioing Lorance from headquarters.
他们跪在尸体旁。斯旺森上尉接到了有关情况的警报，正在总部用无线电给洛兰斯打电话。
What was happening?
发生了什么事？
he asked.
他问道。
Were the dead men combatants or civilians?
死者是战斗人员还是平民？
Had Lorance done the Battle Damage Assessment?No, Lieutenant Lorance replied, they hadn’t been able to do the Battle Damage Assessment.
洛兰斯做了战损评估吗？没有，洛兰斯中尉回答道，他们没能做战损评估。
The villagers had taken away the bodies.As he spoke, he knew he had just made a critical mistake.
村民们已经把尸体运走了。 说话间，他知道自己刚刚犯了一个严重的错误。
He should have said that his men would get to the Battle Damage Assessment eventually, that they didn’t have time to do that shit right now.
他应该说他的人最终会进行战斗伤害评估，他们现在没有时间做那些狗屎。
Because when you speak over the radio, “you might as well be putting your hand on the Bible,” as one member of the platoon told me.In the years to come, Lorance’s decision not to use the SEEK device for the Battle Damage Assessment would prove to be crucial and polarizing.
因为当你通过无线电讲话时，“你还不如把手放在圣经上”，正如该排的一名成员告诉我的那样。 在未来的几年里，洛兰斯不使用 SEEK 设备进行战斗损害评估的决定被证明是至关重要的，而且引起了两极分化。
It would contribute both to his imprisonment and his pardon.The weeping woman was screaming now.
这将有助于他的入狱和赦免。那个哭泣的女人现在正在尖叫。
Lorance told himself that her tears didn’t necessarily mean he’d done anything wrong.
洛伦斯告诉自己，她的眼泪并不一定意味着他做错了什么。
The men whose bodies she was crying over could be insurgents.
她为那些尸体哭泣的人可能是叛乱分子。
That shocked him — the idea that the Taliban had families, too.
这让他感到震惊——塔利班也有家庭。
It had never occurred to him before.
他以前从未想到过。
Arriving on the dirt road that led into the village, the patrol discovered two of the three Afghan men lying beside a ditch.
巡逻队到达通往村庄的土路时，发现三名阿富汗男子中的两人躺在一条沟渠旁边。
They were dead.
他们死了。
Their companion had run away.
他们的同伴已经逃跑了。
Near them, the motorcycle leaned on its kickstand.
在他们附近，摩托车靠在支架上。
It wasn’t at all the scene Lorance had imagined.
这根本不是洛伦斯想象的场景。
“If I would have been up there,” he told me, “and would have known that they were stopped and off their motorcycle, I would never in a million years have said, ‘Fire at them.’ I would want to go talk to them and get intel out of them.
“如果我在上面，”他告诉我，“并且知道他们被拦住并下了摩托车，我一百万年内就不会说‘向他们开枪’。我会想去和他们交谈，从他们那里得到情报。
I’d be like, ‘Who are you?
我会说，‘你是谁？
Where are you from?’ I would want to know everything about them.”
你从哪里来？’我想知道关于他们的一切。”
A woman and two children stood near the bodies, weeping.
一名妇女和两个孩子站在尸体旁边哭泣。
Holy shit, Lorance thought.
天哪，洛伦斯心想。
Did we just kill good people?
我们刚刚杀了好人吗？
The way to find out was to do a Battle Damage Assessment.
找出答案的方法是进行战斗伤害评估。
Skelton was the intelligence specialist who carried the SEEK.
斯克尔顿是携带 SEEK 的情报专家。
But Lorance wanted Skelton to follow him into the village to carry out the mission and get the biometric enrollments.
但洛伦斯希望斯克尔顿跟随他进入村庄执行任务并进行生物识别登记。
The engagement with the motorcycle had been necessary and unfortunate, but it wasn’t important.
与摩托车的接触是必要的，也是不幸的，但这并不重要。
He ordered two of his men to conduct the Battle Damage Assessment while he proceeded into the village.
他命令两名手下在进村时进行战损评估。
They had the necessary training, even if they didn’t have the SEEK.
他们接受了必要的培训，即使他们没有 SEEK。
They knelt by the bodies.
他们跪在尸体旁。
Captain Swanson, who had been alerted to the situation, was radioing Lorance from headquarters.
斯旺森上尉已获悉这一情况，他正在总部通过无线电与洛兰斯联系。
What was happening?
发生了什么事？
he asked.
他问道。
Were the dead men combatants or civilians?
死者是战斗人员还是平民？
Had Lorance done the Battle Damage Assessment?
洛兰斯做过战斗伤害评估吗？
No, Lieutenant Lorance replied, they hadn’t been able to do the Battle Damage Assessment.
不，洛伦斯中尉回答道，他们无法进行战损评估。
The villagers had taken away the bodies.
村民们已将尸体运走。
As he spoke, he knew he had just made a critical mistake.
当他说话时，他知道自己刚刚犯了一个严重的错误。
He should have said that his men would get to the Battle Damage Assessment eventually, that they didn’t have time to do that shit right now.
他应该说他的人最终会进行战斗伤害评估，他们现在没有时间做那些狗屎。
Because when you speak over the radio, “you might as well be putting your hand on the Bible,” as one member of the platoon told me.
因为当你通过广播讲话时，“你还不如把手放在圣经上”，正如该排的一名成员告诉我的那样。
In the years to come, Lorance’s decision not to use the SEEK device for the Battle Damage Assessment would prove to be crucial and polarizing.
在接下来的几年里，洛兰斯不使用 SEEK 设备进行战斗损伤评估的决定被证明是至关重要且两极分化的。
It would contribute both to his imprisonment and his pardon.
这将有助于他的监禁和赦免。
The weeping woman was screaming now.
那个哭泣的女人现在正在尖叫。
Lorance told himself that her tears didn’t necessarily mean he’d done anything wrong.
洛伦斯告诉自己，她的眼泪并不一定意味着他做错了什么。
The men whose bodies she was crying over could be insurgents.
她为那些尸体哭泣的人可能是叛乱分子。
That shocked him — the idea that the Taliban had families, too.
这让他感到震惊——塔利班也有家庭。
It had never occurred to him before.
他以前从未想到过。
## Built to Last (Megha Rajagopalan, Alison Killing, Christo Buschek; BuzzFeed News)
## 基业长青（Megha Rajagopalan、Alison Killing、Christo Buschek；BuzzFeed 新闻）
“Built to Last” is part one of an impressive three-part investigation that looks into the high-security, high-tech detention camps built in Xinjiang, a vast and rural region in northwest China, to detain Muslim minorities.
《基业长青》是一项令人印象深刻的三部分调查的一部分，该调查调查了中国西北部广阔农村地区新疆为拘留穆斯林少数民族而建立的高度安全、高科技的拘留营。
China had publicly claimed all detainees had been released, but interviews with dozens of former detainees on their horrific experiences, along with an analysis of thousands of satellite images, have exposed how China has secretly and rapidly been building a permanent internment infrastructure.
中国公开声称所有被拘留者均已被释放，但对数十名前被拘留者的可怕经历进行的采访，以及对数千张卫星图像的分析，揭露了中国如何秘密而迅速地建造永久性拘留基础设施。
One complex, shown in architectural modeling in part three, is the size of 13 football fields and can hold tens of thousands of people.
第三部分建筑模型中展示的一个综合体有13个足球场那么大，可以容纳数万人。
It’s a “sprawling system” meant to incarcerate hundreds of thousands of Uighurs, Kazakhs, and others and “is already the largest-scale detention of ethnic and religious minorities since World War II.” The excerpt that follows is from part one; all three pieces, linked above, are worth reading.
这是一个“庞大的系统”，旨在监禁数十万维吾尔族、哈萨克族和其他人，并且“已经是二战以来对少数民族和宗教少数群体最大规模的拘留”。以下摘录自第一部分；上面链接的所有三篇文章都值得一读。
People detained in the camps told BuzzFeed News they were subjected to torture, hunger, overcrowding, solitary confinement, forced birth control, and a range of other abuses.
被拘留在难民营中的人们告诉 BuzzFeed News，他们遭受酷刑、饥饿、过度拥挤、单独监禁、强制节育和一系列其他虐待。
They said they were put through brainwashing programs focusing on Communist Party propaganda and made to speak only in the Chinese language.
他们说，他们接受了以共产党宣传为重点的洗脑计划，并且只能说中文。
Some former detainees said they were forced to labor without pay in factories.The government heavily restricts the movements of independent journalists and researchers in the region, and heavily censors the internet and its own domestic media.
一些前被拘留者表示，他们被迫在工厂进行无薪劳动。政府严格限制独立记者和研究人员在该地区的行动，并对互联网和国内媒体进行严格审查。
Muslim minorities can be punished for posts on social media.
穆斯林少数群体可能因在社交媒体上发帖而受到惩罚。
But satellite images that are collected from independent providers remain outside the scope of Chinese government censorship.Other kinds of evidence have also occasionally leaked out.
但从独立提供商收集的卫星图像仍然不在中国政府的审查范围之内。其他类型的证据也偶尔被泄露。
In September, a drone video emerged showing hundreds of blindfolded men with their heads shaven and their arms tied behind their backs, wearing vests that say “Kashgar Detention Center.” Nathan Ruser, a researcher at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute who has done extensive satellite imagery analysis of the detention and prison systems in Xinjiang, said the video shows a prisoner transfer that took place in April 2019 — months after the government first said the system was for vocational training.
9月，一段无人机视频显示，数百名蒙着眼睛的男子被剃光头，双臂反绑在背后，身穿写有“喀什看守所”字样的背心。澳大利亚战略政策研究所研究员内森·鲁瑟 (Nathan Ruser) 对新疆拘留和监狱系统进行了广泛的卫星图像分析，他表示，该视频显示了 2019 年 4 月发生的囚犯转移事件，而几个月前，政府首次表示该系统用于职业培训。
Previous analyses, including by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute in November 2018, identified several dozen early camps.
此前的分析（包括澳大利亚战略政策研究所 2018 年 11 月的分析）确定了数十个早期营地。
People detained in the camps told BuzzFeed News they were subjected to torture, hunger, overcrowding, solitary confinement, forced birth control, and a range of other abuses.
被拘留在难民营中的人们告诉 BuzzFeed News，他们遭受酷刑、饥饿、过度拥挤、单独监禁、强制节育和一系列其他虐待。
They said they were put through brainwashing programs focusing on Communist Party propaganda and made to speak only in the Chinese language.
他们说，他们接受了以共产党宣传为重点的洗脑计划，并且只能说中文。
Some former detainees said they were forced to labor without pay in factories.
一些前被拘留者表示，他们被迫在工厂无薪劳动。
The government heavily restricts the movements of independent journalists and researchers in the region, and heavily censors the internet and its own domestic media.
政府严格限制独立记者和研究人员在该地区的行动，并严格审查互联网和国内媒体。
Muslim minorities can be punished for posts on social media.
穆斯林少数群体可能因在社交媒体上发帖而受到惩罚。
But satellite images that are collected from independent providers remain outside the scope of Chinese government censorship.
但从独立提供商收集的卫星图像仍然不在中国政府的审查范围之内。
Other kinds of evidence have also occasionally leaked out.
其他种类的证据也偶尔被泄露。
In September, a drone video emerged showing hundreds of blindfolded men with their heads shaven and their arms tied behind their backs, wearing vests that say “Kashgar Detention Center.” Nathan Ruser, a researcher at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute who has done extensive satellite imagery analysis of the detention and prison systems in Xinjiang, said the video shows a prisoner transfer that took place in April 2019 — months after the government first said the system was for vocational training.
9月，一段无人机视频显示，数百名蒙着眼睛的男子被剃光头，双臂反绑在背后，身穿写有“喀什看守所”字样的背心。澳大利亚战略政策研究所研究员内森·鲁瑟 (Nathan Ruser) 对新疆拘留和监狱系统进行了广泛的卫星图像分析，他表示，该视频显示了 2019 年 4 月发生的囚犯转移事件，而几个月前，政府首次表示该系统用于职业培训。
Previous analyses, including by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute in November 2018, identified several dozen early camps.
此前的分析（包括澳大利亚战略政策研究所 2018 年 11 月的分析）确定了数十个早期营地。
## At Hundreds of Rehabs, Recovery Means Work Without Pay (Shoshana Walter, Reveal)
## 在数百个康复中心，康复意味着无薪工作（Shoshana Walter，透露）
Part of Reveal‘s American Rehab series, this deep-dive looks at drug and alcohol recovery programs across the U.S. in which people are required to work substantial hours and perform “often-backbreaking labor” for little or no pay, and in exchange for room and board at the rehabilitation center.
作为《Reveal》美国康复系列的一部分，这篇深入探讨了美国各地的戒毒和酗酒康复计划，在这些计划中，人们被要求长时间工作并从事“经常劳累的劳动”，报酬很少或根本没有，以换取康复中心的食宿。
These centers, which also typically do not provide workers with safety training or equipment, frame this work as “work therapy.” The Department of Labor has failed to hold such programs accountable.
这些中心通常也不向工人提供安全培训或设备，将这项工作称为“工作疗法”。劳工部未能追究此类计划的责任。
Shoshana Walter’s investigation exposes this widespread practice and identifies at least 300 rehab facilities in 44 states that have engaged in this form of “treatment.” Some rehab directors said the work is an effective way of creating structure and instilling new habits in participants’ lives, while participants felt exploited.
Shoshana Walter 的调查揭露了这种普遍存在的做法，并确定了 44 个州至少有 300 个康复机构从事过这种形式的“治疗”。一些康复中心主任表示，这项工作是在参与者的生活中创造结构和灌输新习惯的有效方式，同时参与者也感到被剥削。
“Take people no one will miss, and nowhere to go, and use them as basically free labor,” said one former participant.
一位前参与者表示：“把那些没人会错过、无处可去的人带走，把他们当作基本上免费的劳动力。”
Walter’s work brings to light labor abuses in places that the government has forgotten or chosen not to look.
沃尔特的工作揭露了政府忘记或选择不去关注的地方的虐待劳工行为。
“I was worn down and exhausted by the whole thing,” said Timothy Klick, who attended a Cenikor Foundation program in Fort Worth, Texas, in 2018.
“整件事让我精疲力尽，”蒂莫西·克里克 (Timothy Klick) 说道，他于 2018 年参加了德克萨斯州沃思堡的 Cenikor 基金会项目。
There, he was sent to work full time at a factory, making dinnerware for ThermoServ.
在那里，他被派往一家工厂全职工作，为 ThermoServ 制作餐具。
(ThermoServ did not respond to requests for comment.) “I feel like a slave, honestly.
（ThermoServ 没有回应置评请求。）“老实说，我感觉自己像个奴隶。
I’m being forced to work and not getting anything out of it.”In a statement to Reveal, Cenikor described its program as voluntary and said it helped participants “overcome substance use disorder and build successful work and life habits.”“The program provides room, board, treatment, and medication if necessary, as well as an opportunity for full employment upon completion,” the statement said.Cenikor is among several programs that tout extraordinary success rates.
我被迫工作，却一无所获。”在给 Reveal 的一份声明中，Cenikor 将其计划描述为自愿性的，并表示该计划帮助参与者“克服药物滥用障碍，建立成功的工作和生活习惯。”声明称，“该计划提供食宿、治疗和药物（如有必要），以及完成后的充分就业机会。”Cenikor 是几个标榜成功率极高的计划之一。
The rehab claims 67% of graduates remain drug-free three years after entering the program.
康复中心声称 67% 的毕业生在进入该项目三年后仍然没有吸毒。
But those numbers disguise a bleak reality: Less than 8% of Cenikor participants graduate.
但这些数字掩盖了一个惨淡的现实：只有不到 8% 的 Cenikor 参与者能够毕业。
The few other programs that provided graduation rates to Reveal cited rates so low that it was clear most participants do not make it to the end.
向 Reveal 提供毕业率的其他少数项目指出，毕业率如此之低，以至于很明显大多数参与者都无法坚持到最后。
When participants leave early, they can face lengthy prison sentences or relapse.
如果参与者提早离开，他们可能会面临长期监禁或旧病复发。
Many have overdosed and died.
许多人服药过量而死亡。
“I was worn down and exhausted by the whole thing,” said Timothy Klick, who attended a Cenikor Foundation program in Fort Worth, Texas, in 2018.
“整件事让我精疲力尽，”蒂莫西·克里克 (Timothy Klick) 说道，他于 2018 年参加了德克萨斯州沃思堡的 Cenikor 基金会项目。
There, he was sent to work full time at a factory, making dinnerware for ThermoServ.
在那里，他被派往一家工厂全职工作，为 ThermoServ 制作餐具。
(ThermoServ did not respond to requests for comment.) “I feel like a slave, honestly.
（ThermoServ 没有回应置评请求。）“老实说，我感觉自己像个奴隶。
I’m being forced to work and not getting anything out of it.”
我被迫工作，却一无所获。”
In a statement to Reveal, Cenikor described its program as voluntary and said it helped participants “overcome substance use disorder and build successful work and life habits.”
Cenikor 在给 Reveal 的一份声明中称其计划是自愿的，并表示该计划帮助参与者“克服药物滥用障碍并建立成功的工作和生活习惯。”
“The program provides room, board, treatment, and medication if necessary, as well as an opportunity for full employment upon completion,” the statement said.
声明称：“该计划提供必要的食宿、治疗和药物，以及完成后的充分就业机会。”
Cenikor is among several programs that tout extraordinary success rates.
Cenikor 是几个宣称成功率极高的项目之一。
The rehab claims 67% of graduates remain drug-free three years after entering the program.
康复中心声称 67% 的毕业生在进入该项目三年后仍然没有吸毒。
But those numbers disguise a bleak reality: Less than 8% of Cenikor participants graduate.
但这些数字掩盖了一个惨淡的现实：只有不到 8% 的 Cenikor 参与者能够毕业。
The few other programs that provided graduation rates to Reveal cited rates so low that it was clear most participants do not make it to the end.
向 Reveal 提供毕业率的其他少数项目指出，毕业率如此之低，以至于很明显大多数参与者都无法坚持到最后。
When participants leave early, they can face lengthy prison sentences or relapse.
如果参与者提早离开，他们可能会面临长期监禁或旧病复发。
Many have overdosed and died.
许多人服药过量而死亡。
## Tethered to the Machine (Lizzie Presser, ProPublica)
## 拴在机器上（Lizzie Presser，ProPublica）
Lizzie Presser’s story about a Black man in Alabama on dialysis, who tried to get a new kidney for years, is tragic, powerful, and exceptionally reported.
莉齐·普雷瑟 (Lizzie Presser) 讲述了阿拉巴马州一名接受透析的黑人多年来试图获得新肾脏的故事，这是一个悲剧性的故事，震撼人心，并且得到了广泛的报道。
JaMarcus Crews, diagnosed with Type 2 diabetes in the ninth grade, worked hard to manage his health, was a proactive patient, and sacrificed a lot, including his career, to receive dialysis care.
JaMarcus Crews 在九年级时被诊断出患有 2 型糖尿病，他努力管理自己的健康，是一位积极主动的患者，并牺牲了很多，包括他的职业生涯，以接受透析护理。
But corporate healthcare — and a racist system that works against Black Americans — stood in his way.
但企业医疗保健——以及不利于美国黑人的种族主义制度——阻碍了他。
Presser’s account of Crews’ life is so beautifully told, tugging on your heart until the very last line.
普雷瑟对克鲁斯一生的叙述是如此精彩，直到最后一句都牵动着你的心。
No matter how much he tried to go a different way, JaMarcus was being pulled along the same course, one laid out for him at birth.
无论贾马库斯如何尝试走不同的路，他都被拉着走同一条路线，这是他出生时就为他安排的路线。
Black Americans are more likely to be born to mothers with diabetes, which predisposes them to the condition.
美国黑人的母亲更有可能患有糖尿病，这使他们更容易患上这种疾病。
They have lower rates of insurance coverage and can’t see doctors or afford medication as regularly, so diabetes and hypertension are more likely to cause complications like kidney disease.
他们的保险覆盖率较低，无法定期看医生或负担药物费用，因此糖尿病和高血压更有可能引起肾脏疾病等并发症。
Even clinical care can work against them; doctors estimate kidney function using a controversial formula that inflates the scores of Black patients to make them look healthier, which can delay referrals to specialists or transplant centers.
即使是临床护理也会对他们产生不利影响。医生使用有争议的公式来评估肾功能，该公式夸大了黑人患者的分数，使他们看起来更健康，这可能会延迟转诊到专家或移植中心。
JaMarcus was an inquisitive patient; when Gail was pregnant, he grilled doctors on their years of experience and read aloud at night about the fetus developing skin and fingernails.
贾马库斯是一位好奇心旺盛的病人。当盖尔怀孕时，他盘问医生多年的经验，并在晚上大声朗读有关胎儿皮肤和指甲发育的信息。
For years, he had been asking doctors about his kidneys, concerned that he’d follow in his mother’s footsteps.
多年来，他一直向医生询问他的肾脏情况，担心自己会步母亲的后尘。
It wasn’t until he went to the University of Alabama hospital in 2013 that he learned he even had kidney disease.
直到2013年他去了阿拉巴马大学医院，才得知自己甚至患有肾病。
But as he reviewed his old medical records, he looked into his creatinine — a waste product that indicates kidney function — and realized his doctors had seen that it was high.
但当他回顾自己的旧病历时，他检查了自己的肌酐（一种表明肾功能的废物），并意识到医生发现肌酐偏高。
His primary care doctor hadn’t mentioned it.
他的初级保健医生没有提到这一点。
Nor had physicians at the local hospital.
当地医院也没有医生。
“Doctors knew my kidneys were in trouble,” JaMarcus said, “and they didn’t say anything.”
“医生知道我的肾脏有问题，”贾马库斯说，“但他们什么也没说。”
JaMarcus no longer needed a doctor’s endorsement to get a referral for a transplant; a year earlier, DaVita had changed its rules to allow patients to ask for a referral when they wanted one, regardless of whether their physician thought they were a good candidate.
JaMarcus 不再需要医生的认可即可获得移植转诊；一年前，达维塔改变了规则，允许患者在需要转诊时要求转诊，无论他们的医生是否认为他们是一个好的候选人。
The company made the decision in order to remove the influence of implicit bias.
公司做出这一决定是为了消除隐性偏见的影响。
JaMarcus had been waiting until he could bring his BMI of 36 down to 35, which is what he’d been told he needed to hit in order to qualify.
贾马库斯一直在等待，直到他能够将 36 的 BMI 降低到 35，这是他被告知要达到资格的标准。
But the University of Alabama transplant program had raised its body mass index limit to 40 back in 2015.
但阿拉巴马大学移植项目早在 2015 年就将体重指数上限提高至 40。
The hospital didn’t publicize its new standards on its website, and no one at DaVita had told him.
医院没有在其网站上公布其新标准，达维塔也没有人告诉他。
For years, he’d been eligible.
多年来，他一直有资格。
## They Agreed to Meet Their Mother’s Killer.
## 他们同意会见杀害母亲的凶手。
Then Tragedy Struck Again.
然后悲剧再次降临。
(Eli Hager, The Marshall Project)
（伊莱·哈格，《马歇尔计划》）
“Jacksonville, the murder capital of Florida, seems an unlikely place to find a more merciful response to homicide.” If Florida was a country, its incarceration rate would be one of the highest on earth.
“杰克逊维尔是佛罗里达州的谋杀之都，似乎不太可能对凶杀案采取更仁慈的应对措施。”如果佛罗里达州是一个国家，那么它的监禁率将是世界上最高的国家之一。
Can restorative justice be a different path forward and an alternate option, even for the most violent crimes?
即使对于最暴力的犯罪，恢复性司法能否成为一条不同的前进道路和替代选择？
Hager tells the gut-wrenching story of an extraordinary family who chose restorative justice over the death penalty for the man who brutally murdered their mother.
海格讲述了一个非凡家庭的悲痛故事，他们选择对残忍谋杀母亲的人实施恢复性正义，而不是死刑。
But even after weighing all options and scenarios, they did not anticipate what ultimately came next.
但即使在权衡了所有选项和场景之后，他们也没有预料到接下来会发生什么。
Exploring the complexities and limits of restorative justice, Hager’s piece is required reading for all who are part of the criminal justice system, those interested in redesigning it, and anyone who asks: What is the true meaning of justice?
海格的文章探讨了恢复性司法的复杂性和局限性，对于所有刑事司法系统的一部分、对重新设计刑事司法系统感兴趣的人以及任何问“正义的真正含义是什么”的人来说，都值得一读。
Even after months, the family still had many questions for Debbie’s murderer that prosecutors did not need him to answer to prove their case: What did you do with the things you stole?
即使几个月后，这家人仍然对杀害黛比的凶手有很多问题，检察官不需要他回答来证明他们的案子：你对偷来的东西做了什么？
How were you able to move such a heavy TV by yourself?
这么重的电视你一个人是怎么搬动的？
Did our mom know she was dying?
我们的妈妈知道她快要死了吗？
Only Lawson could tell them these things, and they started to believe that only they, as Gerald said, “could wring him out like a sponge.”By the summer of 2018, Lawson had informed his lawyer that he was willing to plead guilty if the death penalty was taken off the table.
只有劳森可以告诉他们这些事情，他们开始相信，正如杰拉尔德所说，只有他们“才能像海绵一样把他榨干。”到 2018 年夏天，劳森告诉他的律师，如果死刑被取消，他愿意认罪。
At a meeting with prosecutors, Mike said he’d consider that deal, but wanted to face Lawson first.
在与检察官的会面中，迈克表示他会考虑这笔交易，但希望首先面对劳森。
Nelson told the Liles family that she was tentatively open to trying a process called restorative justice, which involved a dialogue centered on victims’ needs.
纳尔逊告诉莱尔斯一家，她暂时愿意尝试一种称为恢复性司法的程序，其中涉及以受害者的需求为中心的对话。
She’d used it successfully in two murder cases, she said.At first, Rachel was relieved.
她说，她已经成功地在两起谋杀案中使用了它。 起初，雷切尔松了一口气。
She was also skeptical.
她也表示怀疑。
If Lawson convincingly apologized to them, would that be justice?
如果劳森令人信服地向他们道歉，这就是正义吗？
Or just some kind of performance art to save his own life?
或者只是某种行为艺术来拯救自己的生命？
“What even is justice in a homicide?” Rachel told me.
“杀人案中正义何在？”雷切尔告诉我的。
“There can only be restoration when there is something to be restored.”
“只有有需要恢复的东西，才能恢复。”
Even after months, the family still had many questions for Debbie’s murderer that prosecutors did not need him to answer to prove their case: What did you do with the things you stole?
即使几个月后，这家人仍然对杀害黛比的凶手有很多问题，检察官不需要他回答来证明他们的案子：你对偷来的东西做了什么？
How were you able to move such a heavy TV by yourself?
这么重的电视你一个人是怎么搬动的？
Did our mom know she was dying?
我们的妈妈知道她快要死了吗？
Only Lawson could tell them these things, and they started to believe that only they, as Gerald said, “could wring him out like a sponge.”
只有劳森才能告诉他们这些事情，他们开始相信，正如杰拉德所说，只有他们“才能像海绵一样把他拧干”。
By the summer of 2018, Lawson had informed his lawyer that he was willing to plead guilty if the death penalty was taken off the table.
到 2018 年夏天，劳森通知他的律师，如果废除死刑，他愿意认罪。
At a meeting with prosecutors, Mike said he’d consider that deal, but wanted to face Lawson first.
在与检察官的会面中，迈克表示他会考虑这笔交易，但希望首先面对劳森。
Nelson told the Liles family that she was tentatively open to trying a process called restorative justice, which involved a dialogue centered on victims’ needs.
纳尔逊告诉莱尔斯一家，她暂时愿意尝试一种称为恢复性司法的程序，其中涉及以受害者的需求为中心的对话。
She’d used it successfully in two murder cases, she said.
她说，她在两起谋杀案中成功地使用了它。
At first, Rachel was relieved.
起初，雷切尔松了一口气。
She was also skeptical.
她也表示怀疑。
If Lawson convincingly apologized to them, would that be justice?
如果劳森令人信服地向他们道歉，这就是正义吗？
Or just some kind of performance art to save his own life?
或者只是某种行为艺术来拯救自己的生命？
“What even is justice in a homicide?” Rachel told me.
“杀人案中正义何在？”雷切尔告诉我的。
“There can only be restoration when there is something to be restored.”
“只有有需要恢复的东西，才能恢复。”
## Stranger Than Fiction (Oscar Schwartz, The Atavist Magazine)
## 比小说更奇怪（奥斯卡·施瓦茨，《返祖》杂志）
Oscar Schwartz explores the inner workings of the right-wing news industry and the spiritual cult Falun Gong through the eyes of Steven Klett, a poet who gets a job as a “political reporter” at the Epoch Times, a newspaper he eventually learns is a pro-Trump propaganda machine.
奥斯卡·施瓦茨（Oscar Schwartz）通过诗人史蒂文·克莱特（Steven Klett）的视角探索了右翼新闻业和精神邪教法轮功的内部运作。史蒂文·克莱特是一位诗人，在《大纪元时报》找到了一份“政治记者”的工作，他最终得知这家报纸是亲特朗普的宣传机器。
Being part of its newsroom, Klett “had a front-row seat to the epistemic crisis triggered by Trump’s ascendancy, one that has made distinguishing truth from political fiction increasingly difficult.” Klett didn’t share the views of the newspaper and mostly detached himself from the “breaking news” he published, focused instead on hitting “his weekly target of 100,000 clicks” and viewing himself as a sort of “postmodern information worker” that simply generated content.
作为其新闻编辑室的一部分，克莱特“在特朗普上台引发的认知危机中处于前排，这场危机使得区分真相与政治虚构变得越来越困难。”克莱特不认同该报的观点，并且基本上脱离了他发布的“突发新闻”，而是专注于实现“每周 10 万次点击的目标”，并将自己视为一种只是生成内容的“后现代信息工作者”。
Schwartz weaves a fascinating narrative, one you can’t stop reading, about how disinformation is made and spread.
施瓦茨编织了一篇引人入胜、让人无法停止阅读的故事，讲述了虚假信息是如何制造和传播的。
When Trump promoted the outrageous lie that Obama and Hillary Clinton were “founders” of ISIS, Klett wrote a story without critical evaluation; the fact of Trump’s comments, rather than their veracity, was what mattered.
当特朗普宣扬奥巴马和希拉里·克林顿是伊斯兰国“创始人”的无耻谎言时，克莱特写了一篇没有经过批判性评价的故事；重要的是特朗普言论的事实，而不是其真实性。
This seemed more or less in keeping with theEpoch Times’ professed commitment to unbiased coverage and its desire to ramp up page views—inflammatory comments by public figures drive clicks, after all.
这似乎或多或少符合《大纪元时报》所宣称的公正报道的承诺以及提高页面浏览量的愿望——毕竟，公众人物的煽动性评论会带来点击量。
Other developments, however, made it hard to ignore that an unspoken enthusiasm for the Republican candidate had taken hold in the newsroom.
然而，其他事态发展却让人很难忽视新闻编辑室里对这位共和党候选人不言而喻的热情。
There had been a palpable shift in the paper’s editorial direction, and it seemed to come straight from the top.While other media outlets reported on Trump’s outlandish and incendiary Twitter behavior, Klett said that his editors discouraged him from covering it.
该报的编辑方向发生了明显的转变，而且似乎直接来自高层。虽然其他媒体报道了特朗普在推特上的古怪和煽动性行为，但克莱特表示，他的编辑不鼓励他报道这一事件。
After submitting a story comparing Trump’s and Clinton’s immigration policies, he received an email with feedback from Stephen Gregory; it was important, the publisher explained, to note that Trump was the only candidate addressing the fact that an “open border” allowed gangs, criminals, and terrorists to enter the country.
在提交了一篇比较特朗普和克林顿移民政策的报道后，他收到了斯蒂芬·格雷戈里的一封包含反馈的电子邮件；该出版商解释说，值得注意的是，特朗普是唯一一位解决“开放边境”允许帮派、犯罪分子和恐怖分子进入该国这一事实的候选人。
Overall, Gregory said, Clinton’s policies would amplify the power of the executive branch and diminish that of Congress, continuing the legacy of Obama’s presidency.In another instance, Klett was asked to read over a colleague’s story comparing Trump’s and Clinton’s economic policies.
格雷戈里说，总体而言，克林顿的政策将增强行政部门的权力，削弱国会的权力，延续奥巴马总统任期的遗产。 在另一个例子中，克莱特被要求阅读一位同事的故事，比较特朗普和克林顿的经济政策。
There was one line that caught his attention: “Trump seeks to revive American greatness with policies aimed at kick-starting economic growth.” Klett told his colleague that the word “greatness” was biased and a regurgitation of Trump’s campaign slogan.
有一句话引起了他的注意：“特朗普寻求通过旨在启动经济增长的政策来重振美国的伟大。”克莱特告诉他的同事，“伟大”这个词是有偏见的，是对特朗普竞选口号的反省。
The colleague, according to Klett, said that Gregory had inserted the line.
据克莱特说，这位同事说是格雷戈里插入的。
When Trump promoted the outrageous lie that Obama and Hillary Clinton were “founders” of ISIS, Klett wrote a story without critical evaluation; the fact of Trump’s comments, rather than their veracity, was what mattered.
当特朗普宣扬奥巴马和希拉里·克林顿是伊斯兰国“创始人”的无耻谎言时，克莱特写了一篇没有经过批判性评价的故事；重要的是特朗普言论的事实，而不是其真实性。
This seemed more or less in keeping with theEpoch Times’ professed commitment to unbiased coverage and its desire to ramp up page views—inflammatory comments by public figures drive clicks, after all.
这似乎或多或少符合《大纪元时报》所宣称的公正报道的承诺以及提高页面浏览量的愿望——毕竟，公众人物的煽动性评论会带来点击量。
Other developments, however, made it hard to ignore that an unspoken enthusiasm for the Republican candidate had taken hold in the newsroom.
然而，其他事态发展却让人很难忽视新闻编辑室里对这位共和党候选人不言而喻的热情。
There had been a palpable shift in the paper’s editorial direction, and it seemed to come straight from the top.
该报的编辑方向发生了明显的转变，而且似乎是直接来自高层的。
While other media outlets reported on Trump’s outlandish and incendiary Twitter behavior, Klett said that his editors discouraged him from covering it.
尽管其他媒体报道了特朗普在推特上的古怪和煽动性行为，但克莱特表示，他的编辑不鼓励他报道这一行为。
After submitting a story comparing Trump’s and Clinton’s immigration policies, he received an email with feedback from Stephen Gregory; it was important, the publisher explained, to note that Trump was the only candidate addressing the fact that an “open border” allowed gangs, criminals, and terrorists to enter the country.
在提交了一篇比较特朗普和克林顿移民政策的报道后，他收到了斯蒂芬·格雷戈里的一封包含反馈的电子邮件；该出版商解释说，值得注意的是，特朗普是唯一一位解决“开放边境”允许帮派、犯罪分子和恐怖分子进入该国这一事实的候选人。
Overall, Gregory said, Clinton’s policies would amplify the power of the executive branch and diminish that of Congress, continuing the legacy of Obama’s presidency.
格雷戈里说，总体而言，克林顿的政策将增强行政部门的权力并削弱国会的权力，延续奥巴马总统任期的遗产。
In another instance, Klett was asked to read over a colleague’s story comparing Trump’s and Clinton’s economic policies.
在另一个例子中，克莱特被要求阅读一位同事比较特朗普和克林顿经济政策的故事。
There was one line that caught his attention: “Trump seeks to revive American greatness with policies aimed at kick-starting economic growth.” Klett told his colleague that the word “greatness” was biased and a regurgitation of Trump’s campaign slogan.
有一句话引起了他的注意：“特朗普寻求通过旨在启动经济增长的政策来重振美国的伟大。”克莱特告诉他的同事，“伟大”这个词是有偏见的，是对特朗普竞选口号的反省。
The colleague, according to Klett, said that Gregory had inserted the line.
据克莱特说，这位同事说是格雷戈里插入的。
## Thousands Of D.C. Renters Are Evicted Every Year.
## 每年都有数以千计的华盛顿租房者被驱逐。
Do They All Know To Show Up To Court?
他们都知道出庭吗？
(Josh Kaplan, DCist)
（乔什·卡普兰，DCist）
Josh Kaplan’s incredible investigation into a fraudulent and rigged evictions process in Washington D.C. is local journalism at its best.
乔什·卡普兰 (Josh Kaplan) 对华盛顿特区欺诈性和被操纵的驱逐程序进行了令人难以置信的调查，这是当地新闻业的最佳表现。
In D.C.’s eviction system, tenants are supposed to be notified of eviction proceedings via private process servers — people who are typically hired by landlords to deliver notices and can charge between $60 to $100 a case.
在华盛顿特区的驱逐系统中，租户应该通过私人流程服务器收到驱逐程序通知——这些人通常由房东雇用来发送通知，每件案件的收费在 60 至 100 美元之间。
However, “there is no mechanism in place in D.C. to check whether these process servers were truthful in their affidavits and actually delivered the summonses.” Kaplan’s reporting uncovers that many residents have had no idea they were going to be evicted: They never received a summons.
然而，“华盛顿特区没有适当的机制来检查这些流程服务器的宣誓书是否真实以及是否确实送达了传票。”卡普兰的报告显示，许多居民并不知道自己会被驱逐：他们从未收到过传票。
Two process servers, Karl Stephens and Matthew Buck, have “played an outsized role” here, lying about serving tenants with papers about their initial court dates.
卡尔·斯蒂芬斯（Karl Stephens）和马修·巴克（Matthew Buck）这两位流程服务员在这里“发挥了巨大的作用”，他们在向租户提供有关他们首次开庭日期的文件方面撒谎。
It’s an astounding read on the eviction process, tenants’ rights and safety, and corruption, one that led to a swift response from the D.C. Council and an amendment to legislation.
这是一本关于驱逐程序、房客权利和安全以及腐败的令人震惊的读物，它引起了华盛顿特区议会的迅速反应和一项立法修正案。
Sworn affidavits filed in Superior Court show that Stephens claimed, in the span of seven hours, to have knocked on the doors of 83 renters, including Gelletich’s, all over D.C.—an average of one every five minutes.
提交给高等法院的宣誓证词显示，斯蒂芬斯声称，在七个小时的时间里，他敲开了华盛顿特区 83 个租户的门，其中包括盖莱蒂奇的租户，平均每五分钟就有一个。
According to his own affidavits, not a single tenant answered the door.And in nine different cases that day, Stephens swore he served at least one other tenant in a completely different part of the city at the exact same time.In one affidavit, for example, Stephens claimed that he attempted to serve a tenant at 11:30 a.m.
根据他自己的宣誓书，没有一个租户开门。在当天的九个不同案例中，斯蒂芬斯发誓，他在同一时间为该市完全不同地区的至少一名其他租户提供服务。例如，在一份宣誓书中，斯蒂芬斯声称他试图在上午 11:30 为一名租户提供服务。
at 2420 14th St. NW, in Columbia Heights.
地址：2420 14th St. NW，哥伦比亚高地。
But in an affidavit filed in a different eviction case, Stephens swore that he was posting a summons on the door of an apartment at 3828 South Capitol St. SE, about eight miles away, at the exact same time.
但在另一起驱逐案件中提交的宣誓书中，斯蒂芬斯发誓，他在同一时间在约八英里外的南国会大厦东南街 3828 号的一间公寓门上张贴了传票。
Both cases ended up before the same judge two weeks later, but neither she nor anyone else, apparently, noticed that at least one of Stephens’ affidavits had to be false.The discrepancies on that date aren’t a one-off occurrence.
两周后，这两起案件都由同一位法官审理，但显然，她和其他任何人都没有注意到斯蒂芬斯的至少一份宣誓书一定是虚假的。该日期的差异并不是一次性发生的。
DCist found more than 600 eviction cases in the first two months of 2019 with sworn affidavits of service prepared by either Stephens or Matthew Buck, where one of their affidavits appears to contradict what they filed in at least one other case, with conflicting dates and times of service.
DCist 在 2019 年前两个月发现了 600 多起驱逐案件，其中有斯蒂芬斯或马修·巴克准备的宣誓服务宣誓书，其中一份宣誓书似乎与他们在至少另一起案件中提交的内容相矛盾，送达日期和时间相互冲突。
Sworn affidavits filed in Superior Court show that Stephens claimed, in the span of seven hours, to have knocked on the doors of 83 renters, including Gelletich’s, all over D.C.—an average of one every five minutes.
提交给高等法院的宣誓证词显示，斯蒂芬斯声称，在七个小时的时间里，他敲开了华盛顿特区 83 个租户的门，其中包括盖莱蒂奇的租户，平均每五分钟就有一个。
According to his own affidavits, not a single tenant answered the door.
根据他自己的证词，没有一个房客开门。
And in nine different cases that day, Stephens swore he served at least one other tenant in a completely different part of the city at the exact same time.
当天，在九个不同的案例中，斯蒂芬斯发誓，他在同一时间为该市完全不同地区的至少一名其他房客提供服务。
In one affidavit, for example, Stephens claimed that he attempted to serve a tenant at 11:30 a.m.
例如，在一份宣誓书中，斯蒂芬斯声称他试图在上午 11 点 30 分为一名房客提供服务。
at 2420 14th St. NW, in Columbia Heights.
地址：2420 14th St. NW，哥伦比亚高地。
But in an affidavit filed in a different eviction case, Stephens swore that he was posting a summons on the door of an apartment at 3828 South Capitol St. SE, about eight miles away, at the exact same time.
但在另一起驱逐案件中提交的宣誓书中，斯蒂芬斯发誓，他在同一时间在约八英里外的南国会大厦东南街 3828 号的一间公寓门上张贴了传票。
Both cases ended up before the same judge two weeks later, but neither she nor anyone else, apparently, noticed that at least one of Stephens’ affidavits had to be false.
两周后，这两起案件都由同一位法官审理，但显然，她和其他任何人都没有注意到斯蒂芬斯的至少一份宣誓书一定是虚假的。
The discrepancies on that date aren’t a one-off occurrence.
该日期的差异并非一次性发生。
DCist found more than 600 eviction cases in the first two months of 2019 with sworn affidavits of service prepared by either Stephens or Matthew Buck, where one of their affidavits appears to contradict what they filed in at least one other case, with conflicting dates and times of service.
DCist 在 2019 年前两个月发现了 600 多起驱逐案件，其中有斯蒂芬斯或马修·巴克准备的宣誓服务宣誓书，其中一份宣誓书似乎与他们在至少另一起案件中提交的内容相矛盾，送达日期和时间相互冲突。
Tenise Wilson, a single mother with four children, is one of the 51 tenants at Park 7 whom Stephens swore he served the morning of February 27.
特尼斯·威尔逊 (Tenise Wilson) 是一位有四个孩子的单亲母亲，也是斯蒂芬斯于 2 月 27 日上午发誓为 Park 7 的 51 名租户提供服务的其中之一。
(He reported serving her at 7:24 a.m.
（他报告说早上 7 点 24 分为她服务。
But he also swore in a different affidavit that he served a tenant seven miles away just six minutes later.)Wilson says she never got any court summons and that she didn’t learn that her landlord was trying to evict until she came home to a piece of paper on her door saying the eviction was already scheduled.
但他还在另一份宣誓书中发誓，仅仅六分钟后，他就为七英里外的一名房客提供了服务。）威尔逊说，她从未收到任何法庭传票，也没有得知房东正试图驱逐，直到她回家看到门上贴着一张纸，上面写着驱逐已经安排好了。
“I really thought I was going to be put out,” she says.But process servers are required to give a brief description of an apartment’s door, and in Wilson’s case, Stephens said it was red.
她说：“我真的以为我会被赶出去。”但流程服务器需要对公寓的门进行简要描述，在威尔逊的案例中，斯蒂芬斯说门是红色的。
It is actually light brown, giving Wilson proof that the affidavit was wrong.
它实际上是浅棕色的，这向威尔逊证明了宣誓书是错误的。
The opposing lawyer agreed to vacate the default judgment, cancelling her family’s eviction and buying her a chance to fight the case.
对方律师同意撤销缺席判决，取消了对她家人的驱逐，并为她赢得了打官司的机会。
Tenise Wilson, a single mother with four children, is one of the 51 tenants at Park 7 whom Stephens swore he served the morning of February 27.
特尼斯·威尔逊 (Tenise Wilson) 是一位有四个孩子的单亲母亲，也是斯蒂芬斯于 2 月 27 日上午发誓为 Park 7 的 51 名租户提供服务的其中之一。
(He reported serving her at 7:24 a.m.
（他报告说早上 7 点 24 分为她服务。
But he also swore in a different affidavit that he served a tenant seven miles away just six minutes later.)
但他还在另一份宣誓书中发誓，仅仅六分钟后，他就为七英里外的一名房客提供了服务。）
Wilson says she never got any court summons and that she didn’t learn that her landlord was trying to evict until she came home to a piece of paper on her door saying the eviction was already scheduled.
威尔逊说，她从未收到任何法庭传票，也没有得知房东试图驱逐她，直到她回家看到门上贴着一张纸，上面写着驱逐已经安排好了。
“I really thought I was going to be put out,” she says.
“我真的以为我会被赶出去，”她说。
But process servers are required to give a brief description of an apartment’s door, and in Wilson’s case, Stephens said it was red.
但流程服务器需要对公寓的门进行简要描述，在威尔逊的案例中，斯蒂芬斯说门是红色的。
It is actually light brown, giving Wilson proof that the affidavit was wrong.
它实际上是浅棕色的，这向威尔逊证明了宣誓书是错误的。
The opposing lawyer agreed to vacate the default judgment, cancelling her family’s eviction and buying her a chance to fight the case.
对方律师同意撤销缺席判决，取消了对她家人的驱逐，并为她赢得了打官司的机会。
## The Students Left Behind by Remote Learning (Alec MacGillis, ProPublica)
## 远程学习留下的学生（Alec MacGillis，ProPublica）
“While we dutifully stayed home to flatten the curve, children like Shemar were invisible.” With historical perspective and interviews with teachers, educators, and public health experts, Alec MacGillis explains how disastrous school shutdowns are, especially for low-income and disadvantaged kids.
“当我们尽职尽责地呆在家里以拉平曲线时，像谢马尔这样的孩子却被忽视了。”亚历克·麦吉利斯（Alec MacGillis）通过历史视角以及对教师、教育工作者和公共卫生专家的采访，解释了学校停课带来的灾难性后果，尤其是对于低收入和弱势儿童而言。
MacGillis’ reporting focuses on the Baltimore school system — where Black and brown children make up 90% of the district’s 79,000 students — and reveals the devastating effects of online instruction on students like 12-year-old Shemar, whose family network is unable to support him day to day or help him navigate the technological tasks required to attend classes.
MacGillis 的报道重点关注巴尔的摩的学校系统（该地区 79,000 名学生中，黑人和棕色人种儿童占 90%），并揭示了在线教学对像 12 岁谢马尔这样的学生造成的毁灭性影响，他的家庭网络无法支持他日常工作，也无法帮助他完成上课所需的技术任务。
MacGillis lays bare the extreme inequalities in distance learning, and the overall sense of fear and distrust (combined with the lack of leadership and guidance from the government) that paralyzed officials amid the debate of reopening schools.
麦吉利斯揭露了远程学习中的极端不平等，以及在重新开放学校的辩论中使官员陷入瘫痪的整体恐惧和不信任感（加上政府缺乏领导和指导）。
It soon became clear that, even with the computer, this form of schooling wasn’t going to work for Shemar.
很快我们就发现，即使有了电脑，这种形式的学校教育对谢马尔来说也行不通。
He had a wireless connection at his grandmother’s house, but he spent some of his days at a row house, a mile to the southwest, that his mother had moved into, in one of her repeated efforts to establish a home for them.
他在祖母家有无线网络连接，但他在西南一英里的一栋联排别墅里度过了一些日子，他的母亲搬进了那里，她多次努力为他们建立一个家。
A few weeks earlier, a 21-year-old man had been killed a block away.
几周前，一名 21 岁男子在一个街区外被杀。
There was no internet, and when his mother called Comcast to ask about the free Wi-Fi it was offering to the families of Baltimore schoolchildren, she was told that a previous tenant had applied, so she couldn’t do so herself.
那里没有互联网，当他的母亲打电话给康卡斯特询问康卡斯特为巴尔的摩学童家庭提供的免费无线网络时，她被告知之前的房客已经申请了，所以她自己不能这样做。
It was a familiar situation for her: so often, when she made an effort on her son’s behalf, it foundered quickly in a bureaucratic dead end.The Remind app was another problem.
这对她来说是一种熟悉的情况：很多时候，当她为儿子做出努力时，事情很快就会陷入官僚主义的死胡同。提醒应用程序是另一个问题。
Shemar downloaded it on his phone, which had no cellular service but could be used with Wi-Fi.
Shemar 将其下载到他的手机上，该手机没有蜂窝服务，但可以通过 Wi-Fi 使用。
But, when his mother lost or broke her phone, she borrowed Shemar’s.
但是，当他母亲丢失或摔坏手机时，她借用了谢玛的手机。
He often missed the reminders about his daily classes or the links to access them, which might change from week to week.
他经常错过有关每日课程的提醒或访问这些课程的链接，这些提醒可能每周都会发生变化。
I had the app on my phone, and every few days I got a message from him asking me to send him the link and the schedule.
我的手机上有这个应用程序，每隔几天我就会收到他的一条消息，要求我向他发送链接和时间表。
It soon became clear that, even with the computer, this form of schooling wasn’t going to work for Shemar.
很快我们就发现，即使有了电脑，这种形式的学校教育对谢马尔来说也行不通。
He had a wireless connection at his grandmother’s house, but he spent some of his days at a row house, a mile to the southwest, that his mother had moved into, in one of her repeated efforts to establish a home for them.
他在祖母家有无线网络连接，但他在西南一英里的一栋联排别墅里度过了一些日子，他的母亲搬进了那里，她多次努力为他们建立一个家。
A few weeks earlier, a 21-year-old man had been killed a block away.
几周前，一名 21 岁男子在一个街区外被杀。
There was no internet, and when his mother called Comcast to ask about the free Wi-Fi it was offering to the families of Baltimore schoolchildren, she was told that a previous tenant had applied, so she couldn’t do so herself.
那里没有互联网，当他的母亲打电话给康卡斯特询问康卡斯特为巴尔的摩学童家庭提供的免费无线网络时，她被告知之前的房客已经申请了，所以她自己不能这样做。
It was a familiar situation for her: so often, when she made an effort on her son’s behalf, it foundered quickly in a bureaucratic dead end.
这种情况对她来说很熟悉：很多时候，当她为儿子做出努力时，事情很快就会陷入官僚主义的死胡同。
The Remind app was another problem.
提醒应用程序是另一个问题。
Shemar downloaded it on his phone, which had no cellular service but could be used with Wi-Fi.
Shemar 将其下载到他的手机上，该手机没有蜂窝服务，但可以通过 Wi-Fi 使用。
But, when his mother lost or broke her phone, she borrowed Shemar’s.
但是，当他母亲丢失或摔坏手机时，她借用了谢玛的手机。
He often missed the reminders about his daily classes or the links to access them, which might change from week to week.
他经常错过有关每日课程的提醒或访问这些课程的链接，这些提醒可能每周都会发生变化。
I had the app on my phone, and every few days I got a message from him asking me to send him the link and the schedule.
我的手机上有这个应用程序，每隔几天我就会收到他的一条消息，要求我向他发送链接和时间表。
## I Called Everyone in Jeffrey Epstein’s Little Black Book (Leland Nally, Mother Jones)
## 我给杰弗里·爱泼斯坦的小黑书里的每个人打电话（利兰·纳利、琼斯妈妈）
Jeffrey Epstein had an elite global network of friends, including celebrities, royalty, politicians, billionaires, and other powerful figures.
杰弗里·爱泼斯坦拥有一个全球精英朋友网络，其中包括名人、皇室成员、政客、亿万富翁和其他有权势的人物。
His 97-page book of contacts contains 1,571 names, about 5,000 phone numbers, and hundreds of emails and home addresses.
他的 97 页通讯录包含 1,571 个姓名、约 5,000 个电话号码以及数百封电子邮件和家庭地址。
Leland Nally got a hold of a copy and went on a quest to call everyone — making nearly 2,000 phone calls — and offers this wild, ultimately dark read about rich people, conspiracy theories, and Ghislaine Maxwell.
利兰·纳利 (Leland Nally) 拿到了一本，并开始给所有人打电话——打了近 2,000 个电话——并提供了这本关于富人、阴谋论和吉斯兰·麦克斯韦 (Ghislaine Maxwell) 的狂野且最终黑暗的读物。
(“In the course of my project,” writes Nally, “I would come to realize the little black book was Maxwell’s as much as it was Epstein’s.”)
（“在我的项目过程中，”纳利写道，“我逐渐意识到这本小黑书既是爱泼斯坦的，也是麦克斯韦的。”）
On one of our last phone calls, Julie broke down.
在我们最后一次通电话时，朱莉崩溃了。
It was late at night, and Julie, who tried to steer away from news about the Epstein case, had just watched the Netflix documentary Jeffrey Epstein: Filthy Rich.
当时已是深夜，朱莉试图避开有关爱泼斯坦案件的新闻，她刚刚观看了 Netflix 的纪录片《杰弗里·爱泼斯坦：肮脏的富豪》。
The documentary features several in-depth interviews with some of Epstein’s victims, and they each walk through the details of their assault at his hands.
这部纪录片对爱泼斯坦的一些受害者进行了多次深入采访，他们每个人都讲述了自己遭受爱泼斯坦袭击的细节。
The atrocities that Epstein committed and the scope of suffering he exacted on his victims had become real and undeniable.
爱泼斯坦犯下的暴行以及他给受害者造成的痛苦已经成为真实且不可否认的。
She wept as she recalled diary entries she’d read earlier in the day.
当她回忆起当天早些时候读过的日记时，她哭了。
“He was a monster—what he did was so sick, you know, and then I read my diary, and saw how nice he was when I was going through [a major family crisis] or a breakup or something, and it hurts to still miss that part of him,” Julie said.
“他是一个怪物——他所做的事情太恶心了，你知道，然后我读了我的日记，发现当我经历[重大家庭危机]或分手或其他什么事情时，他是多么友善，而且仍然想念他的那一部分，这很痛苦，”朱莉说。
“He was my friend.”
“他是我的朋友。”
The truth is that the elite world that Epstein ascended into, the one I tapped into by way of the black book, is populated with hordes of loathsome, boring, untalented people living their bumbling, idiotic lives while just so happening to wield some share of the preposterous global bounty that he and the rest were after.
事实是，爱泼斯坦所进入的精英世界，也就是我通过黑皮书进入的那个世界，充满了一群令人厌恶、无聊、无才的人，他们过着笨手笨脚、愚蠢的生活，而碰巧却掌握着他和其他人所追求的荒谬的全球赏金的一部分。
For all the mystery surrounding Epstein’s fortune, its existence is hardly more inscrutable than the wealth of any of his other billionaire peers.
尽管爱泼斯坦的财富充满了谜团，但它的存在并不比任何其他亿万富翁同行的财富更加神秘。
He earned it the same way they all did, which is to say precisely not at all.This wasn’t some masterful hack into the global aristocracy.
他以与其他人一样的方式赢得了这一荣誉，也就是说根本不是。这并不是对全球贵族的巧妙入侵。
It’s what everyone does.
这是每个人都会做的。
It’s what the whole thing is.
这就是整个事情的本质。
There is no scam here.
这里没有骗局。
It’s grifters grifting grifters all the way down.
这是骗子们一直在骗子。
The truth is that the elite world that Epstein ascended into, the one I tapped into by way of the black book, is populated with hordes of loathsome, boring, untalented people living their bumbling, idiotic lives while just so happening to wield some share of the preposterous global bounty that he and the rest were after.
事实是，爱泼斯坦所进入的精英世界，也就是我通过黑皮书进入的那个世界，充满了一群令人厌恶、无聊、无才的人，他们过着笨手笨脚、愚蠢的生活，而碰巧却掌握着他和其他人所追求的荒谬的全球赏金的一部分。
For all the mystery surrounding Epstein’s fortune, its existence is hardly more inscrutable than the wealth of any of his other billionaire peers.
尽管爱泼斯坦的财富充满了谜团，但它的存在并不比任何其他亿万富翁同行的财富更加神秘。
He earned it the same way they all did, which is to say precisely not at all.
他和其他人一样赢得了这个称号，也就是说根本没有。
This wasn’t some masterful hack into the global aristocracy.
这并不是对全球贵族的巧妙攻击。
It’s what everyone does.
这是每个人都会做的。
It’s what the whole thing is.
这就是整个事情的本质。
There is no scam here.
这里没有骗局。
It’s grifters grifting grifters all the way down.
这是骗子们一直在骗子。
## 30 Years Ago, Romania Deprived Thousands of Babies of Human Contact (Melissa Fay Greene, The Atlantic)
## 30 年前，罗马尼亚剥夺了数千名婴儿与人接触的权利（Melissa Fay Greene，《大西洋月刊》）
In 1990, “child gulags” were discovered in Romania: orphanages built under the rule of its last Communist dictator, Nicolae Ceaușescu, in which 170,000 abandoned babies and kids were being raised — lying alone and unwanted, day after day, week after week, year after year.
1990 年，罗马尼亚发现了“儿童古拉格集中营”：在最后一位共产主义独裁者尼古拉·齐奥塞斯库 (Nicolae Ceauşescu) 的统治下建立的孤儿院，其中抚养着 170,000 名被遗弃的婴儿和儿童——他们日复一日、周复一周、年复一年地独自躺在无人照顾的地方。
Melissa Fay Greene writes about this forgotten generation of Romanian children, and asks a crucial question: “Can a person unloved in childhood learn to love?” Izidor Ruckel is one of these children, adopted by the Ruckel family in San Diego when he was a boy and now — at 39 — living an independent, mostly solitary life in the exurbs of Denver.
梅丽莎·费伊·格林 (Melissa Fay Greene) 描写了这一代被遗忘的罗马尼亚儿童，并提出了一个关键问题：“童年时不受爱的人能否学会去爱？”伊齐多·鲁克尔 (Izidor Ruckel) 就是其中之一，小时候被圣地亚哥的鲁克尔 (Ruckel) 家庭收养，现在 39 岁了，在丹佛郊区过着独立、孤独的生活。
While it hasn’t been an easy road for Izidor, he is “a success story among the survivors of Ceauşescu’s institutions,” writes Greene, and his journey offers a glimpse into the post-institutionalized life of one of these children.
格林写道，虽然伊齐多尔的道路并不平坦，但他是“齐奥塞斯库制度幸存者中的一个成功故事”，他的旅程让我们得以一睹其中一个孩子在制度化后的生活。
Like all the boys and girls who lived in the hospital for “irrecoverables,” Izidor was served nearly inedible, watered-down food at long tables where naked children on benches banged their tin bowls.
和所有因“无法康复”而住在医院的男孩和女孩一样，伊齐多尔在长桌上吃到了几乎无法食用的淡味食物，长桌上赤身裸体的孩子们敲打着他们的锡碗。
He grew up in overcrowded rooms where his fellow orphans endlessly rocked, or punched themselves in the face, or shrieked.
他在拥挤的房间里长大，他的孤儿同伴们不停地摇晃，或者打自己的脸，或者尖叫。
Out-of-control children were dosed with adult tranquilizers, administered through unsterilized needles, while many who fell ill received transfusions of unscreened blood.
失控的儿童通过未经消毒的针头服用成人镇静剂，而许多生病的儿童则接受未经筛查的输血。
Hepatitis B and HIV/AIDS ravaged the Romanian orphanages.Izidor was destined to spend the rest of his childhood in this building, to exit the gates only at 18, at which time, if he were thoroughly incapacitated, he’d be transferred to a home for old men; if he turned out to be minimally functional, he’d be evicted to make his way on the streets.
乙型肝炎和艾滋病毒/艾滋病肆虐罗马尼亚孤儿院。伊齐多尔注定要在这栋大楼里度过余下的童年，直到18岁才走出大门，那时，如果他完全丧失行为能力，他就会被转移到老人院；如果他的功能被证明是最低限度的，他就会被驱逐，流落街头。
Odds were high that he wouldn’t survive that long, that the boy with the shriveled leg would die in childhood, malnourished, shivering, unloved.
他很有可能活不了那么久，那个腿干瘪的男孩会在童年时期死去，营养不良，瑟瑟发抖，无人爱护。
Like all the boys and girls who lived in the hospital for “irrecoverables,” Izidor was served nearly inedible, watered-down food at long tables where naked children on benches banged their tin bowls.
和所有因“无法康复”而住在医院的男孩和女孩一样，伊齐多尔在长桌上吃到了几乎无法食用的淡味食物，长桌上赤身裸体的孩子们敲打着他们的锡碗。
He grew up in overcrowded rooms where his fellow orphans endlessly rocked, or punched themselves in the face, or shrieked.
他在拥挤的房间里长大，他的孤儿同伴们不停地摇晃，或者打自己的脸，或者尖叫。
Out-of-control children were dosed with adult tranquilizers, administered through unsterilized needles, while many who fell ill received transfusions of unscreened blood.
失控的儿童通过未经消毒的针头服用成人镇静剂，而许多生病的儿童则接受未经筛查的输血。
Hepatitis B and HIV/AIDS ravaged the Romanian orphanages.
乙型肝炎和艾滋病毒/艾滋病肆虐罗马尼亚孤儿院。
Izidor was destined to spend the rest of his childhood in this building, to exit the gates only at 18, at which time, if he were thoroughly incapacitated, he’d be transferred to a home for old men; if he turned out to be minimally functional, he’d be evicted to make his way on the streets.
伊齐多尔注定要在这栋楼里度过余下的童年，18岁时才走出大门，届时，如果他完全丧失行为能力，他就会被转移到老人院；如果他的功能被证明是最低限度的，他就会被驱逐，流落街头。
Odds were high that he wouldn’t survive that long, that the boy with the shriveled leg would die in childhood, malnourished, shivering, unloved.
他很有可能活不了那么久，那个腿干瘪的男孩会在童年时期死去，营养不良，瑟瑟发抖，无人爱护。
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