Grave Mistakes: The History and Future of Chile’s ‘Disappeared'
I n August of 2023, as the 50th anniversary of Augusto Pinochet’s bloody 1973 coup d’état drew near, President Gabriel Boric of Chile stood before the presidential palace in downtown Santiago and spoke about memory.
2023 年 8 月，奥古斯托·皮诺切特 1973 年血腥政变 50 周年临近，智利总统加布里埃尔·博里奇站在圣地亚哥市中心的总统府前谈论记忆。
“During these days in which there are people who dare to deny all of this,” he said in Spanish, referring to the country’s rising denialism of Pinochet’s spate of crimes, “how do you respond to those people who invite us to forget?”
“如今，有人敢于否认这一切，”他用西班牙语说道，指的是该国对皮诺切特一系列罪行的否认态度日益高涨，“你如何回应那些邀请我们忘记这一切的人？”
The question wasn’t merely rhetorical.
这个问题不仅仅是修辞性的。
Beneath a wide canopy blocking the midday sun, a few hundred people — relatives of Pinochet’s victims, journalists, a coterie of government officials — had gathered to hear Boric unveil his administration’s response: The Plan Nacional de Búsqueda, or National Search Plan, a highly anticipated initiative harnessing new technologies and scientific techniques to uncover the remains of Chileans abducted and likely killed as part of Pinochet’s infamous, post-coup crackdown.
在遮挡正午阳光的宽大天篷下，数百人——皮诺切特受害者的亲属、记者、一小群政府官员——聚集在一起，聆听博里克公布他的政府的回应：国家搜索计划，即国家搜索计划，这是一项备受期待的计划，利用新技术和科学方法来发现在皮诺切特臭名昭著的政变后镇压中被绑架和可能被杀害的智利人的遗骸。
More than 1,000 victims of such enforced disappearance have never been found.
超过1000名此类强迫失踪的受害者至今仍未找到。
Of those who disappeared, Boric said, “we want to recover their stories to be able to reconstruct our own, because when we forget, we also lose a fragment of ourselves, of what we can be.”
对于那些失踪的人，博里克说，“我们希望恢复他们的故事，以便能够重建我们自己的故事，因为当我们忘记时，我们也失去了我们自己的一部分，失去了我们可以成为的人。”
“My memory,” he added, “is incomplete because I am missing the disappeared.”
“我的记忆，”他补充道，“是不完整的，因为我想念那些消失的人。”
The oratory was effective — tears flowed freely, and the occasional cry of “Que Viva Presidente Boric!” issued from the crowd.
演讲很有效——泪水肆意流淌，偶尔有人喊出“博里克总统万岁！”从人群中发出。
But for Flor Lazo, the president of the Association of Relatives of the Detained, Disappeared, and Executed of Paine, memory had never been a problem.
但对于潘恩被拘留、失踪和处决者亲属协会主席弗洛尔·拉佐来说，记忆从来都不是问题。
Her father, two brothers, and two uncles had been among the 70 people who were forcibly disappeared from Paine, a small agricultural area 30 miles south of Santiago, in the weeks following the coup — the worst per-capita case of repression of the entire dictatorship.
政变发生后的几周内，潘恩是圣地亚哥以南 30 英里的一个小农业区，共有 70 人被迫失踪，她的父亲、两个兄弟和两个叔叔就是其中之一。政变是整个独裁政权镇压人均规模最严重的一次。
For decades, Lazo, like so many others, had searched for her loved ones.
几十年来，拉佐和许多其他人一样，一直在寻找她所爱的人。
For her efforts, she had suffered maltreatment, indifference, and humiliating scientific blunders by the state, the last occurring after Pinochet’s reign had ended.
为了她的努力，她遭受了国家的虐待、冷漠和羞辱性的科学错误，最后一次发生在皮诺切特统治结束后。
As she sat in the front row listening, the betrayals cast a shadow over Boric’s lofty rhetoric.
当她坐在前排聆听时，这些背叛给博里克的高调言辞蒙上了阴影。
“Trust,” she had explained a few weeks prior, “is something that is very delicate.”
“信任，”她几周前解释道，“是一种非常微妙的东西。”
Although Boric’s National Search Plan is the largest and most ambitious official effort to date, it is not the first.
尽管博里克的国家搜索计划是迄今为止规模最大、最雄心勃勃的官方行动，但这并不是第一个。
With the country’s return to democracy in 1990, scientists and medical professionals, both independent and state-affiliated, began investigating the mass graves that appeared in the dictatorship’s wake.
随着该国于 1990 年回归民主，独立和国家附属的科学家和医疗专业人员开始调查独裁统治后出现的乱葬坑。
The investigations often employed the techniques and methodologies of a scientific discipline — forensic anthropology — that was new in Chile, taught by foreign scientists as the most effective method of investigating mass atrocity.
这些调查经常采用科学学科——法医人类学——的技术和方法，这在智利是新的，由外国科学家教授，作为调查大规模暴行的最有效方法。
Many of Chile’s earliest forensic anthropology researchers entered the discipline because of their own personal experiences with Pinochet’s violence — some had themselves been imprisoned, tortured, or forced into exile, while others had lost loved ones.
许多智利最早的法医人类学研究人员进入该学科是因为他们亲身经历了皮诺切特的暴力行为——有些人自己曾被监禁、折磨或被迫流放，而另一些人则失去了亲人。
They viewed the work, much like Boric does today, as an obligation to the dead, and as a repudiation of Pinochet’s attempts at historical erasure.
他们将这部作品视为对死者的义务，就像今天的博里克一样，也是对皮诺切特抹除历史企图的否定。
But in the cauldron of vying political and social pressures in post-dictatorship Chile, the idealism and conviction of the newly trained forensic anthropologists and archeologists often clashed with the state’s own forensic unit, the Servicio Médico Legal, or SML, ultimately culminating in disaster.
但在后独裁智利的政治和社会压力的竞争中，新训练的法医人类学家和考古学家的理想主义和信念经常与该国自己的法医部门——Servicio Médico Legal（SML）发生冲突，最终导致灾难。
A series of scientific errors in the 1990s led to mistaken identifications for many of the bodies, sparking an investigation that would reveal ineptitude, unprofessionalism, and a string of ethically questionable decisions.
20 世纪 90 年代的一系列科学错误导致对许多尸体的鉴定出现错误，引发了一项调查，揭露了不称职、不专业和一系列道德上有问题的决定。
For many of the affected relatives, the impact was seismic, forever altering their relationship to science, the state, and the notion of truth itself.
对于许多受影响的亲属来说，影响是巨大的，永远改变了他们与科学、国家以及真理本身概念的关系。
Now, as the state once again embarks on a concerted effort to find the victims, the ghosts of its past have reawakened.
现在，当国家再次齐心协力寻找遇难者时，过去的幽灵又被唤醒了。
The SML, which by Chilean law must play a central role in the new forensic effort, is now widely despised and distrusted.
根据智利法律，SML 必须在新的法医工作中发挥核心作用，但现在却受到广泛的蔑视和不信任。
At a meeting for the National Search Plan in July of 2023, one government official sarcastically remarked that SML representatives could not attend “because they would have vegetables thrown at them.” But despite her doubts, Lazo has chosen to throw her support behind the plan.
在 2023 年 7 月举行的国家搜索计划会议上，一名政府官员讽刺地表示，SML 代表无法参加，“因为他们会被扔蔬菜”。尽管心存疑虑，拉佐还是选择支持该计划。
Keenly aware of an ascendant right that could take power this year, Lazo views the plan as perhaps the last opportunity for many of her generation — the last living generation to have experienced the post-coup violence directly — to gain closure.
拉佐敏锐地意识到今年可能会掌权的右翼势力，她认为该计划可能是她这一代人（直接经历政变后暴力的最后一代人）获得结束的最后机会。
At the same meeting where SML officials were unwelcome, Lazo had addressed the group: “We’re in a tremendously critical moment politically,” she said.
在同一次 SML 官员不受欢迎的会议上，拉佐向大家发表讲话：“我们正处于政治上的一个极其关键的时刻，”她说。
“We have to assume also that maybe in two more years, we won’t be able to talk about this.
“我们还必须假设，也许再过两年，我们将无法谈论这个问题。
But we have to keep fighting.”
但我们必须继续战斗。”
For Lazo, it has been a lifetime of fighting.
对于拉佐来说，这是一生的战斗。
Several weeks after Boric’s announcement, she sat in the dining room of her home in Buin, near Paine, her arms folded across a dark oak table — the same table, she explained, over which her family had enjoyed their final meal together all those years ago.
博里克宣布这一消息几周后，她坐在潘恩附近布因家中的餐厅里，双臂交叉放在一张深色橡木桌子上——她解释说，多年前她的家人在这张桌子上一起享用了最后一顿饭。
She was 15 years old the night her father and brothers were taken.
她的父亲和兄弟被带走的那天晚上，她 15 岁。
Now she is 66.
现在她66岁了。
Speaking softly, her eyes smoldering, she leaned forward and began to describe those 50 years: armed men with faces painted black, anguished crowds, a skeleton on an aluminum tray, a shattered grave.
她轻声说话，眼睛冒烟，身体前倾，开始描述那五十年：脸被涂成黑色的武装人员、痛苦的人群、铝托盘上的骷髅、破碎的坟墓。
“A long, long, long, long road,” she said, “in search of the truth.”
“寻找真理的路很长、很长、很长、很长。”她说。
B efore Pinochet’s takeover, the Lazo family lived a quiet and content life in Paine.
皮诺切特上台之前，拉佐一家在潘恩过着平静而充实的生活。
Flor Lazo’s father, Samuel, and older brothers, Samuel del Transito and Rodolfo, were farmers with the Nuevo Sendero agricultural syndicate, which had received land as part of recent reforms.
弗洛尔·拉佐 (Flor Lazo) 的父亲塞缪尔 (Samuel) 以及哥哥塞缪尔·德尔特兰西托 (Samuel del Transito) 和鲁道夫 (Rodolfo) 都是 Nuevo Sendero 农业集团的农民，该集团在最近的改革中获得了土地。
And although tensions had begun to simmer between the region’s farmers and its previous private landowners, life, for the most part, was peaceful.
尽管该地区的农民和以前的私人土地所有者之间的紧张关系已经开始加剧，但生活在很大程度上是平静的。
“Even with all of the limitations with farm life,” said Lazo, “we were happy.”
“尽管农场生活有种种限制，”拉佐说，“我们还是很高兴。”
The year preceding the coup was especially joyous.
政变前一年尤其令人高兴。
Rodolfo and a neighbor girl named Alejandrina had fallen in love, and were soon married in a large church in Paine.
鲁道夫和一位名叫亚历杭德丽娜的邻居女孩坠入爱河，并很快在潘恩的一座大教堂里结婚。
After the ceremony, the Lazos hosted a blowout party at their house, with some 60 guests singing and dancing cumbia to vinyl records.
仪式结束后，拉佐夫妇在家里举办了一场盛大的派对，大约 60 名嘉宾随着黑胶唱片载歌载舞。
And there was another thing to celebrate too: Alejandrina could not hide the bulge of her belly, which protruded visibly beneath her wedding gown.
还有另一件事值得庆祝：亚历杭德丽娜无法隐藏她隆起的腹部，在她的婚纱下明显突出。
Despite the merriment, however, Lazo’s cousin, Juana, remembers the wedding party with a tinge of sadness.
然而，尽管充满欢乐，拉佐的表弟胡安娜回忆起婚礼时却带着一丝悲伤。
It’s her only memory of the extended family all together.
这是她对这个大家庭唯一的记忆。
“A while after that,” she said, “our family started disappearing.”
“不久之后，”她说，“我们的家人开始失踪。”
Just days after the coup, a brutal wave of repression engulfed Paine; civilians were beaten, abducted, and worse.
政变几天后，潘恩遭到残酷镇压的浪潮席卷。平民遭到殴打、绑架，甚至更糟。
By mid-October, dozens of men, most of them affiliated with the agricultural syndicates, had been taken from the various settlements of the area.
到十月中旬，该地区各个定居点已有数十名男子被带走，其中大多数人隶属于农业集团。
Some were released.
一些人被释放。
A few turned up dead — among them, Lazo’s uncle, Raúl, whose mutilated body was discovered in the nearby Collipeumo River.
有几人被发现死亡，其中包括拉佐的叔叔劳尔，他残缺不全的尸体在附近的科利皮乌莫河被发现。
Many more, however, simply vanished.
然而，还有更多的人就这样消失了。
A few hours before sunrise on Oct.
10 月 10 日日出前几个小时。
16, 1973, Flor Lazo recalls, her family awoke to the sound of rifle butts smashing against their wooden door.
弗洛尔·拉佐回忆说，1973 年 1 月 16 日，她的家人被枪托撞击木门的声音吵醒。
Men wearing military fatigues, their faces painted black, entered the house and dragged Flor’s father and brothers out to the street, where a truck idled in the darkness.
穿着军装、脸涂成黑色的男人走进屋子，把弗洛尔的父亲和兄弟拖到街上，一辆卡车在黑暗中闲逛。
Rodolfo’s face was white with fear as he left Alejandrina and their newborn baby, Beatriz, behind, Lazo recalled.
拉佐回忆说，当鲁道夫把亚历杭德里娜和刚出生的婴儿比阿特丽斯留在身后时，他的脸因恐惧而变得苍白。
She tried to follow them out the door, but her father, from somewhere out in the darkness, asked her to go back inside.
她试图跟着他们走出门，但她的父亲在黑暗中的某个地方让她回去。
The next day Lazo, her mother, and family members of another 19 men taken the same night began to search.
第二天，拉佐、她的母亲以及当晚被抓获的另外 19 名男子的家人开始搜寻。
They inquired at the nearby San Bernardo School of Infantry but were turned away.
他们向附近的圣贝尔纳多步兵学校询问，但遭到拒绝。
Then, they began making daily trips to Santiago, figuring the men could be incarcerated at the National Stadium, the capital’s colossal sports complex, which the regime had converted into a prison camp.
然后，他们开始每天前往圣地亚哥，认为这些人可能会被关押在国家体育场，这是首都的大型体育场馆，但政权已将其改建为战俘营。
The scenes there often turned chaotic, as guards repelled crowds of similarly anguished relatives, sometimes resorting to beatings.
那里的场景经常变得混乱，警卫驱赶一群同样痛苦的亲属，有时甚至诉诸殴打。
Each night, Lazo and the older women would return to Paine empty-handed, exhausted, and heartbroken.
每天晚上，拉佐和年长的妇女都会空手返回潘恩，疲惫不堪，心碎不已。
The search continued for weeks, then months, then years.
搜寻持续了数周、数月、数年。
Despite their perseverance, however, it was fruitless.
然而，尽管他们坚持不懈，却毫无结果。
“Nothing, nothing, nothing,” said Lazo.
“没什么，没什么，没什么，”拉佐说。
“It was as if the earth had just swallowed them whole.”
“就好像大地刚刚将他们整个吞没了。”
When the regime did mention the disappeared, it was to try to erase them from history.
当该政权确实提及失踪者时，是试图将他们从历史中抹去。
“Many of the presumed dead have no legal existence,” one official reportedly told the United Nations in 1975.
据报道，一名官员 1975 年告诉联合国，“许多推定死亡者并不合法存在”。
Victims such as Lazo’s relatives, the regime seemed to suggest, were mere phantoms of their imaginations.
该政权似乎暗示，像拉佐的亲属这样的受害者只是他们想象中的幻影。
For years, through the courts, the government ministries, and the secret police, Pinochet maintained a culture of denial and secrecy.
多年来，皮诺切特通过法院、政府部门和秘密警察维持着一种否认和保密的文化。
But if the dictator and his functionaries refused to speak, their victims — even from beyond the veil of death — refused to remain silent.
但如果独裁者和他的官员拒绝说话，他们的受害者——即使是在死亡的面纱之外——也拒绝保持沉默。
T he first of the Pinochet regime’s mass graves was discovered on Nov.
皮诺切特政权的第一个乱葬坑于 11 月 11 日被发现。
30, 1978, when an elderly man came across 15 skeletons hidden in an abandoned lime kiln some 12 miles northwest of Paine.
1978 年 12 月 30 日，一位老人在潘恩西北约 12 英里处的一个废弃石灰窑里发现了 15 具骷髅。
The following year, a second mass burial site, holding 19 sets of remains, was found in a cemetery in Yumbel, a city some 300 miles south of the capital.
次年，在距首都以南约 300 英里的云贝尔市的一个墓地中发现了第二处集体墓地，内有 19 具遗骸。
Meaningful investigations of such sites were thwarted by Pinochet’s military courts, however, while other mass graves were clandestinely exhumed by the regime, which incinerated the remains or threw them from helicopters into the sea or elsewhere.
然而，对这些地点的有意义的调查遭到了皮诺切特军事法庭的阻挠，而其他乱葬坑则被该政权秘密挖掘出来，焚烧遗骸或将其从直升机上扔进大海或其他地方。
Still, the bodies provided a stark corrective to the regime’s denials.
尽管如此，这些尸体还是对该政权的否认做出了鲜明的纠正。
Forensic anthropology did not yet exist as a discipline in Chile, however, and many of those who would later pioneer it were still students in the 1970s and early 80s.
然而，法医人类学作为一门学科在智利尚不存在，许多后来开创这一学科的人仍然是 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代初的学生。
Several were themselves victims of the types of abuses they would later investigate.
其中一些人本身就是此类虐待行为的受害者，他们随后对此进行了调查。
Iván Cáceres, for instance, before studying archaeology at the University of Chile, witnessed his mother and countless friends arrested by the regime, and he himself went into hiding.
例如，伊万·卡塞雷斯（Iván Cáceres）在进入智利大学学习考古学之前，亲眼目睹了他的母亲和无数朋友被政权逮捕，而他自己则躲藏起来。
“I had an environment that was very hard hit by the dictatorship,” he said.
“我所处的环境受到独裁政权的严重打击，”他说。
Similarly, Isabel Reveco, an anthropology student at the University of Chile, came from a politically active, anti-Pinochet family.
同样，智利大学人类学学生伊莎贝尔·雷维科也来自一个政治活跃、反皮诺切特的家庭。
By 1981, she and three of her six siblings had been detained by the regime, and many had been tortured.
到 1981 年，她和六个兄弟姐妹中的三个被当局拘留，许多人遭受酷刑。
A family friend was abducted on Oct.
10 月 10 日，一位家庭朋友被绑架。
17, 1977, and never returned.
1977年12月17日，再也没有回来。
“I became a forensic anthropologist to look for her,” said Reveco.
“我成为一名法医人类学家来寻找她，”雷维科说。
“Just for that.”
“就是为了这个。”
The search continued for weeks, then months, then years.
搜寻持续了数周、数月、数年。
Despite their perseverance, however, it was fruitless.
然而，尽管他们坚持不懈，却毫无结果。
In neighboring Argentina, in the mid-1980s, a forensic anthropologist from the United States named Clyde Snow had begun to adapt the field, which previously had consisted mostly of lab-based bone analysis, to cases of human rights abuses and mass atrocity.
20 世纪 80 年代中期，在邻国阿根廷，一位名叫克莱德·斯诺 (Clyde Snow) 的美国法医人类学家开始将这个以前主要由基于实验室的骨骼分析组成的领域应用于侵犯人权和大规模暴行的案件。
“He realized that he needed to be at the gravesite,” said Dennis Dirkmaat, chair of the Department of Applied Forensic Sciences at Mercyhurst University in Pennsylvania.
“他意识到他需要去墓地，”宾夕法尼亚州梅西赫斯特大学应用法医学系主任丹尼斯·德克马特说。
“He was trained in archaeology, and so he would be one of the first, certainly in this human rights environment, to talk with the families and go to the gravesite.” In 1984, Snow trained a team of young Argentine graduate students to investigate the crimes of the military dictatorship in that country, which had ended in 1983.
“他接受过考古学培训，因此他肯定是在这种人权环境下，成为第一批与家人交谈并前往墓地的人之一。” 1984年，斯诺训练了一支年轻的阿根廷研究生团队，调查该国1983年结束的军事独裁政权的罪行。
And in the late 1980s, at the request of the relatives of the missing, Snow began training people as part of a similar effort in Chile.
20 世纪 80 年代末，应失踪人员亲属的要求，斯诺开始对人员进行培训，作为智利类似工作的一部分。
Cáceres and Reveco, as well as several others, soon joined.
卡塞雷斯和雷维科以及其他几个人很快也加入了。
The Group of Forensic Anthropologists, or GAF, began with a period of specialized training under Snow.
法医人类学家小组（GAF）在斯诺的指导下开始了一段时间的专门培训。
The method he taught was an amalgamation of archaeology, physical anthropology, odontology, anatomy, osteology, and more.
他教授的方法融合了考古学、体质人类学、牙科学、解剖学、骨学等。
Among Snow’s innovations, said Dirkmaat, was an emphasis on interpreting signs of trauma in skeletons, as well as analyzing the setting and context in which bones are found.
德克马特说，斯诺的创新之一是强调解释骨骼中的创伤迹象，以及分析骨骼被发现的环境和背景。
“He’s like 30 years ahead,” said Luis Cabo-Perez, a forensic anthropologist at Mercyhurst who works closely with Dirkmaat.
“他好像领先了 30 年，”与德克马特密切合作的梅西赫斯特法医人类学家路易斯·卡博-佩雷斯 (Luis Cabo-Perez) 说。
“He had all these modern conceptions of forensic anthropology.”
“他拥有法医人类学的所有这些现代概念。”
The aim of the work, of course, was to uncover the identities and circumstances of death of victims of mass atrocity.
当然，这项工作的目的是揭露大规模暴行受害者的身份和死亡情况。
To do that, forensic anthropologists developed two sets of reports.
为此，法医人类学家编写了两套报告。
The first, called the antemortem report, contained information about the life of a potential victim — medical and dental records, interviews with family members, photographs.
第一份称为死前报告，包含有关潜在受害者生活的信息——医疗和牙科记录、对家庭成员的采访、照片。
The second, called a postmortem report, involved detailed analysis of skeletal remains — determining height, approximate age, sex, signs of trauma, markers of disease.
第二份报告称为尸检报告，涉及对骨骼遗骸的详细分析——确定身高、大致年龄、性别、创伤迹象、疾病标志。
Then, the two sets of reports were compared, looking for points of overlap.
然后，对两组报告进行比较，寻找重叠点。
A gold filling in the tooth of a skeleton, for example, could match a dental record.
例如，骨骼牙齿中的黄金填充物可以与牙科记录相匹配。
A long-healed femur fracture could dovetail with reports that the victim had once broken their leg in a motorcycle crash.
长期愈合的股骨骨折可能与受害者曾经在摩托车事故中摔断腿的报道相符。
Osteoporosis could indicate alcoholism, stained teeth could point to a smoker.
骨质疏松症可能表明酗酒，牙齿染色可能表明吸烟者。
It was the forensic anthropologist’s job to search for multiple points of concurrence.
法医人类学家的工作就是寻找多个一致点。
“All that data is in the bones,” said Cáceres.
“所有这些数据都在骨头里，”卡塞雷斯说。
But in adapting the field to cases of mass killing, unforeseen challenges also emerged.
但在使该领域适应大规模屠杀案件的过程中，也出现了不可预见的挑战。
For example, state violence would often target people within similar demographic groups.
例如，国家暴力通常会针对类似人口群体的人。
“In Chile or Argentina, like the desaparecidos, you have a lot of, for example, students, college students and so on, so very similar physical or biological profiles,” said Cabo-Perez, which made it more difficult to tease out specific identities.
卡博-佩雷斯说：“在智利或阿根廷，像失控者一样，有很多人，例如学生、大学生等，他们的身体或生物学特征非常相似，”这使得弄清楚具体身份变得更加困难。
Additionally, whereas forensic anthropologists in other contexts collaborated closely with law enforcement to obtain information about victims, that was impossible in Argentina and Chile — the police were often themselves responsible for the disappearances.
此外，虽然法医人类学家在其他情况下与执法部门密切合作以获取有关受害者的信息，但这在阿根廷和智利是不可能的——警察本身往往对失踪负责。
This forced the forensic anthropology teams to instead work closely with the families of the missing, which, according to Dirkmaat and Cabo-Perez, could introduce the possibility of bias.
这迫使法医人类学团队转而与失踪者家属密切合作，根据德克马特和卡波-佩雷斯的说法，这可能会带来偏见的可能性。
“If you talk with a couple of parents who are like, they don’t know what happened to their kid or their daughter and they are in very bad shape and have come to you, the next set of remains you examine in the lab, you’re going to want them to be that person that they’re missing,” said Cabo-Perez.
卡博-佩雷斯说：“如果你和一对父母交谈，他们不知道自己的孩子或女儿发生了什么事，而且他们的情况非常糟糕，所以来找你，当你在实验室检查下一组遗骸时，你会希望他们就是他们失踪的那个人。”
“It’s almost unavoidable.” Dirkmaat agreed, adding that “those are the worst errors that we could make in this scientific discipline.” But in Chile in the late 1980s, concerns over bias were perhaps less well-understood than they are now.
“这几乎是不可避免的。”德克马特对此表示同意，并补充说“这是我们在这个科学学科中可能犯的最严重的错误。”但在 20 世纪 80 年代末的智利，人们对偏见的担忧可能不像现在那么容易被理解。
According to Reveco, close working relationships with the families were central to the method: “We were at their service,” she said.
根据雷维科的说法，与家人的密切工作关系是该方法的核心：“我们为他们服务，”她说。
While the GAF was training in the techniques of forensic anthropology, an unprecedented groundswell of hope had swept Chile: The end of Pinochet’s reign was in sight.
当GAF正在进行法医人类学技术培训时，智利掀起了前所未有的希望浪潮：皮诺切特统治的终结已在眼前。
In Paine, Lazo and her family greeted the news of the dictator’s defeat in a 1988 presidential referendum with jubilation and hope.
在潘恩，拉佐和她的家人满怀喜悦和希望迎接独裁者在 1988 年总统公投中失败的消息。
“I got up from my bed, I remember, and I hugged my mom,” she said.
“我记得，我从床上站起来，拥抱了我的妈妈，”她说。
“And I hugged my sister.
“然后我拥抱了我的妹妹。
And I told her, crying, I said that we were going to know about our family, because in democracy, we were going to know the truth.
我哭着告诉她，我说我们会了解我们的家庭，因为在民主国家，我们会了解真相。
And we were going to have justice.”
我们将会得到正义。”
Justice would prove to be elusive.
正义将被证明是难以捉摸的。
Still, when Pinochet finally stepped down from the presidency on March 11, 1990, human rights groups perceived an opportunity to launch serious, unfettered investigations into the regime’s crimes.
尽管如此，当皮诺切特最终于 1990 年 3 月 11 日辞去总统职务时，人权组织认为有机会对该政权的罪行进行认真、不受约束的调查。
And all eyes fell on one site in particular: a small section of Santiago’s General Cemetery, called Patio 29, which for years had been rumored to contain hundreds of victims.
所有的目光都集中在一个地点：圣地亚哥将军公墓的一小部分，名为“Patio 29”，多年来一直有传言称这里埋藏着数百名遇难者。
T he cemetery is vast and quiet, walled off from the clamor of Santiago’s bustling streets.
墓地广阔而安静，与圣地亚哥繁华街道的喧嚣隔绝。
Towering trees line the wide avenues between tombs, and everywhere regal mausoleums rise to honor Chile’s luminaries.
坟墓之间宽阔的大道两旁排列着参天大树，随处可见皇家陵墓矗立着，以纪念智利的杰出人物。
But further back, the tombs become gradually less ornate, giving way to a series of open, grassy plots marked with jagged iron crosses.
但更远的地方，坟墓逐渐变得不那么华丽，取而代之的是一系列开阔的草地，上面标有锯齿状的铁十字架。
Santiago’s forgotten are buried there — the impoverished, the unknown, and unclaimed.
圣地亚哥被遗忘的人都埋葬在那里——贫困的人、未知的人、无人认领的人。
And it was there, in an area designated Patio 29, that Pinochet’s regime disposed of many of its victims.
正是在那里，在一个被指定为“29 号露台”的区域，皮诺切特政权处置了许多受害者。
In 1991, a judge in Santiago named Andrés Contreras, responding to a complaint filed by a human rights group, ordered the excavation of Patio 29.
1991 年，圣地亚哥一位名叫安德烈斯·孔特雷拉斯 (Andrés Contreras) 的法官在回应人权组织提出的申诉后，下令挖掘 Patio 29。
He chose Reveco and Cáceres of the GAF to lead the dig.
他选择了 GAF 的雷维科和卡塞雷斯来领导挖掘工作。
It was an enormous responsibility for the still-green GAF, and the attention of the entire country turned toward them as they began to work.
对于仍处于绿色状态的 GAF 来说，这是一项巨大的责任，当他们开始工作时，整个国家的注意力都转向了他们。
During the first two weeks of September, the team exhumed 106 graves, which contained 125 sets of human remains.
9 月的前两周，团队挖掘了 106 个坟墓，其中包含 125 具人类遗骸。
(A few years later one more skeleton was exhumed.) The caskets, some of which contained multiple bodies, had collapsed, requiring the scientists to carefully remove the dirt and shards of wood surrounding the bones.
（几年后，又挖出了一具骸骨。）棺材已经倒塌，其中一些棺材里装有多具尸体，需要科学家小心地清除骨头周围的泥土和木头碎片。
Bullets, left behind after soft-tissue had decomposed, lay strewn among the skeletons.
软组织分解后留下的子弹散落在骷髅中间。
“It was a very hard job, very sad to do,” Cáceres said, “because we were taking from the past and bringing to the present all this horror that occurred.”
卡塞雷斯说：“这是一项非常艰难的工作，做起来非常悲伤，因为我们正在回顾过去，并将所发生的所有这些恐怖带到现在。”
After the exhumations, the remains were transferred to the SML morgue, and the long process of identification began.
挖掘完毕后，遗体被转移到SML太平间，漫长的身份鉴定过程开始了。
Both the GAF and the SML carried out analyses of the skeletons, the teams working separately but in parallel at the SML’s headquarters.
GAF 和 SML 都对骨架进行了分析，两个团队在 SML 总部分开但并行工作。
From the outset, the work encountered obstacles — the antemortem reports often contained unhelpful information and the skeletons, mostly from men between ages 25 and 40, were difficult to distinguish.
从一开始，这项工作就遇到了障碍——生前报告往往包含无用的信息，而且骨骼大多来自 25 岁至 40 岁之间的男性，很难区分。
A series of professional rivalries and grudges also complicated matters.
一系列的职业竞争和恩怨也让事情变得复杂起来。
Reveco, Cáceres, and the other members of the GAF shared a widespread distrust of the SML, who many viewed as complicit in covering up crimes from the dictatorship.
雷维科、卡塞雷斯和 GAF 的其他成员都对 SML 普遍不信任，许多人认为 SML 是掩盖独裁政权罪行的同谋。
And although a new director had been appointed, many of the Pinochet-era personnel remained, leading to a rancorous atmosphere.
尽管任命了新主任，但许多皮诺切特时代的人员仍然留任，导致充满敌意的气氛。
Increasingly, too, there were tensions within the GAF.
GAF 内部的紧张局势也日益加剧。
As the skeletal analysis dragged on for months and then years, members of the organization left to pursue other endeavors.
随着骨骼分析持续数月甚至数年，该组织的成员离开去追求其他事业。
Fewer human-rights cases were appearing, and funding was running thin.
人权案件越来越少，资金也越来越少。
Cáceres felt the group should venture into historical and non-human-rights-related criminal cases, but Reveco opposed this.
卡塞雷斯认为该组织应该冒险介入历史性和非人权相关的刑事案件，但雷维科反对这一点。
They began to clash over the future of the organization.
他们开始围绕组织的未来发生冲突。
As tensions came to a head within the GAF, Reveco made the decision to leave the organization.
随着 GAF 内部的紧张局势达到顶峰，雷维科决定离开该组织。
Shortly after, she received a surprising offer: A forensic doctor at the SML, Patricia Hernández, was forming a new identification unit, and she wanted Reveco to join.
不久之后，她收到了一份令人惊讶的邀请：SML 的法医帕特里夏·埃尔南德斯 (Patricia Hernández) 正在组建一个新的鉴定小组，她希望雷维科加入。
At first, Reveco recalled, the idea seemed ridiculous.
雷维科回忆说，起初，这个想法似乎很荒谬。
It felt like going into the SML “was like treason,” she said.
她说，进入 SML 感觉“就像叛国”。
Still, many families of the disappeared implored her to join, so that they would have someone they could trust within the SML.
尽管如此，许多失踪者的家人恳求她加入，这样他们就能在 SML 中找到一个可以信任的人。
Reveco ultimately agreed, causing a rift with Cáceres, who saw the move as a disappointment.
雷维科最终同意了，这引起了与卡塞雷斯的裂痕，卡塞雷斯认为此举令人失望。
Upon Reveco’s arrival in 1994, the SML accelerated the pace of identifications of the Patio 29 bodies, work that had previously been undertaken by both the GAF and SML teams.
1994 年 Reveco 到来后，SML 加快了对 Patio 29 尸体进行识别的步伐，这项工作此前由 GAF 和 SML 团队共同承担。
(The GAF ceased recommending IDs to the judge in late 1993.) With each possible match, the SML team informed Judge Contreras, who was responsible for rendering a final judgement on the match and ordering delivery of the remains to relatives.
（GAF 于 1993 年底停止向法官推荐身份证件。）对于每场可能的比赛，SML 团队都会通知孔特雷拉斯法官，后者负责对比赛做出最终判决并下令将遗体交给亲属。
In this manner, during the mid and late 1990s, dozens of bodies were identified and delivered to families all over Chile for reburial.
通过这种方式，在 90 年代中后期，数十具尸体被辨认出来并运送给智利各地的家庭重新埋葬。
One day near the end of 1994, Flor Lazo was sitting in her living room watching television when the phone rang.
1994 年年底的一天，弗洛尔·拉佐 (Flor Lazo) 正坐在客厅里看电视，电话铃响了。
It was Isabel Reveco.
这是伊莎贝尔·雷维科。
She requested that Lazo come to the SML headquarters in Santiago to discuss an important matter.
她要求拉佐来圣地亚哥的SML总部讨论一件重要的事情。
When Lazo arrived, Hernández sat her down and delivered the news she had longed to hear for over 20 years: Her older brother, Rodolfo, had been found.
当拉佐到达时，埃尔南德斯让她坐下，并传达了她 20 多年来一直渴望听到的消息：她的哥哥鲁道夫被发现了。
The skeleton was arranged for her to see in the lobby.
骷髅被安排在大厅里让她看。
Lazo recalled Hernández explaining how Rodolfo had been shot more than two dozen times before being thrown into the San Carlos Canal in eastern Santiago; later, his body was retrieved and hidden away in one of Patio 29’s unnamed graves.
拉佐回忆起埃尔南德斯解释说，鲁道夫在被扔进圣地亚哥东部的圣卡洛斯运河之前被枪杀了两打以上。后来，他的尸体被打捞出来并藏在 Patio 29 的一处无名坟墓中。
“She said it with such tremendous convincing power,” Lazo said.
“她说这句话时具有巨大的说服力，”拉佐说。
“I believed in science.
“我相信科学。
I believed that it was true.”
我相信这是真的。”
At an all-night wake in Paine, in a modest chapel just down the street from where the Lazo men had been abducted, three small wooden caskets were illuminated by tall candles and adorned with roses and laurel wreaths to honor Rodolfo along with two other local men who had been identified at Patio 29.
在潘恩的彻夜守灵活动中，在拉佐人被绑架的街道上的一座简陋教堂里，三个小木棺被高高的蜡烛照亮，并装饰着玫瑰和月桂花环，以纪念鲁道夫以及在 29 号露台被确认身份的另外两名当地男子。
The following morning, a procession drove the caskets to the Paine cemetery for a funeral.
第二天早上，游行队伍将棺材运到潘恩公墓参加葬礼。
There, Lazo recalled, she spoke to her brother.
拉佐回忆说，她在那里与她的兄弟交谈。
“You returned home,” she said.
“你回家了，”她说。
That sense of closure, however, was not shared by everyone.
然而，并不是所有人都有这种封闭感。
Perhaps unwilling to accept the violence that had befallen her son, Lazo’s mother, Teresa, refused to believe that the body in the casket belonged to Rodolfo.
也许是不愿意接受发生在她儿子身上的暴力，拉佐的母亲特蕾莎拒绝相信棺材里的尸体属于鲁道夫。
At the time, it seemed to Lazo that her mother was simply in denial.
当时，在拉佐看来，她的母亲只是在否认。
But Teresa wasn’t the only one who harbored doubts.
但特蕾莎并不是唯一一个对此表示怀疑的人。
In Santiago, months prior, Iván Cáceres had tried to warn the judge who had ordered the excavation: Some of the identifications, he believed, were wrong.
几个月前，在圣地亚哥，伊万·卡塞雷斯曾试图警告下令进行发掘的法官：他认为，一些鉴定结果是错误的。
S everal months before the SML informed Flor Lazo about her brother, Cáceres independently checked the first batch of matches made by the SML’s newly minted identification unit, 15 in total.
在 SML 向弗洛尔·拉佐通报她哥哥的情况的几个月前，卡塞雷斯独立检查了 SML 新成立的身份识别部门进行的第一批匹配，总共 15 个。
When he began to compare the antemortem and postmortem reports of the men, however, he found striking irregularities.
然而，当他开始比较这些人的死前和死后报告时，他发现了惊人的异常情况。
In one case, the age of the victim differed from the determined age of the skeleton by up to 10 years; in another, the antemortem report noted that the individual was missing some of his molars, but the postmortem report noted the skeleton’s molars were fully intact; in yet another the person’s recorded height differed from the skeleton’s by some 5 inches.
在一个案例中，受害者的年龄与骨骼确定的年龄相差长达 10 岁；在另一份报告中，尸检报告指出，该人缺少一些臼齿，但尸检报告指出，骨骼的臼齿完好无损；在另一处记录中，记录的人的身高与骨架的高度相差约 5 英寸。
“For me, it was unacceptable,” said Cáceres.
“对我来说，这是不可接受的，”卡塞雷斯说。
“Unacceptable, and I couldn’t explain it.”
“这是不可接受的，我无法解释。”
Chilean forensic archaeologist Iván Cáceres sits in his Santiago office in 2023.
2023 年，智利法医考古学家伊万·卡塞雷斯坐在他位于圣地亚哥的办公室里。
Cáceres witnessed his mother and countless friends arrested by the regime and went into hiding himself.
卡塞雷斯目睹了他的母亲和无数朋友被政权逮捕，他自己也躲了起来。
Years later, he began working to identify the disappeared.
多年后，他开始努力寻找失踪者的身份。
He shared his findings privately with families, and the results were then passed along by an intermediary to the SML.
他私下与家人分享了他的发现，然后结果由中间人传递给了 SML。
The SML soon responded to discredit Cáceres’ work, claiming it was “based on incomplete information about each case.” Reveco, for her part, said that she refused to even read the report, viewing the whole affair as nothing more than an attempt at retribution for her joining the SML.
SML 很快做出回应，质疑卡塞雷斯的工作，声称其“基于每个案件的不完整信息”。雷维科则表示，她甚至拒绝阅读该报告，认为整个事件只不过是对她加入 SML 的报复。
“I thought that it was revenge,” she said.
“我以为这是报复，”她说。
“He ended up very hateful towards me.” During this time, Reveco said, she never doubted the accuracy of the identifications.
“他最终对我非常仇恨。”雷维科说，在这段时间里，她从未怀疑过身份识别的准确性。
Her unit continued to find matches and deliver bodies at a remarkable rate in the months that followed.
在接下来的几个月里，她的部队继续以惊人的速度寻找匹配者并运送尸体。
Over the next year, however, scientists cast further doubt on the SML’s work.
然而，在接下来的一年里，科学家们对 SML 的工作提出了进一步的质疑。
In November 1994, Hernández traveled to Glasgow, Scotland, in possession of sensitive cargo: 21 plaster casts of skulls from Patio 29, bone samples from 20 of the skeletons, and blood and hair samples from 19 families presumed — based off possible matches already determined by the SML — to be related to those specific sets of remains.
1994 年 11 月，埃尔南德斯前往苏格兰格拉斯哥，携带敏感货物：来自 29 号露台的 21 个头骨石膏模型、来自 20 个骷髅的骨头样本以及来自 19 个家庭的血液和头发样本（根据 SML 已经确定的可能匹配）推测与这些特定遗骸组有关。
Upon her arrival in Glasgow, she handed over the material to Peter Vanezis, then head of the Department of Forensic Medicine and Science at the University of Glasgow.
抵达格拉斯哥后，她将这些材料交给了时任格拉斯哥大学法医学和科学系主任的彼得·瓦内齐斯(Peter Vanezis)。
The Chilean government had contracted him to examine the samples using techniques unavailable in Chile at the time, including mitochondrial DNA analysis.
智利政府与他签约，要求他使用当时智利不具备的技术（包括线粒体 DNA 分析）来检查样本。
This type of DNA analysis looks at genetic material passed through the maternal line, and can be used to conclusively rule out matches, but not to conclusively confirm them.
这种类型的 DNA 分析着眼于通过母系传递的遗传物质，可用于最终排除匹配，但不能最终确认它们。
The results of Vanezis’ DNA analysis revealed widespread discrepancies.
瓦内齐斯的 DNA 分析结果显示出广泛的差异。
“Although we were able to successfully extract mitochondrial DNA from all the skeletal samples and from all of the samples from relatives, without contamination,” Vanezis wrote in a report, “we were unable to find a match between any of the relatives with any of the bone samples.” In a subsequent report, Vanezis mentioned two possibilities that could explain the results: that the DNA had become contaminated, which he said was “unlikely,” or that “the bone samples that have been analyzed are not from the persons to whom they presumably correspond.” By the time he wrote that, the SML had already delivered 91 bodies to supposed relatives back in Chile.
瓦内齐斯在一份报告中写道：“虽然我们能够成功地从所有骨骼样本和所有亲属样本中提取线粒体 DNA，且没有受到污染，但我们无法找到任何亲属与任何骨骼样本之间的匹配。”在随后的报告中，Vanezis 提到了两种可以解释结果的可能性：DNA 已被污染，他说这是“不太可能”，或者“已分析的骨骼样本并非来自它们可能对应的人。”当他写下这篇文章时，SML 已经将 91 具尸体交给了智利的所谓亲属。
In addition to the DNA analysis, the “Glasgow report,” as it became known, also contained an evaluation of plaster casts of skulls of Patio 29 victims, an effort that was hindered due to the poor quality of the casts.
除了 DNA 分析之外，众所周知的“格拉斯哥报告”还包含对 Patio 29 受害者头骨石膏模型的评估，但由于模型质量差，这项工作受到阻碍。
The medley of results — some reliable, some not — created an uproar at the SML.
各种各样的结果——有些可靠，有些不可靠——在 SML 引起了轩然大波。
“We saw that there were meetings left, right, and center,” recalled Reveco.
“我们看到左边、右边和中间都有会议，”雷维科回忆道。
“And we saw that they were all angry.
“我们看到他们都很生气。
I mean, what was happening?
我的意思是，发生了什么事？
We didn’t know anything.” At one point, Reveco said, she was called to a director’s meeting at the SML.
我们什么都不知道。”雷维科说，有一次她被叫去参加 SML 的董事会议。
“They say: ‘That means that it could all be wrong.
“他们说：‘这意味着这一切可能都是错的。
And that invalidates all the work we have done.
这使得我们所做的所有工作都无效。
We shouldn’t talk about it.
我们不应该谈论它。
We should remain calm and see what happens next.’”
我们应该保持冷静，看看接下来会发生什么。”
Reveco’s testimony to a congressional investigation committee in 2006 states that after reading the Glasgow report, she composed a written response to it, which was delivered to the director of the SML.
雷维科 2006 年向国会调查委员会作证称，在阅读格拉斯哥报告后，她撰写了一份书面回应，并提交给了 SML 主管。
Her testimony also reiterated her opinion of the report: “I believe that it has no scientific validity, and that the conclusions they reached seem to me to be not very serious.”
她的证词还重申了她对该报告的看法：“我认为它没有科学依据，而且他们得出的结论在我看来并不是很严肃。”
Marisol Intriago Leiva, who directed the SML unit that oversaw identifications from the mid-2000s until its recent dissolution as part of an institutional restructuring, has a different view of the Glasgow report’s validity.
Marisol Intriago Leiva 是 SML 部门的负责人，该部门从 2000 年代中期一直负责身份识别工作，直到最近作为机构重组的一部分解散，她对格拉斯哥报告的有效性持有不同的看法。
After the SML acquired its own mitochondrial DNA analysis capabilities in the early 2000s, it reexamined all the samples that were sent to Scotland.
SML 在 2000 年代初期获得了自己的线粒体 DNA 分析能力后，重新检查了所有发送到苏格兰的样本。
The results aligned with the Glasgow report.
结果与格拉斯哥报告一致。
“These are exactly those given by Dr. Vanezis,” said Intriago.
“这些正是瓦尼吉斯博士给出的，”英特里亚戈说。
The Glasgow report was never officially submitted to Judge Contreras of the Patio 29 case (although it was informally mentioned to him), nor was it made public.
格拉斯哥的报告从未正式提交给 Patio 29 案的孔特雷拉斯法官（尽管有人非正式地向他提及过），也没有公开。
“It was stored away by the director,” said Reveco.
“它被导演收藏起来了，”雷维科说。
“Nothing more was ever said or asked about Glasgow.” Over time, the report became a sort of myth that haunted the corridors of the SML, known by a few to exist but seldom seen.
“关于格拉斯哥，再也没有人说过或问过。”随着时间的推移，这份报告成为了困扰 SML 走廊的一种神话，只有少数人知道它的存在，但很少有人看到它。
Meanwhile, the identifications of the Patio 29 victims continued, as did the delivery of bodies.
与此同时，对 Patio 29 遇难者的身份识别和尸体运送工作仍在继续。
F lor Lazo, who by the mid-1990s had followed her mother in moving to a town near Paine called Maipo, was unaware of the turmoil at the SML.
弗洛尔·拉佐 (F lor Lazo) 在 20 世纪 90 年代中期跟随母亲搬到了潘恩附近一个名叫迈波的小镇，她并不知道 SML 的动荡。
For her, in fact, the 1990s and early 2000s were a period of tranquility and personal advancement.
事实上，对她来说，20世纪90年代和2000年代初是一段平静和个人进步的时期。
A scholarship offered to victims of the dictatorship had allowed her to study social work at Arcis University, and she also worked as a dental assistant.
为独裁统治受害者提供的奖学金使她能够在阿尔西斯大学学习社会工作，并担任牙科助理。
She entered therapy to begin to heal the trauma she had borne since childhood.
她接受治疗是为了开始治愈她从小遭受的创伤。
During this time, she also met a kind man and became pregnant.
在此期间，她还遇到了一个好心的男人，并怀孕了。
When her son was born in 2002, she didn’t have to reach far for a name — she called him Rodolfo.
2002 年，当她的儿子出生时，她并没有费力地给他起名字——她给他起名叫鲁道夫 (Rodolfo)。
Lazo raised her son, worked, and continued the search for the missing.
拉佐抚养儿子、工作并继续寻找失踪者。
In 2002, a judge initiated legal proceedings against Andrés Magaña, a colonel who had been suspected of involvement in the Paine disappearances.
2002年，一名法官对涉嫌参与潘恩失踪案的上校安德烈斯·马加尼亚提起法律诉讼。
It was a rare moment of optimism for the families of the missing.
对于失踪者家属来说，这是一个难得的乐观时刻。
Meanwhile, Lazo maintained close relationships with her sisters and cousins, as well as with Beatriz, Rodolfo’s daughter, who was by then in her late 20s.
与此同时，拉佐与她的姐妹和表兄弟姐妹以及鲁道夫的女儿比阿特丽斯（当时她二十多岁）保持着密切的关系。
Like Lazo, Beatriz had been haunted by the disappearance of her father, and had always yearned for his return.
和拉佐一样，比阿特丽斯也因父亲的失踪而心神不宁，并一直渴望他的归来。
“I have no memories.
“我没有记忆。
I don’t know who he was,” she said.
我不知道他是谁，”她说。
“But I always had this feeling he would come home one last time.”
“但我总有一种感觉，他会最后一次回家。”
When the body was identified by the SML, Beatriz was relieved.
当尸体被 SML 确认后，比阿特丽斯松了口气。
“We just said ‘How good is it that they found him?’” she said.
“我们只是说‘他们找到了他该有多好？’”她说。
“Because things were left up in the air.
“因为事情还悬而未决。
We didn’t know anything.” For her, the gravesite became a place of memory and connection to the past.
我们什么都不知道。”对她来说，墓地成为了记忆和与过去联系的地方。
When she had children of her own, she would often take them there.
当她有了自己的孩子时，她经常带他们去那里。
For the rest of the family, too, the grave became a sacred place.
对于家里的其他人来说，坟墓也成了一个神圣的地方。
Lazo visited every Sunday, meticulously cleaning the marble lid of the vault and leaving fresh carnations, roses, and lilies.
拉佐每个星期天都会来，仔细地清洁金库的大理石盖，并留下新鲜的康乃馨、玫瑰和百合花。
At least once a month, she would gather there with her sisters to pray: “We would always ask his spirit to accompany us, so that we would have the strength to carry on,” Lazo said.
每月至少一次，她会和姐妹们聚集在那里祈祷：“我们总是祈求他的灵魂陪伴我们，以便我们有继续前进的力量，”拉佐说。
“Because life has been very violent to us.
“因为生活对我们来说非常暴力。
Very violent.”
非常暴力。”
Soon, though, that violence returned.
但很快，暴力又卷土重来。
One afternoon in early 2005, the cemetery administrator summoned Lazo to the grave.
2005年初的一天下午，墓地管理员将拉佐召唤到坟墓前。
Upon arriving, she found that the metal handles of the vault had been ripped from their anchors, its marble lid shattered.
到达后，她发现金库的金属把手已从锚上扯下，大理石盖子也破碎了。
Inside, the small wooden casket containing the remains was gone.
里面装着遗体的小木棺不见了。
Police, Lazo was told, had come sometime in the night, broken into the vault, and taken it.
拉佐被告知，警察在夜间某个时候来到了金库，并拿走了它。
“We felt so violated,” she said.
“我们感到受到了极大的侵犯，”她说。
For the second time, it seemed, Rodolfo had been forcibly disappeared.
鲁道夫似乎第二次被迫失踪。
I n 1998, years before the Lazo gravesite was ransacked, Augusto Pinochet was arrested in London on charges of human rights violations.
1998 年，拉佐墓地被洗劫前几年，奥古斯托·皮诺切特因侵犯人权罪名在伦敦被捕。
Although he would ultimately evade prosecution, the incident nevertheless sparked a sort of legal and social renaissance in Chile, as the topic of the dictator’s human rights abuses leapt to the forefront of the national conversation.
尽管他最终逃脱了起诉，但这一事件仍然在智利引发了某种法律和社会复兴，因为独裁者侵犯人权的话题跃居全国对话的最前沿。
Judicial reforms followed, as did an unprecedented dialogue with former military officials, who disclosed previously unknown information.
随后进行了司法改革，并与前军方官员进行了前所未有的对话，这些官员披露了以前未知的信息。
Amid the renewed scrutiny, questions about the Patio 29 identifications resurfaced.
在重新进行审查的过程中，有关 Patio 29 身份识别的问题再次浮出水面。
By 2001, sufficient pressure had mounted on the Ministry of Justice to review the Patio 29 situation, and in May the government signed an agreement with the University of Granada in Spain to conduct a study, evaluating both the validity of the Glasgow report and the methodologies of the SML.
到 2001 年，司法部承受了足够的压力，要求审查 Patio 29 的情况，5 月，政府与西班牙格拉纳达大学签署了一项协议，开展一项研究，评估格拉斯哥报告的有效性和 SML 的方法。
The results, delivered the following year, found the Glasgow report’s analysis of plaster casts of skulls from Patio 29 to be of “very debatable validity,” and the mitochondrial DNA analysis of “very limited value for identification,” since the latter is only useful in excluding matches.
第二年发布的结果发现，格拉斯哥报告对 29 号露台头骨石膏模型的分析“有效性非常有争议”，而线粒体 DNA 分析“对于鉴定的价值非常有限”，因为后者仅在排除匹配时有用。
Regarding the methodologies of the SML, however, the findings were even more damning.
然而，关于 SML 的方法，研究结果更加令人震惊。
Augusto Pinochet pictured during his rule in the 1970s.
奥古斯托·皮诺切特在 20 世纪 70 年代统治期间的照片。
Pinochet was a Chilean soldier and politician who led a bloody coup in 1973.
皮诺切特是一名智利军人和政治家，1973年领导了一场血腥政变。
The brutal regime that followed remained in power until 1990.
随后的残暴政权一直掌权到 1990 年。
Pinochet was eventually arrested on charges of human rights violations, but he evaded prosecution.
皮诺切特最终因侵犯人权指控被捕，但他逃避了起诉。
“Everything was wrong,” said Intriago Leiva, who currently works as head of research and innovation for the Carlos Ybar Institute, the academic area of the SML.
“一切都错了，”目前担任 SML 学术领域 Carlos Ybar 研究所研究和创新负责人的 Intriago Leiva 说。
“From the handling of the remains in the lab to the state of the lab, from the tests and analyses performed to the value given to the techniques, from how the cases are ordered and documented, the folders were a mess.
“从实验室遗骸的处理到实验室的状态，从进行的测试和分析到技术的价值，从案件的排序和记录方式，文件夹都是一团糟。
All of them describe a series of very serious shortcomings.
所有这些都描述了一系列非常严重的缺点。
And that report is devastating,” Intriago Leiva said.
这份报告是毁灭性的，”Intriago Leiva 说。
For a unit that had swirled with controversy nearly since its inception, the Granada findings were the last straw.
对于一个几乎自成立以来就充满争议的单位来说，格拉纳达的调查结果是最后一根稻草。
“People were just fired overnight,” Intriago Leiva said.
“人们一夜之间就被解雇了，”英特里亚戈·莱瓦 (Intriago Leiva) 说。
Patricia Hernández’s identification unit was dissolved.
帕特里夏·埃尔南德斯的身份识别部门被解散。
(Reveco, for her part, had already left the SML the prior year.)
（Reveco 则已于前一年离开了 SML。）
Meanwhile, the Patio 29 case was transferred to a new judge, Sergio Muñoz, who called for a review of the identifications.
与此同时，Patio 29 案被移交给新法官塞尔吉奥·穆尼奥斯 (Sergio Muñoz)，他要求对身份进行审查。
As part of the review, he ordered the exhumations, either full or partial, of most of the 96 bodies from Patio 29 that had been delivered and reburied by the families.
作为审查的一部分，他下令对 29 号露台的 96 具尸体中的大部分进行全部或部分挖掘，这些尸体已由家属交付并重新埋葬。
A thorough evaluation of the identifications, he determined, would require DNA analysis of the remains.
他认为，要对身份进行彻底评估，就需要对遗骸进行 DNA 分析。
The Paine families, however, were never informed of the exhumation order.
然而，潘恩的家人从未被告知挖掘尸体的命令。
Instead, Lazo and others either received calls from people visiting the cemetery or simply arrived to find their graves ransacked and pillaged.
相反，拉佐和其他人要么接到了参观墓地的人们的电话，要么只是到达后发现他们的坟墓被洗劫一空。
One woman reported finding cemetery workers in the act of burning the coffin that had held her brother.
一名妇女报告称，她发现墓地工作人员正在焚烧她弟弟的棺材。
In each case, the families were only later informed that the bodies had been removed for DNA testing.
每起案件的家属后来才得知尸体已被移走进行 DNA 检测。
In April of 2006, the families were called to a meeting in Santiago to hear the results of the new mitochondrial DNA analysis.
2006 年 4 月，这些家庭被召集到圣地亚哥举行会议，听取新的线粒体 DNA 分析的结果。
Of the 96 bodies identified from Patio 29, they were told, 48 were confirmed to be incorrect.
他们被告知，在 29 号露台发现的 96 具尸体中，有 48 具被证实是错误的。
(Subsequent analysis has revised that number to 59.) According to an account of the meeting by Juan René Maureira, the grandson of one of the Paine victims, the list of 48 erroneous identifications was read aloud to the assembled families.
（随后的分析将该数字修正为 59 个。）根据潘恩受害者之一的孙子胡安·雷内·毛雷拉 (Juan René Maureira) 对会议的描述，向聚集在一起的家属大声宣读了 48 个错误身份识别的清单。
With each name, anguished groans rose from the crowd.
每听到一个名字，人群中就会响起痛苦的呻吟声。
Lazo, seated among the other relatives, listened intently to the list, she recalled, “and there was Rodolfo.”
拉佐坐在其他亲戚中间，聚精会神地听名单，她回忆道，“还有鲁道夫。”
“Everything was wrong.
“一切都错了。
From the handling of the remains in the lab to the state of the lab, from the tests and analyses performed to the value given to the techniques.”
从实验室遗骸的处理到实验室的状态，从进行的测试和分析到技术的价值。”
The body the Lazo family had prayed over for more than a decade was proven to be a complete stranger.
拉佐一家祈祷了十多年的尸体被证明是一个完全陌生的人。
The betrayal was gutting.
背叛令人心碎。
“Rage,” said Lazo, expressing a reaction common among many of the families.
“愤怒，”拉佐说，表达了许多家庭的常见反应。
“I felt rage.
“我感到愤怒。
And my sisters also felt rage when I told them the news that it wasn’t him.
当我告诉我的姐妹们不是他的消息时，她们也感到愤怒。
An enormous, enormous, enormous disillusionment.
巨大、巨大、巨大的幻灭。
Once again, we felt trampled upon.”
我们再一次感到被践踏了。”
In Santiago, the scandal caused an uproar.
这起丑闻在圣地亚哥引起轩然大波。
Then-President Michelle Bachelet established a presidential commission to look into the matter.
时任总统米歇尔·巴切莱特成立了一个总统委员会来调查此事。
An international panel of experts, which included Clyde Snow, was convened to review the practices of the SML.
包括克莱德·斯诺在内的一个国际专家小组被召集来审查 SML 的做法。
A congressional commission began to call witnesses.
国会委员会开始传唤证人。
One prominent lawyer felt that by failing to provide the Glasgow report to the judge in the case, personnel at the SML had violated the law.
一位知名律师认为，SML 的工作人员未能向本案法官提供格拉斯哥报告，因此违反了法律。
The Patio 29 errors dominated the headlines for weeks, and much of the public opprobrium fell on Reveco and Hernández.
Patio 29 错误连续几周成为头条新闻，公众的大部分谴责都落在了雷维科和埃尔南德斯身上。
Reveco, testifying before the congressional investigative committee, refused to believe the results of the DNA analysis, claiming that it was highly unlikely that her unit could have made more than a small handful of mistakes.
雷维科在国会调查委员会作证时拒绝相信 DNA 分析的结果，声称她的部门极不可能犯下超过一小部分的错误。
Moreover, she expressed outrage at her vilification in the public eye: “They have put a tombstone on us by saying that they are erroneous identifications,” she said.
此外，她对公众眼中对她的诽谤表示愤慨：“他们说他们是错误的身份识别，给我们立了一个墓碑，”她说。
The congressional investigation ultimately found that the SML had committed grievous mistakes.
国会调查最终发现SML犯下了严重错误。
“In summary, the chain of errors and negligence committed by the Legal Medical Service in the process of identification of the remains found in Patio 29,” the commission wrote, “has not only harmed the victims’ families, who today have a legitimate distrust in relation to the actions of that institution, but has also contributed to sowing a blanket of doubts regarding any report issued by it, seriously affecting the functioning of justice in the country.” The investigation cleared what was then known as the Ministry of Justice, which oversees the SML, and it also, very belatedly, vindicated the actions of Iván Cáceres, who raised the first doubts in 1994.
该委员会写道：“总而言之，法律医疗服务机构在对 29 号露台发现的遗体进行身份识别过程中犯下的一系列错误和疏忽，不仅伤害了受害者家属，他们如今对该机构的行为产生了合理的不信任，而且还导致人们对其发布的任何报告产生了广泛的怀疑，严重影响了该国司法的运作。”这项调查澄清了当时负责监督 SML 的司法部的罪名，而且也非常晚地证明了伊万·卡塞雷斯 (Iván Cáceres) 的行为是正确的，后者在 1994 年首次提出了质疑。
If the concerns of GAF experts had been heeded, the committee wrote, “the consequences that the country knows and regrets today would have been avoided.”
该委员会写道，如果GAF专家的担忧得到重视，“该国今天知道并感到遗憾的后果本可以避免。”
Isabel Reveco no longer denies the misidentifications, although she finds the final tally — 59 bodies — difficult to accept.
伊莎贝尔·雷维科 (Isabel Reveco) 不再否认身份错误，但她发现最终的统计数字（59 具尸体）难以接受。
Sitting at a cafe in Santiago last March, she admitted to cultivating a degree of willful ignorance as a defense against her feelings of guilt.
去年三月，她坐在圣地亚哥的一家咖啡馆里，承认自己故意表现出某种程度的无知，以此来防御自己的负罪感。
“I don’t want to know,” she said.
“我不想知道，”她说。
“I have no idea of the number.
“我不知道这个数字。
If you tell me now, I’ll forget by the afternoon.
如果你现在告诉我，到下午我就会忘记。
Because it hurts me a lot.” But as she began to speak about the errors, those defense mechanisms quickly fell away.
因为这让我很受伤。”但当她开始谈论这些错误时，这些防御机制很快就消失了。
“I think there must be many explanations,” she said.
“我认为一定有很多解释，”她说。
“Perhaps we weren’t experts.
“也许我们不是专家。
We didn’t have the experience, surely.
当然，我们没有经验。
We didn’t consider many factors.
我们没有考虑很多因素。
We had erroneous information.
我们有错误的信息。
We had antiquated methods that were very old, and we didn’t have DNA.
我们有非常古老的过时方法，而且我们没有 DNA。
I believe it must be several things, not one.
我相信这一定是几件事，而不是一件事。
What I can tell you is that we had the best intentions.” Despite her intentions, however, the fallout from the mistakes has sparked in Reveco a somber reappraisal of her life’s work.
我可以告诉你的是，我们的意图是最好的。”然而，尽管她有这样的意图，但这些错误的后果却让雷维科对她一生的工作进行了悲观的重新评估。
“If I could go back in time I would not have become a forensic anthropologist,” she said.
“如果我能回到过去，我就不会成为一名法医人类学家，”她说。
“I realized that what I did was useless.
“我意识到我所做的一切都是无用的。
I caused pain, and I was so wrong that my work has no validity.”
我造成了痛苦，我错得离谱，我的工作毫无意义。”
Dennis Dirkmaat, the Mercyhurst forensic anthropologist, agreed that many factors — a particular empathy for the families, possibly insufficient training, a small team — collided to produce the tragedy.
Mercyhurst 法医人类学家丹尼斯·德克马特 (Dennis Dirkmaat) 也认为，造成这场悲剧的因素有很多，包括对家庭的特殊同情、可能缺乏培训、团队规模较小等。
“There’s a lot of things coming together for what appears to be a perfect storm,” he said, later adding: “It shouldn’t have happened.”
他说：“很多事情结合在一起，形成了一场完美的风暴。”他后来补充道：“这本不应该发生。”
I n 2005, while Lazo and the other relatives in Paine were still reeling from the surprise exhumations, something remarkable happened: Andrés Magaña, the army colonel, confessed to being in charge of the killings.
2005 年，当拉佐和潘恩的其他亲属还沉浸在令人震惊的尸骸挖掘过程中时，发生了一件非同寻常的事情：陆军上校安德烈斯·马加纳 (Andrés Magaña) 承认自己是这起屠杀的负责人。
He said that in 1973 he had directed the executions of 31 men from Paine.
他说，1973 年，他指挥处决了 31 名来自潘恩的男子。
Among the execution sites, he later explained, had been an area about a 100-mile drive southwest of Paine, near a large reservoir called Lake Rapel.
他后来解释说，处决地点位于潘恩西南约 100 英里车程的地区，靠近一个名为拉佩尔湖的大型水库。
The Lake Rapel region is a vast labyrinth of rolling hills, gullies, and creeks, and it took about two years to locate the precise site of the killings.
拉佩尔湖地区是一座由连绵起伏的丘陵、沟壑和小溪组成的巨大迷宫，人们花了大约两年的时间才找到确切的杀戮地点。
But one day in 2007, a team of investigators were combing through Los Arrayanes ravine, just east of the lake, when they discovered a bone.
但 2007 年的一天，一组调查人员在对湖东边的洛斯阿拉亚内斯峡谷进行搜查时，发现了一根骨头。
An excavation of the site began.
该遗址的挖掘工作开始了。
Over the course of two months, investigators found some 3,000 pieces of evidence: bone fragments, bullets and casings, clothing scraps.
在两个月的时间里，调查人员发现了大约 3,000 件证据：骨头碎片、子弹和弹壳、衣服碎片。
They found eyeglasses and shoes and a silver ring with an inscription of a woman’s name.
他们发现了眼镜、鞋子和一枚刻有女人名字的银戒指。
The woman, who was subsequently tracked down and questioned, confirmed that the ring had belonged to one of the abducted men from Paine.
这名女子随后被找到并接受询问，她证实这枚戒指属于一名来自潘恩的被绑架男子。
No intact bodies were found, only skeletal fragments, which were shipped to Austria for DNA analysis.
没有发现完整的尸体，只有骨骼碎片，这些碎片被运往奥地利进行 DNA 分析。
“I felt rage.
“我感到愤怒。
And my sisters also felt rage when I told them the news that it wasn’t him.
当我告诉我的姐妹们不是他的消息时，她们也感到愤怒。
An enormous, enormous, enormous disillusionment.
巨大、巨大、巨大的幻灭。
Once again, we felt trampled upon.”
我们再一次感到被践踏了。”
On Oct.
十月号
16, 2007, after 34 years to the day of searching, the relatives were permitted to visit the execution site.
2007年12月16日，时隔34年后，亲属被允许参观刑场。
According to Lazo’s cousin Juana, they gathered on a sloping hillside nearby so they could walk as one toward the ravine, raising white handkerchiefs to honor the missing.
据拉佐的表弟胡安娜说，他们聚集在附近的一个倾斜的山坡上，这样他们就可以一起走向峡谷，举起白色手帕纪念失踪者。
As they moved forward, they erupted into song — “Un Beso y Una Flor,” a popular Spanish tune about leaving loved ones behind.
当他们向前走时，他们突然唱起歌曲“Un Beso y Una Flor”，这是一首关于离开亲人的流行西班牙歌曲。
Then, at the edge of the ravine, they held a mass in remembrance of the missing.
然后，他们在峡谷边缘举行了一场弥撒，以纪念失踪者。
“There with my sisters and my mom, we hugged each other,” said Lazo.
“在那里，我和我的姐妹们以及我的妈妈互相拥抱，”拉佐说。
“And we accepted that cruel reality.”
“我们接受了这个残酷的现实。”
The DNA analysis of the bone fragments yielded 11 positive matches, confirming that the ravine was the site of the Oct.
对骨头碎片的 DNA 分析得出了 11 条阳性匹配结果，证实了该峡谷就是 10 月 17 日发生的地点。
16 killings.
16 起杀戮。
Among the matches were Lazo’s brother, Samuel del Transito, and her uncle, Carlos Enrique Lazo Quinteros.
参加比赛的有拉佐的兄弟塞缪尔·德尔特兰西托（Samuel del Transito）和她的叔叔卡洛斯·恩里克·拉佐·金特罗斯（Carlos Enrique Lazo Quinteros）。
Bone fragments from two men who had been erroneously identified from Patio 29 were also found, although there was nothing from Rodolfo.
还发现了 29 号露台上被错误识别的两名男子的骨头碎片，但没有发现鲁道夫的任何骨头碎片。
Testimony from the killers, however, suggested that he was there too, alongside the 23 other men who were shot that day.
然而，凶手的证词表明，他和当天被枪杀的其他 23 名男子也在场。
(Only bone fragments remained because, according to Magaña, the dead men were disinterred in 1978 as part of a Pinochet-ordered cover-up.)
（据马加纳称，死者仅存于骨头碎片，因为作为皮诺切特下令掩盖真相的一部分，死者于 1978 年被挖掘出来。）
In the end, the investigation determined that the Lazo men had never been held in the National Stadium, or any of the countless other detention centers where Flor Lazo and the other women from Paine had searched.
最终，调查确定，拉佐男子从未被关押在国家体育场，或弗洛尔·拉佐和潘恩其他女性搜查过的无数其他拘留中心。
Nor had they ever been buried in Patio 29.
他们也从未被埋葬在 29 号露台。
Just hours after they were taken from their homes, the men were driven to the ravine.
就在他们被带离家几个小时后，这些人就被赶到了峡谷。
There, they were pushed to the bottom, arranged in a line, and executed.
在那里，他们被推到最底层，排成一排，然后被处决。
From the very beginning, Lazo and the others had been searching for ghosts.
从一开始，拉佐他们就一直在寻找鬼魂。
P resident Boric’s new National Search Plan is headquartered at the offices of Chile’s Human Rights Program, on the third floor of an office building overlooking Santiago’s Plaza de Constitución, where he made his announcement for the program in August of 2023.
总统博里克的新国家搜寻计划总部设在智利人权计划的办公室，位于一栋俯瞰圣地亚哥宪法广场的办公楼三楼，他于 2023 年 8 月宣布了该计划。
The space is filled with small, glass-walled cubicles where some dozen lawyers, scientists, and researchers, under the leadership of Paulina Zamorano, head of the Human Rights Program, are working to advance the investigations.
这个空间充满了玻璃墙的小隔间，几十名律师、科学家和研究人员在人权项目负责人保琳娜·萨莫拉诺的领导下，正在努力推进调查。
So far, the work has been slow.
到目前为止，工作进展缓慢。
“Still no results,” said Juan Mena, then-coordinator of the Plan, in an interview in March 2024, some seven months after its launch.
“仍然没有结果，”该计划时任协调员胡安·梅纳 (Juan Mena) 在 2024 年 3 月（即该计划启动约七个月后）接受采访时表示。
“I know that the result has to be found, but we were making progress, and the team is getting stronger.”
“我知道必须找到结果，但我们正在取得进展，球队正在变得更强。”
Of Chile’s 1,469 officially-recognized cases of forced disappearance, only 306 victims have ever been found.
在智利官方承认的 1,469 起强迫失踪案件中，只有 306 名受害者被找到。
With the positive identification of at least some of her family members, Lazo joined the relatively small group of relatives who have been afforded some modicum of closure.
在至少部分家庭成员的身份得到确认后，拉佐加入了相对较小的亲属群体，他们获得了一定程度的封闭。
For thousands more, however, the disappearances remain an inscrutable void, as incomprehensible and harrowing now as they were some 50 years ago.
然而，对于另外数千人来说，失踪事件仍然是一个难以理解的空白，就像大约 50 年前一样令人难以理解和痛苦。
This prolonged uncertainty, the dueling hope and despair, has been described by scholars as a form of psychological torture.
这种长期的不确定性，希望与绝望的对决，被学者们描述为一种心理折磨。
It is that anguish the National Search Plan seeks to alleviate.
国家搜索计划正是试图缓解这种痛苦。
One of the first major steps the National Search Plan has taken towards that goal has been the commissioning of a new software platform that will help investigators extract information from Chile’s vast library of documents.
国家搜索计划为实现这一目标而采取的首要步骤之一是启用一个新的软件平台，该平台将帮助调查人员从智利庞大的文档库中提取信息。
Unholster, the Chilean software and data science company selected for the project, has finished building the platform, which has digitized and indexed the documents — court records, testimonies, institutional paperwork — and arranged them to help show the relationships between people, organizations, places, and dates connected to the disappearances.
被选中参与该项目的智利软件和数据科学公司 Unholster 已经完成了该平台的构建，该平台对法庭记录、证词、机构文书等文件进行了数字化和索引，并整理它们以帮助显示与失踪事件相关的人员、组织、地点和日期之间的关系。
This, the team hopes, will help investigators discern the trajectories of each victim, from the moment of their abduction to the location of their final resting place.
研究小组希望，这将帮助调查人员辨别每个受害者的轨迹，从他们被绑架的那一刻到他们最后安息的地点。
Sebastian Acuña, Unholster’s chief technology officer, said the company has incorporated artificial intelligence models into the platform, which will speed up the investigations.
Unholster 首席技术官 Sebastian Acuña 表示，该公司已将人工智能模型纳入该平台，这将加快调查速度。
“I don’t think anything anywhere close to this has existed in Chile before,” he said.
“我认为智利以前不存在任何类似的情况，”他说。
This prolonged uncertainty, the dueling hope and despair, has been described by scholars as a form of psychological torture.
这种长期的不确定性，希望与绝望的对决，被学者们描述为一种心理折磨。
Once new sites of interest are determined — there are already about 50 — the National Search Plan team will turn to remote sensing technologies to home in on potential graves.
一旦确定了新的感兴趣地点（已经有大约 50 个），国家搜索计划团队将利用遥感技术来寻找潜在的坟墓。
To scan the terrain, researchers will use aerial photography, satellite imagery, Light Detection and Ranging (or LiDAR, where lasers mounted on airplanes or drones produce high-resolution topical scans of the ground below), and Ground Penetrating Radar, which uses electromagnetic waves to peer into the ground itself.
为了扫描地形，研究人员将使用航空摄影、卫星图像、光探测和测距（或激光雷达，安装在飞机或无人机上的激光器对下方地面进行高分辨率局部扫描）以及探地雷达，它使用电磁波来探测地面本身。
Any disruptions in the earth could signal clandestine burial sites.
地球上的任何破坏都可能预示着秘密墓地的存在。
However, according to Constanza Gnecco, a forensic archaeologist on the National Search Plan team, these technologies have so far only been useful to exclude potential sites.
然而，国家搜索计划团队的法医考古学家康斯坦萨·格内科 (Constanza Gnecco) 表示，到目前为止，这些技术只能用于排除潜在遗址。
“It has helped to discard areas,” she said.
“这有助于废弃一些区域，”她说。
“I haven’t had a single positive result.
“我还没有得到任何阳性结果。
Never.”
从来没有。
The enormous difficulty of finding gravesites in such a vast and varied landscape has led Gnecco to take great care when discussing the possibilities and limitations of these technologies with families.
在如此广阔而多样的景观中寻找墓地的巨大困难使得 Gnecco 在与家人讨论这些技术的可能性和局限性时非常小心。
The Patio 29 errors “ruptured the trust” for a lot of families, she said.
她说，Patio 29 的错误“破坏了很多家庭的信任”。
To regain that trust, she strives to maintain total transparency in her work, while also explaining to families that disappointing results shouldn’t necessarily lead to pessimism.
为了重新获得这种信任，她努力保持工作的完全透明度，同时也向家人解释，令人失望的结果并不一定会导致悲观情绪。
“You explain that not finding anything, although it is painful to not find anything, also gives us useful information,” she said, later adding: “They also must know that the search will continue.”
“你解释说，没有找到任何东西，虽然找不到任何东西是痛苦的，但也给我们提供了有用的信息，”她说，后来补充道：“他们还必须知道搜索将会继续。”
If the gravesites can even be found, the next step is to help identify the human remains.
如果能够找到墓地，下一步就是帮助识别人类遗骸。
The work of identifying bodies — which once relied heavily on input from forensic anthropologists — has been revolutionized by DNA analysis.
尸体识别工作曾经严重依赖法医人类学家的输入，但 DNA 分析已经彻底改变了这一工作。
These techniques now play the central role in making identifications, and Chile maintains a thorough database of relatives’ DNA.
这些技术现在在鉴定过程中发挥着核心作用，智利维护着一个完整的亲属 DNA 数据库。
Dirkmaat has even wondered if his field has a future at all.
德克马特甚至想知道他的领域是否有未来。
“With DNA, it could cause the extinction of forensic anthropology,” he said, although he believes certain aspects of the field will remain viable.
“对于 DNA，它可能会导致法医人类学的灭绝，”他说，尽管他相信该领域的某些方面将仍然可行。
Additionally, the National Search Plan is exploring the possibility of analyzing environmental DNA — residual DNA that sheds from organisms and embeds in the environment.
此外，国家搜索计划正在探索分析环境 DNA 的可能性，即从生物体中脱落并嵌入环境中的残留 DNA。
The technology, in its current state of development, wouldn’t be able to identify specific people.
该技术在目前的发展状态下无法识别特定的人。
Rather, it may be useful in locating possible burial sites by helping to confirm that bodies had been buried there.
相反，它可能有助于确认尸体被埋在那里，从而定位可能的埋葬地点。
Despite the new scientific and technological advantages, however, at the very center of the National Search Plan remains the Servicio Médico Legal, whose blighted reputation casts a pall over the administration’s efforts.
然而，尽管拥有新的科学和技术优势，国家搜索计划的核心仍然是法律医疗服务公司，其声誉受损给政府的努力蒙上了一层阴影。
Still reviled and distrusted by many in Chile, the service nonetheless will be legally bound to head the forensic effort in cases where human remains are discovered.
尽管在智利仍受到许多人的辱骂和不信任，但该机构在法律上有义务在发现人体遗骸的情况下领导法医工作。
This has given rise to a sometimes uncomfortable dynamic, as officials involved with the National Search Plan try to respond to the concerns of family members while remaining steadfast on the centrality of the SML.
这有时会造成一种令人不安的动态，因为参与国家搜索计划的官员试图回应家庭成员的担忧，同时坚定不移地坚持 SML 的中心地位。
“The burden of the past mistakes of the [SML] is very heavy,” said Mena, the previous National Search Plan coordinator.
“[SML]过去所犯错误的负担非常沉重，”前国家搜索计划协调员梅纳说。
To make matters worse, a new scandal engulfed the SML in early 2023, when media outlets reported that dozens of boxes containing human remains had been improperly stored and neglected at the University of Chile for nearly two decades.
更糟糕的是，2023 年初，一场新的丑闻席卷了 SML，当时媒体报道称，数十个装有人体遗骸的盒子在智利大学被不当存放和忽视了近二十年。
At one point, SML officials were told, the room housing the remains had flooded and become infested with fungus.
SML 官员被告知，存放遗体的房间一度被洪水淹没，并长满了真菌。
In 2019, the boxes were finally turned over to the SML, who determined that only a small portion of them actually contained relevant human material.
2019年，这些盒子最终被移交给SML，SML确定其中只有一小部分实际上含有相关的人体材料。
Nevertheless, when the story broke, the SML once again found itself on the defensive.
然而，当消息曝光后，SML 再次陷入守势。
Officials there pointed out that they had not been the ones responsible for the improper storage, but it mattered little.
那里的官员指出，他们并不是储存不当的责任人，但这无关紧要。
In the ensuing media scrutiny, it surfaced that in addition to the boxes, the SML also had in its possession nearly 300 sets of remains for which identification work had stalled, causing an uproar among the relatives of the missing.
在随后的媒体追查中，发现除了箱子外，SML还掌握着近300具遗骸，但辨认工作却陷入停滞，引起了失踪者亲属的轩然大波。
“This is part of the policy of impunity that the state has had during all these years,” said the Association of Relatives of the Detained-Disappeared, an organization that represents the families, in a statement posted on social media.
“这是国家多年来实行的有罪不罚政策的一部分，”代表被拘留者失踪者家属的组织在社交媒体上发布的一份声明中表示。
“There must be political accountability for this new negligence.”
“必须对这种新的疏忽承担政治责任。”
For officials at the SML, however, the controversy represents a worrisome tendency in Chilean society to funnel latent anger and distrust of the state at large toward the service, positioning it as a sort of whipping-boy for the state’s wider transgressions.
然而，对于 SML 的官员来说，这场争议代表了智利社会的一种令人担忧的趋势，即将对整个国家的潜在愤怒和不信任集中到该服务上，将其定位为国家更广泛违法行为的替罪羊。
Authorization for analyzing the boxes of remains, for example, would have had to come from the judiciary, but it did not.
例如，分析遗骸箱的授权必须来自司法部门，但事实并非如此。
Without that authorization, officials point out, the SML’s hands were tied.
官员们指出，如果没有这一授权，SML 就束手无策。
“The mistrust talks about the Legal Medical Service, but in general the mistrust that exists is a mistrust of the judicial system on one hand and of the Chilean State that did not take ownership of what it is responsible for,” said Marisol Prado, the SML’s current director.
“这种不信任谈论的是法律医疗服务，但总的来说，存在的不信任一方面是对司法系统的不信任，另一方面是对智利政府不信任，因为智利政府没有对其负责的事情拥有所有权，”SML 现任主任 Marisol Prado 说。
“And we as the Legal Medical Service, as the younger sibling of all of this, have received all of this mistrust.”
“我们作为法律医疗服务机构，作为所有这一切的弟弟，受到了所有这些不信任。”
In some ways, Prado said, the vitriol towards the SML, which began with the Patio 29 scandal, has even contributed to the very institutional dysfunction that it seeks to redress.
普拉多说，在某些方面，从 Patio 29 丑闻开始，对 SML 的尖酸刻薄甚至导致了 SML 试图纠正的机构功能失调。
Regarding the 300 unidentified human bone fragments, for example, families have demanded that DNA analysis be performed by foreign labs, whose work is often grindingly slow.
例如，对于这 300 块身份不明的人体骨头碎片，家属要求由外国实验室进行 DNA 分析，但这些实验室的工作往往极其缓慢。
“I have to send it abroad,” Prado said.
“我必须把它寄到国外，”普拉多说。
“Because of the distrust, they don’t allow me to do the work here.”
“由于不信任，他们不允许我在这里工作。”
In order to break that vicious cycle, the National Search Plan has spent a portion of its budget to facilitate a rapid restructuring of the SML.
为了打破这种恶性循环，国家搜索计划花费了部分预算来促进 SML 的快速重组。
To streamline authorization of forensic work, for example, the service established a new unit solely dedicated to victims of the dictatorship.
例如，为了简化法医工作的授权，该部门设立了一个专门负责独裁统治受害者的新部门。
Additionally, the SML has worked to decentralize, developing more robust regional outposts to respond to the needs of individual communities.
此外，SML 还致力于权力下放，建立更强大的区域前哨基地，以满足各个社区的需求。
“With every passing day we have been working and righting ourselves to regain the trust of the citizens,” Prado said, adding that she is optimistic about the future.
普拉多说：“我们日复一日地努力纠正自己，以重新获得公民的信任。”她补充说，她对未来感到乐观。
But as much as the SML may be looking toward the future, its past continues to hound it.
尽管 SML 着眼于未来，但它的过去仍然困扰着它。
Last year, Chilean media reported a new misidentification fiasco, this time involving a mass grave in La Serena, some 250 miles north of Santiago.
去年，智利媒体报道了一起新的误认惨败事件，这次涉及圣地亚哥以北约 250 英里拉塞雷纳的乱葬坑。
Eighteen bodies were exhumed from the grave in 1998, identified by the SML using the same techniques as with Patio 29, and delivered to relatives for reburial.
1998 年，SML 使用与 Patio 29 相同的技术从坟墓中挖出 18 具尸体，并交给亲属重新埋葬。
But recent testimony from an ex-soldier cast doubt on one of the identifications.
但一名前士兵最近的证词对其中一项身份表示怀疑。
When the remains were exhumed, DNA analysis showed that the bones were actually from two different people — and neither were related to the purported relatives.
当遗骸被挖掘出来时，DNA 分析显示这些骨头实际上来自两个不同的人，而且都与所谓的亲属无关。
The revelation of the errors initiated a cascade of new investigations.
错误的揭露引发了一系列新的调查。
In one case, a pair of foot bones in the custody of the SML were linked by DNA to a man who had buried a complete skeleton of his presumed father back in 1998 — raising the question of whose foot bones were in the grave.
在一个案例中，SML 保管的一对脚骨通过 DNA 与一名男子联系起来，这名男子早在 1998 年就埋葬了他的假定父亲的完整骨架，这引发了一个问题：坟墓里的脚骨是谁的。
In another case, the remains of a woman’s supposed father-in-law were found to be a mixture of four unrelated people.
在另一起案件中，一名妇女所谓的岳父的遗体被发现是由四个无关人员混合而成。
According to Intriago Leiva, exhumations of the La Serena victims are in progress.
据英特里亚戈·莱瓦称，拉塞雷纳遇难者的尸检工作正在进行中。
“You already believe that you had your grief resolved, which you had waited so long for,” one relative told a television crew.
一位亲戚告诉电视台工作人员：“你已经相信你的悲伤已经得到解决，这是你等待已久的。”
“And again, they open that wound.”
“他们再次打开伤口。”
Prado admits that the past errors overshadowed the SML for many years.
普拉多承认过去的错误多年来给SML蒙上了阴影。
“I think that we’re going to be feeling it forever,” she said.
“我认为我们将永远感受到这种感觉，”她说。
“It’s very difficult for us, as the service, to overcome an error.” But she tries to embrace that dark history as a galvanizing force.
“作为服务机构，我们很难克服错误。”但她试图将这段黑暗的历史视为一股激励力量。
“We’re going to be better,” she said.
“我们会变得更好，”她说。
“We’re going to help these families to search for and find their family members’ remains if possible.” And if that’s not possible, she said, then at least they can help figure out what happened to the victims and try to determine who was responsible.
“如果可能的话，我们将帮助这些家庭寻找和找到其家人的遗骸。”她说，如果这是不可能的，那么至少他们可以帮助弄清楚受害者发生了什么，并试图确定谁应该对此负责。
The complicated dynamics surrounding the SML are not the only difficulties facing the National Search Plan.
围绕 SML 的复杂动态并不是国家搜索计划面临的唯一困难。
In November 2025, Chileans will head to the polls to elect President Boric’s successor (by law, Chilean presidents cannot serve consecutive terms), and recent polling indicates strong support for rightwing political figures.
2025年11月，智利人将投票选举博里奇总统的继任者（根据法律，智利总统不能连续任职），最近的民意调查显示右翼政治人物得到了强烈支持。
The two leading candidates, Evelyn Matthei and José Antonio Kast, had both been supporters of Pinochet with deep family ties to the regime, and neither have bothered to distance themselves from those positions.
两位主要候选人伊芙琳·马泰和何塞·安东尼奥·卡斯特都是皮诺切特的支持者，与该政权有着深厚的家族关系，而且两人都懒得与这些立场保持距离。
Chile’s ascendant right has led many to question whether Boric’s National Search Plan can survive beyond his administration.
智利右翼势力的崛起让许多人质疑博里克的国家搜寻计划能否在他执政后继续存在。
“That is a pretty fair criticism,” said Mena, adding: “The problem that the family members correctly identify is that it’s not guaranteed that it’ll be permanent over time.” The plan’s longevity, Mena explained, largely hinges on how successfully it is implemented.
“这是一个相当公平的批评，”梅纳说，并补充道：“家庭成员正确认识到的问题是，不能保证它会随着时间的推移而永久存在。”梅纳解释说，该计划的寿命很大程度上取决于其实施的成功程度。
“If it becomes a fiasco, and nothing works, and it’s all a mess, and the money given isn’t used properly, sure they could repeal it, using that as an argument,” he said.
他说：“如果它变成一场惨败，没有任何作用，一切都一团糟，而且所提供的资金没有得到适当使用，他们肯定可以废除它，并以此为理由。”
“If we manage to put together in this time a serious, responsible public policy with its public funds, then I believe that politically, it becomes very costly, even for extreme right movements, to eliminate it.”
“如果我们这次设法用公共资金制定一项严肃、负责任的公共政策，那么我相信，从政治上来说，消除它的代价将变得非常高昂，即使对于极右运动来说也是如此。”
“We’re going to be better.
“我们会变得更好。
We’re going to help these families to search for and find their family members’ remains if possible.”
如果可能的话，我们将帮助这些家庭寻找和找到其家人的遗骸。”
Additionally, Mena said, many of the changes occurring through the National Search Plan — the fostering of alliances between various civil-society organizations, for example — are developments that will persist.
此外，梅纳说，通过国家搜索计划发生的许多变化——例如促进各个民间社会组织之间的联盟——都是将持续发展的。
Similarly, Marisol Prado said that the establishment of the dedicated unit for victims of the dictatorship will ensure that those cases remain a central, immutable part of the institution.
同样，马里索尔·普拉多表示，为独裁统治受害者设立专门部门将确保这些案件仍然是该机构的核心、不可改变的部分。
The greatest defense the National Search Plan has, however, is public support, and that support begins with regaining the trust of the families.
然而，国家搜寻计划的最大保障是公众的支持，而这种支持始于重新获得家人的信任。
The technological and scientific advances of the plan, said Mena, will be of limited use if they are viewed with suspicion by those they are intended to help.
梅纳说，如果计划的目的是帮助那些人持怀疑态度，那么该计划的技术和科学进步的作用将是有限的。
“Rebuilding trust, that is sometimes the most difficult thing,” he said.
“重建信任，有时是最困难的事情，”他说。
“You can actually have the science on your side, but if the people that have to believe in the results of the science process don’t believe you, then you haven’t solved the problem.”
“你实际上可以让科学站在你这边，但如果那些必须相信科学过程结果的人不相信你，那么你就还没有解决问题。”
But winning back that trust will be a long process, Mena said, requiring full transparency as well as active participation of the families.
但梅纳表示，重新赢得信任将是一个漫长的过程，需要完全透明以及家属的积极参与。
“The results will not come in the short term,” he said, adding that “this is a difficult path, without a doubt.
“短期内不会有结果，”他补充道，“毫无疑问，这是一条艰难的道路。
But I think it is on the right track.”
但我认为它走在正确的轨道上。”
I n October, as the southern-hemisphere spring is peaking, the rolling hills near Lake Rapel, southwest of Paine, are a blaze of wildflowers.
十月，南半球春天正值高峰，潘恩西南部拉佩尔湖附近连绵起伏的山丘上开满了野花。
Shepherds drive their herds through the shallow valleys, and an occasional pickup truck kicks up dust from a nearby road, but otherwise the land is open and wild.
牧羊人赶着牛群穿过浅浅的山谷，偶尔有一辆皮卡车扬起附近道路上的灰尘，但除此之外，这片土地还是空旷而荒凉的。
Nestled within the hills, Los Arrayanes ravine, with its steep walls and shadowy tangle of vegetation, would be indistinguishable from countless others were it not for the crosses.
洛斯阿拉亚内斯峡谷坐落在群山之中，如果没有十字架，它的墙壁陡峭，植被茂密，与无数其他峡谷没有什么区别。
They stand on the ravine’s precipice — wood and metal crosses of various colors and sizes — in honor of the 24 men who were executed at sunrise on Oct.
它们矗立在峡谷的悬崖上——各种颜色和大小的木制和金属十字架——纪念 10 月 17 日日出时被处决的 24 名男子。
16, 1973.
1973 年 10 月 16 日。
One cross, tall and white, bears the names of three Lazo men, Rodolfo among them.
一个又高又白的十字架上刻着三名拉佐人的名字，其中包括鲁道夫。
Each year in mid-October, members of the Association of Relatives of the Detained, Disappeared, and Executed of Paine travel to the ravine to commemorate the killings.
每年十月中旬，潘恩被拘留者、失踪者和被处决者亲属协会的成员都会前往峡谷纪念这些杀戮事件。
At the event in 2023, Lazo addressed the crowd.
在 2023 年的活动中，拉佐向人群发表了讲话。
She spoke briefly, recounting her memories from the night her family was taken.
她简短地讲述了家人被带走那天晚上的记忆。
“Memory will allow us to vindicate our victims, our mothers and ourselves, the children,” she said.
“记忆将使我们能够为我们的受害者、我们的母亲、我们自己、孩子们辩护，”她说。
Among Lazo’s most vivid memories is the day she came face to face with the person who directed her family members’ killings, Colonel Andrés Magaña.
拉佐最生动的记忆之一是她与指挥杀害她家人的人安德烈斯·马加尼亚上校面对面的那一天。
It happened there, at the execution site, in December of 2015, when, as part of the judicial process, the aging army officer participated in a reenactment of the massacre.
这件事发生在2015年12月的行刑现场，当时，作为司法程序的一部分，这位年迈的军官参与了大屠杀的重演。
Some two dozen actors, wearing white coveralls to preserve the integrity of the crime scene, descended into the ravine while Magaña and a few of the other perpetrators issued instructions, replaying the sequence of events.
大约两打演员穿着白色工作服以保护犯罪现场的完整性，他们下降到峡谷中，而马加纳和其他一些肇事者则发出指令，重演事件的顺序。
The families, though permitted to attend, were cordoned off from the perpetrators by barricade tape and a phalanx of police.
这些家庭虽然获准参加，但仍被路障胶带和一队警察与肇事者隔开。
As soon as Magaña came within sight of the relatives, however, they erupted with rage.
然而，当马加纳一看到亲戚们时，他们就勃然大怒。
At one point the crowd broke through the cordon, hurling insults and chasing Magaña into an awaiting van.
有一次，人群冲破警戒线，辱骂马加尼亚，并将马加尼亚追进一辆等候的货车。
The catharsis was perhaps the only justice the families would ever receive — Magaña died several years later, without ever having served prison time for the killings.
宣泄或许是这些家庭能得到的唯一正义——马加纳几年后就去世了，而他并没有因杀人而入狱。
For Lazo, though, something lifted that day, as decades of pain emptied out of her.
然而，对拉佐来说，那一天有些东西解除了，数十年的痛苦从她身上消失了。
“I have healed a little,” she said, “because I screamed my life out.”
“我已经痊愈了一些，”她说，“因为我尖叫出了我的生命。”
Nevertheless, she still grapples with the grotesque injustice of the killings and their aftermath.
尽管如此，她仍然努力应对杀戮及其后果中的怪异不公正现象。
At the commemoration in 2023, she stood beside her family’s cross, peering into the ravine and fighting back tears.
在 2023 年的纪念活动上，她站在家人的十字架旁，凝视着峡谷，强忍着泪水。
“The absence of justice made the sorrow even deeper, and made the trauma deeper,” she said.
“正义的缺失让悲伤更深，创伤更深，”她说。
“Because you can’t have justice after 50 years.
“因为 50 年后你无法得到正义。
After 50 years, everyone’s dead.
50年后，所有人都死了。
Nobody paid for the murders.
没有人为谋杀付出代价。
So we have to work with the memory, and work with our children and grandchildren so this continues through time, and is never allowed to happen again.”
因此，我们必须与记忆一起工作，与我们的子孙一起工作，这样这种情况就会随着时间的推移而持续下去，并且永远不允许再次发生。”
Note: Macarena Minguell contributed reporting for this story.
注：Macarena Minguell 为本篇报道提供了报道。
Numerous interviews for this story were conducted originally in Spanish, and subsequently translated to English.
这个故事的许多采访最初都是用西班牙语进行的，后来被翻译成英语。
Fletcher Reveley is a freelance writer based in Tucson, Arizona, and a senior contributor to Undark.
Fletcher Reveley 是亚利桑那州图森市的一名自由撰稿人，也是 Undark 的高级撰稿人。
Kitra Cahana is a Peabody Award-winning documentary filmmaker and photographer.
Kitra Cahana 是一位荣获皮博迪奖的纪录片制片人和摄影师。
Fletcher Reveley is a freelance writer based in Tucson, Arizona, and a senior contributor to Undark.
Fletcher Reveley 是亚利桑那州图森市的一名自由撰稿人，也是 Undark 的高级撰稿人。