Stop Hustling Black Death

Like Moody, Samaria Rice is not inclined to speak in pious ways about a national movement for Black lives.

和穆迪一样，萨玛利亚·赖斯不愿意以虔诚的方式谈论一场争取黑人生命的全国运动。

She too is sharp-tongued, if somewhat more profane.

她也很尖刻，虽然有些亵渎。

Over two hours one May afternoon — elegantly coiffed with swooping bangs, maroon lipstick, and a silk dress — she told me the story of how she had been cast into the center of the movement at the most tragic moment of her life.

五月的一个下午，她用了两个多小时的时间——优雅地梳着刘海，涂着栗色口红，穿着丝绸连衣裙——向我讲述了她如何在一生中最悲惨的时刻成为这场运动中心的故事。

Rice, who is 44, says she spent most of her childhood living on the streets in Cleveland, Ohio, after she was put out by her father when she was 12 years old.

44 岁的赖斯说，她 12 岁时被父亲赶了出来，她童年的大部分时间都在俄亥俄州克利夫兰的街头度过。

“I didn’t have no mother or father to guide me,” she says.

“我没有父母来指导我，”她说。

She was homeless and relied on small-time hustling, she adds, mostly petty theft.

她补充说，她无家可归，靠小偷小摸为生。

“I come from a very hard-knock life, a rough life.” Without the protection of parents, she found herself having frequent interactions with law enforcement — eventually pleading guilty to assault and going to jail for dealing marijuana.

“我的生活非常艰苦，坎坷。”由于没有父母的保护，她发现自己经常与执法部门打交道，最终承认袭击罪，并因交易大麻而入狱。

But even then, she didn’t harbor ill will toward the police.

但即便如此，她也没有对警察怀有恶意。

Officers sometimes spoke nastily to her, sure, but Rice — like most Black folks — saw them simply as an agency to be carefully navigated in order to stay alive and afloat.

当然，官员们有时会对她说脏话，但赖斯——像大多数黑人一样——只是将他们视为一个需要小心操纵的机构，以求生存和生存。

She had her first child, a daughter named Tasheona, when she was 18 years old; three years later came her son, Tavon, and another daughter, Tajai, two years after that.

18 岁时，她生下了第一个孩子，名叫塔什娜 (Tasheona)。三年后，她的儿子塔冯 (Tavon) 出生，两年后，另一个女儿塔贾伊 (Tajai) 出生。

Her youngest, Tamir, was born at a difficult time in Rice’s life, during a volatile and violent relationship with his father.

她最小的孩子塔米尔出生在赖斯人生的困难时期，当时赖斯与父亲的关系不稳定且暴力。

“I was a product of my environment,” she says.

“我是我的环境的产物，”她说。

“You might need something for your kids and take it.

“你可能需要给你的孩子一些东西并接受它。

I was on assistance.

我当时正在接受援助。

I didn’t really have a job.

我真的没有工作。

I lived in the streets.

我住在街上。

I hung around a lot of gangsters and hustlers.

我和很多流氓和骗子混在一起。

But I wanted something different for my children.” Eventually, her three older children were placed in the custody of family members.

但我想为我的孩子们带来一些不同的东西。”最终，她的三个大孩子被家人抚养。

She gave birth to Tamir while living in a shelter.

她住在避难所时生下了塔米尔。

“Tamir was very attached to me,” she says.

“塔米尔非常依恋我，”她说。

“We were very, very close.

“我们非常非常亲密。

All he really knew was his mom.

他真正认识的只是他的妈妈。

I was coming out of a domestic-violence relationship …

我正从家庭暴力关系中走出来……

I was just getting back on my feet when I had him.

当我得到他时，我才刚刚站起来。

I was able to obtain an apartment and a job and establish myself and get all my kids back.

我找到了一套公寓和一份工作，确立了自己的地位，并让我所有的孩子都回来了。

Sometimes the hospital don’t tell you — nobody tells you — just ’cause you had your child don’t mean it’s yours.

有时医院不会告诉你——没有人告诉你——只是因为你有了你的孩子并不意味着它是你的。

You have to go to court and file a motion to get legal custody of your own child, the one that you birthed.”

你必须去法庭提出一项动议，以获得你自己的孩子（你所生的孩子）的合法监护权。”

Once she had completed the court-mandated interventions to get her children back, Rice worked to create better circumstances for them.

在完成法庭规定的让孩子们回来的干预措施后，赖斯就努力为他们创造更好的环境。

After successfully navigating the system, she became a parent advocate for Children and Family Services and was asked to train other parents to do so.

成功使用该系统后，她成为儿童和家庭服务的家长倡导者，并被要求培训其他家长这样做。

She got her children into a predominantly white, and therefore better-resourced, school that would provide more services and opportunities.

她让孩子们进入了一所以白人为主、因此资源更好的学校，可以提供更多的服务和机会。

In her neighborhood, she was known as someone who kept an eye on her kids.

在她的社区里，她被认为是一个会照顾孩子的人。

She had to know where they were at all times, she says.

她说，她必须随时知道他们在哪里。

“I been through a lot in my life.

“我的一生经历了很多。

Juvenile, foster care, group homes, living in the streets, living with my man, to back homeless again,” she says.

青少年、寄养、集体之家、流落街头、与我的男人住在一起、再次支持无家可归者，”她说。

It’s clear she wanted to write a different story for her children.

显然，她想为她的孩子们写一个不同的故事。

On November 22, 2014, that new life was upended.

2014年11月22日，新的生活被颠覆了。

Her 12-year-old son, Tamir, was playing with a toy gun, as so many boys do, at the Cudell Recreation Center across the street from their home.

她 12 岁的儿子塔米尔 (Tamir) 和许多男孩一样，在自家街对面的库德尔娱乐中心 (Cudell Recreation Center) 里玩玩具枪。

Someone reported Tamir to the police, though Rice reminds me that the caller had said the gun “was probably fake” and the person playing with it was a juvenile.

有人向警方举报了塔米尔，但赖斯提醒我，打电话的人说这把枪“可能是假的”，而玩这把枪的人是一名青少年。

Immediately upon arriving at the scene, Officer Timothy Loehmann shot at Tamir twice, without warning, while his patrol car was still rolling.

蒂莫西·勒曼警官到达现场后，在没有任何警告的情况下向塔米尔开了两枪，当时他的巡逻车仍在行驶。

The world saw the video of the sixth-grader, a child, shot dead.

全世界都看到了六年级学生被枪杀的视频。

The police report noted that the cops were looking for a “guy with a pistol” who was menacing the neighborhood.

警方报告指出，警方正在寻找一名威胁邻居的“持枪男子”。

“I do not know how I’m able to get out of my bed every day,” Rice tells me.

“我不知道每天如何才能从床上爬起来，”赖斯告诉我。

We have grown clinical in our repetition of how all these incidents of police killings take place.

在重复所有这些警察杀人事件是如何发生的过程中，我们变得更加冷静。

The evidence is stated and lined up, the protests happen, the failure to prosecute or to convict is expected.

证据已陈述并排列整齐，抗议发生，预计不会起诉或定罪。

But the way Rice describes the day her son was killed brings a fresh horror.

但赖斯描述儿子被杀那天的方式却带来了新的恐怖。

She was sitting on the couch watching television.

她坐在沙发上看电视。

When the family was alerted that Tamir had been shot, her eldest jumped up and ran to the center.

当家人得知塔米尔被枪杀时，她的大儿子跳起来跑到中心。

When Rice arrived, she says, “my 14-year-old daughter was screaming in the back of a police car and then they had my 16-year-old surrounded by eight police officers.

赖斯说，当她到达时，“我 14 岁的女儿在警车后座上尖叫，然后他们让我 16 岁的女儿被八名警察包围。

And they told me to calm down or they was gon’ put me in the back of the police car,” she continues.

他们告诉我要冷静，否则他们会把我放在警车的后座上，”她继续说道。

“And they also gave me an ultimatum to stay at the scene of the crime or go with my 12-year-old son in the ambulance.” One child had been shot; the other two were under the control of the people who shot him.

“他们还给我下了最后通牒，要求我留在犯罪现场，或者和我 12 岁的儿子一起坐救护车。”一名儿童被枪杀；另外两人则在枪杀他的人的控制之下。

As a mother charged with protecting all three, she was at a terrible crossroads.

作为一名肩负保护三个孩子的母亲，她正处于一个可怕的十字路口。

She had to leave two behind to ride up front in the passenger seat of the ambulance, knowing Tamir was in the back surrounded by the people who had killed him.

她不得不留下两个人坐在救护车的前排乘客座位上，因为她知道塔米尔在后面，周围都是杀害他的人。

As the world responded in outrage, Rice grieved.

当世界对此表示愤怒时，赖斯感到悲痛。

What began as a makeshift memorial in Cudell Commons Park, filled with teddy bears, candles, and flowers, grew to frequent protests in Cleveland and in cities across the country.

最初是库德尔公共公园的临时纪念馆，里面摆满了泰迪熊、蜡烛和鲜花，后来发展成为克利夫兰和全国各地城市频繁的抗议活动。

The national media chronicled this atrocity and the egregious failures of the Cleveland Police Department — that Loehmann had been declared unfit for duty in another Ohio city owing to emotional instability, that Cleveland police hadn’t reviewed his file when he was hired, and that neither officer at the scene performed first aid on Tamir in the minutes after he was shot — and Rice was drowning in her grief.

国家媒体记录了这一暴行和克利夫兰警察局的严重失败——洛曼因情绪不稳定而被宣布不适合在俄亥俄州的另一个城市执勤，克利夫兰警方在雇用他时没有审查他的档案，现场的警察都没有在塔米尔被枪杀后几分钟内对他进行急救——赖斯沉浸在悲伤之中。

By then, the Black Lives Matter movement had already blossomed.

那时，“黑人生命也是命”运动已经蓬勃发展。

There was the formal, national Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation, which had formed following the killing of another boy, Trayvon Martin, two years before, and the spontaneous protests that popped up across the country in response to a series of videos of police officers killing unarmed African Americans.

还有一个正式的全国性“黑人生命也是命”全球网络基金会，该基金会是在两年前另一名男孩特雷冯·马丁被杀后成立的，以及针对一系列警察杀害手无寸铁的非裔美国人的视频而在全国各地爆发的自发抗议活动。

Rice had been aware of all this but hadn’t gotten involved until her child was killed.

赖斯知道这一切，但直到她的孩子被杀才介入。

Like many family members of those killed by police, she was naïve about how to navigate the sudden attention being trained on her in the midst of such emotional pain.

和许多被警察杀害的人的家人一样，她天真地不知道如何在这种情感痛苦中应对突然出现的关注。

“A lot of us parents don’t know what to say or how we should be acting,” she tells me.

“我们很多父母都不知道该说什么，也不知道应该如何做，”她告诉我。

“There is a certain way you have to go in front of the media to let them know that you want justice for your baby.”

“你必须以某种方式走到媒体面前，让他们知道你想要为你的孩子伸张正义。”

In those early weeks after Tamir’s death, various organizers offered Rice guidance.

在塔米尔去世后的最初几周，各种组织者为赖斯提供了指导。

She describes her relationship with her first two attorneys (the original one was a local litigator; the second was famous movement attorney Ben Crump) and how anxious she was about saying the wrong thing.

她描述了她与前两位律师的关系（第一位是当地诉讼律师；第二位是著名的运动律师本·克伦普），以及她对说错话的焦虑程度。

“You can see I look like a deer in headlights,” she says of early interviews.

“你可以看到我看起来像头灯下的鹿，”她在谈到早期采访时说道。

She was angry, but she had been told she wasn’t supposed to show her rage.

她很生气，但有人告诉她不应该表现出愤怒。

She felt constrained and underinformed, and she didn’t want the organizers and lawyers to “handle everything.” She wanted to be involved in strategy, court filings, and decision-making.

她感到受到限制和信息不足，她不希望组织者和律师“处理一切”。她想参与战略、法庭备案和决策。

Not every parent of a slain child shares this desire, Rice acknowledges.

赖斯承认，并非所有被杀儿童的父母都有这种愿望。

But she felt her intelligence was being insulted.

但她觉得自己的智商受到了侮辱。

At times, she lashed out; at other times, she retreated.

有时，她会猛烈抨击；有时，她会发脾气。有时，她会退缩。

“You can lose your mind in a situation like this,” she tells me.

“在这种情况下你可能会失去理智，”她告诉我。

“Especially with my son being global.” Often, she worried about her other children and the families across the country who belong to a club no one wants to join: the surviving families of “police-involved killings.” She was frustrated that, while many people surrounded her, she didn’t know whom to trust or how to protect Tamir’s story.

“尤其是我的儿子已经全球化了。”她常常担心她的其他孩子和全国各地的家庭，他们属于一个没人愿意加入的俱乐部：“警察参与的杀戮”的幸存家庭。她感到沮丧的是，虽然她周围有很多人，但她不知道该相信谁，也不知道如何保护塔米尔的故事。

She asked people, including some artists and organizers, to stop using his face without permission.

她要求人们，包括一些艺术家和组织者，停止未经许可使用他的脸。

In a sense, Rice wanted to maintain her authority over both her own voice and her son’s legacy.

从某种意义上说，赖斯希望保持对自己声音和儿子遗产的权威。

To an extent, this was never possible.

在某种程度上，这是不可能的。

Although Tamir was her child, when we saw his sweet face emblazoned across our televisions, he became everyone’s.

尽管塔米尔是她的孩子，但当我们看到他甜美的脸出现在电视上时，他就成了每个人的孩子。

Eventually, Rice would take issue with the national leaders in the movement for Black Lives — from Black Lives Matter to Crump, the Reverend Al Sharpton, and the controversial activist Shaun King — as self-serving in the ways they dealt with her and with other families of people killed by police officers.

最终，赖斯对黑人生命运动的国家领导人——从“黑人生命也是命”到克伦普、艾尔·夏普顿牧师和颇具争议的活动家肖恩·金——提出质疑，认为他们对待她和其他被警察杀害的人的家人的方式是自私的。

Rather than helping family members develop a public voice, she says, many of the prominent organizers have become the only voices.

她说，许多著名的组织者并没有帮助家庭成员发出公众声音，而是成为了唯一的声音。

“They should not be standing on the front line like this was they child,” she says.

“他们不应该像孩子一样站在前线，”她说。

“You supposed to be uplifting the family, the community, teaching us how to love on each other, not bickering and fighting about who gon’ get the next case or who gon’ be on TV next.

“你应该振兴家庭、社区，教我们如何彼此相爱，而不是为谁会得到下一个病例或谁会下一个上电视而争吵和争吵。

It’s a mess.”

真是一团糟。”

Rice’s frustration throughout our conversation was palpable.

在我们的谈话中，赖斯的挫败感显而易见。

She became particularly animated as she described those who make a living “hustling Black death.” From where she sits, she sees “book deals, movie deals.” Cocking her head to the side, as if speaking directly to her adversaries, she adds, “What was you doing?” She pointed to one example from March of this year, when the rapper Lil Baby performed his song “The Bigger Picture” at the Grammy Awards.

当她描述那些以“忙碌的黑死病”为生的人时，她变得特别兴奋。从她坐的地方，她可以看到“图书交易、电影交易”。她把头偏向一边，仿佛在直接对她的对手说话，她补充道，“你在做什么？”她举了今年三月的一个例子，当时说唱歌手 Lil Baby 在格莱美奖上表演了他的歌曲“The Bigger Picture”。

The performance included a reenactment of a police officer shooting a Black man, and Tamika Mallory, one of the leading organizers of the 2017 Women’s March and a lifelong affiliate of Sharpton’s National Action Network, delivered a spoken-word address about the nation’s “state of emergency” as part of the performance.

表演包括重演一名警察射杀一名黑人的场景，塔米卡·马洛里（Tamika Mallory）是 2017 年妇女游行的主要组织者之一，也是夏普顿国家行动网络的终身会员，作为表演的一部分，她发表了有关国家“紧急状态”的口头讲话。

Rice responded forcefully in a series of Facebook posts: “I’m tired of you black lives matters (Tamika Mallory and crew) bitches that’s riding theses family back and yall ambulance chasing Attorneys (Ben Crump) (Lee Merrick) too yall have fuck up our fight and yall can kiss my ass too …

赖斯在一系列脸书帖子中做出了强有力的回应：“我厌倦了你们这些‘黑人命也是命’（塔米卡·马洛里和船员）骑着这些家人回来，你们救护车追赶律师（本·克伦普）（李·梅里克）的事情，你们也搞砸了我们的争吵，你们也可以吻我的屁股……

Yall might ass well be junior pigs cops.”

你们还不如当初级猪警察。”

Later, Rice, along with another mother whose son was killed by the police, issued a more formal statement (even when we spoke, Rice code-switched constantly; she is both deeply engaged and sometimes overflowing with emotion), in which she criticized those same activists and others, including Patrisse Cullors of Black Lives Matter; Melina Abdullah, a leader of the organization’s Los Angeles chapter; and King:

后来，赖斯和另一位儿子被警察杀害的母亲发表了一份更正式的声明（即使在我们说话时，赖斯也不断地转换语码；她既投入其中，有时又情绪激动），她在声明中批评了这些活动人士和其他人，包括“黑人生命也是命”组织的帕特里斯·卡勒斯； Melina Abdullah，该组织洛杉矶分会的领导人；和国王：

Families of those who are killed by the police — and whose loved ones’ deaths spark mass movements — continue to navigate political misrepresentation, battle zones of police repression, homelessness, and poverty, while Black “leadership” that has not been selected by the masses flourishes through celebrity status.

被警察杀害的人的家人——以及他们亲人的死亡引发了群众运动——继续在政治歪曲、警察镇压、无家可归和贫困的战区中航行，而未经群众选举的黑人“领导力”则通过名人地位蓬勃发展。

These families must be provided the resources to sustain themselves, their families, and their work dedicated to building community infrastructure …

必须为这些家庭提供资源来维持他们自己、他们的家庭以及他们致力于建设社区基础设施的工作……

Stop celebrity activism; stop corporate investments that support lobbyists for this norm; put an end to the political-economy’s parasitism on Black death and poverty.

停止名人激进主义；停止支持这一规范游说者的企业投资；结束政治经济对黑死病和贫困的寄生。

The charge understandably offended those who faced it, and Mallory, King, and Abdullah all defended themselves publicly in one way or another.

可以理解，这一指控冒犯了那些面临指控的人，马洛里、金和阿卜杜拉都以这样或那样的方式公开为自己辩护。

During a podcast recording in March, Mallory addressed the controversy by saying , “I would never be so disrespectful as to speak about her child or to have a campaign that addresses her child or uses her child’s name to uplift any cause.” Abdullah didn’t mention Rice by name, but on Instagram shortly after she said, “I’m not going home just cause somebody said ‘go home’ …

在三月份的播客录音中，马洛里谈到这一争议时说道：“我绝不会如此不尊重地谈论她的孩子，也不会发起一场针对她​​孩子的运动，或使用她孩子的名字来提升任何事业。”阿卜杜拉没有提到赖斯的名字，但她在 Instagram 上表示，“我不会因为有人说‘回家’就回家……”

I will not do that.” Cullors and Crump did not respond to requests for comment.

我不会那样做。”卡勒斯和克伦普没有回应置评请求。

Shaun King, Patrisse Cullors, and Tamika Mallory.

肖恩·金、帕特里斯·卡勒斯和塔米卡·马洛里。

Photo: Dave Kotinsky/Getty Images for Diamond Ball; Rich Fury/Getty Images for Teen Vogue; Arturo Holmes/Getty Images The Recording Acade.

照片：Dave Kotinsky/Getty Images for Diamond Ball； Rich Fury/Getty Images for Teen Vogue；阿图罗·霍姆斯/盖蒂图片社录音学院。

Shaun King, Patrisse Cullors, and Tamika Mallory.

肖恩·金、帕特里斯·卡勒斯和塔米卡·马洛里。

Photo: Dave Kotinsky/Getty Images for Diamond Ball; Rich Fury/Getty Images for Teen Vogue; Arturo Ho...

照片：Dave Kotinsky/Getty Images for Diamond Ball； Rich Fury/Getty Images for Teen Vogue；阿图罗·何...

Shaun King, Patrisse Cullors, and Tamika Mallory.

肖恩·金、帕特里斯·卡勒斯和塔米卡·马洛里。

Photo: Dave Kotinsky/Getty Images for Diamond Ball; Rich Fury/Getty Images for Teen Vogue; Arturo Holmes/Getty Images The Recording Acade.

照片：Dave Kotinsky/Getty Images for Diamond Ball； Rich Fury/Getty Images for Teen Vogue；阿图罗·霍姆斯/盖蒂图片社录音学院。

Anyone depicted as a savior eventually falls.

任何被描绘成救世主的人最终都会倒下。

Money overwhelms and distorts.

金钱压倒一切，扭曲一切。

King, in particular, is seen by many as a grifter and has been accused multiple times of fund-raising on behalf of the victims of police violence without permission or the disbursement of funds.

尤其是金，被许多人视为骗子，并多次被指控在未经许可或未支付资金的情况下为警察暴力受害者筹集资金。

(King denies this.) Cullors was recently called out by ten local Black Lives Matter groups for not paying out to local chapters the $90 million-plus the national organization received in donations in 2020.

（金否认了这一点。）卡勒斯最近受到十个当地“黑人生命也是命”组织的谴责，因为他们没有向当地分会支付该全国组织在 2020 年收到的 9000 万美元以上的捐款。

DeRay Mckesson, once the single most prominent face of the movement, is criticized by organizers for having politics that are too mainstream, as evidenced by his co-founding of the police-reform organization #CampaignZero.

德雷·麦克森（DeRay Mckesson）曾经是该运动中最著名的人物，但他因政治过于主流而受到组织者的批评，他与他人共同创立了警察改革组织#CampaignZero就证明了这一点。

This fundamental tension undergirds all social movements and has for generations.

这种根本性的紧张关系支撑着所有社会运动，并延续了几代人。

Organizers need to solicit attention to bring people to their causes, but popular culture can’t help but fixate on the spectacle of charismatic leaders, rather than the larger landscape of political organizing.

组织者需要引起人们的关注，让人们关注他们的事业，但流行文化情不自禁地关注魅力领袖的景象，而不是政治组织的更大景观。

The belief that there must be a single leader or leading group pits organizers against one another.

认为必须有一个领导者或领导团体的信念使组织者相互对立。

Likewise, this system often mutes those who do the most direct service work in favor of those with a national platform.

同样，这个系统通常会压制那些从事最直接服务工作的人，转而支持那些拥有全国性平台的人。

Of Mallory, Rice says, “I heard her say this is a job.

谈到马洛里，赖斯说：“我听她说这是一份工作。

Who hired you?

谁雇用了你？

Who sent you?

谁派你来的？

Are you showing up as an activist or an entertainer?”

你是以活动家还是艺人的身份出现的？”

I have found myself wondering, even anguished, about this very question.

我发现自己对这个问题感到好奇，甚至痛苦。

I, too, have been called upon to offer insight about “the moment” and the movement.

我也被要求提供有关“当下”和运动的见解。

There are market exchanges happening; people are making money because news agencies, publishers, and civic and professional organizations need interpreters of this moment.

有市场交换发生；人们正在赚钱，因为新闻机构、出版商以及民间和专业组织需要此时此刻的口译员。

We are expected to be Black, eloquent, and knowledgeable enough to enlighten their general white audiences.

我们被期望是黑人，能言善辩，知识渊博，足以启发他们的广大白人听众。

Little of the money circulating within this movement ends up with the families of the victims of police killings.

这场运动中流通的资金几乎没有流向警察杀戮受害者的家属。

The vast majority goes to a professional class of spokespeople: organizers, writers, and academics.

绝大多数都交给了专业的发言人：组织者、作家和学者。

And the killings continue.

杀戮仍在继续。

So whether we deliberately hustle Black death or not, it is without question a nefarious hustle.

因此，无论我们是否有意推动黑死病，毫无疑问，这都是一种邪恶的推动。

The evidence of this can be found in how much stays the same.

这一点的证据可以从有多少保持不变的情况中找到。

We are still hashtagging names seven years after Tamir’s death, nine years after Trayvon Martin’s, one year after George Floyd’s .

塔米尔死后七年，特雷冯·马丁死后九年，乔治·弗洛伊德死后一年，我们仍在为名字添加标签。

And there are literally thousands of names we will likely never learn.

事实上，有数千个我们可能永远不会知道的名字。

According to Rice, “All of the families should be getting therapy, and all of them should be getting the tools to speak for themselves, not have people speak for them.” She asked Black Lives Matter to stop using Tamir’s name, yet he kept coming up in its various satellite groups.

According to Rice, “All of the families should be getting therapy, and all of them should be getting the tools to speak for themselves, not have people speak for them.”她要求“黑人生命也是命”组织停止使用塔米尔的名字，但他却不断出现在其各个卫星组织中。

This, she believed, was a way to hustle her son’s death for the organization’s gain.

她认为，这是为了组织的利益而逼迫儿子死亡的一种方式。

“Shaun King raised all that money [for Tamir] and sent me a $60,000 check.” The money was put into Tamir’s estate.

“肖恩·金（为塔米尔）筹集了所有资金，并向我寄了一张 6 万美元的支票。”这笔钱被投入塔米尔的遗产。

It made her sick to think that a stranger had used her son’s name without her consent.

一想到一个陌生人未经她同意就使用了她儿子的名字，她就感到恶心。

“I ain’t know Shaun King from a hole in the wall.” (When asked for a response, King said, “I have never, once in my life, raised funds for a single family without being asked to do so.”)

“我不是从墙上的洞里认识肖恩·金的。” （当被问及回应时，金说：“我一生中从来没有在没有被要求的情况下为一个家庭筹集过资金。”）

These public figures have a right to object to how she criticized them.

这些公众人物有权反对她对他们的批评。

Where some have overstepped is in diminishing her perspective because she is not a polished, professional activist.

有些人的越界之处在于削弱了她的观点，因为她不是一个优雅、专业的活动家。

Activists and organizers reject the concept of the “perfect victim” and the idea that someone’s struggles with addiction or brushes with the law ought to justify their killing.

活动人士和组织者拒绝接受“完美受害者”的概念，也拒绝认为某人与毒瘾作斗争或触犯法律就应该证明他们的杀戮是正当的。

But the demand for perfect mothers hasn’t ceased.

但对完美母亲的需求并没有停止。

The mother figure in American culture, especially in Black communities, is expected to be self-effacing, long-suffering, enduring.

美国文化中的母亲形象，尤其是黑人社区中的母亲形象，被认为是谦逊的、长期受苦的、持久的。

To be good and dutiful mothers of the movement, they have been expected by the civil-rights Establishment to behave in ways that suppress the emotional turmoil that every mother of a murdered child experiences.

为了成为这场运动中尽职尽责的好母亲，民权机构期望她们的行为方式能够抑制每位被谋杀儿童的母亲所经历的情感动荡。

Rice has no interest in playing that part.

赖斯没有兴趣扮演这个角色。

I asked Rice what she thought ought to be done now to course correct.

我问赖斯，她认为现在应该做什么才能纠正方向。

“I think they can make things right with the community and try to show the community that they are working and not just talking …

“我认为他们可以与社区搞好关系，并尝试向社区表明他们正在努力，而不仅仅是空谈......

you got these corporate people listening to you like you doing the work, and you not doing the work if you not in these streets.”

你让这些公司的人听你说话，就像你在做工作一样，如果你不在这些街道上，你就没有在做工作。”

Rice also believes the Chauvin verdict was an important step.

赖斯还认为，沙文判决是重要的一步。

“We haven’t seen a conviction since the Walter Scott case,” she says, her voice rising.

“自沃尔特·斯科特案以来，我们还没有看到有人定罪，”她提高了声音说道。

“And they better give him a real sentence — 25 years!” She is currently seeking to have Tamir’s case reopened.

“他们最好给他一个真正的刑期——25年！”她目前正在寻求重新审理塔米尔的案件。

(This too places her at odds with some corners of the movement, as police abolition has grown in popularity.) Rice says a conviction would offer her family some healing.

（随着废除警察制度越来越受欢迎，这也使她与运动中的一些人产生了分歧。）赖斯说，定罪会给她的家人带来一些安慰。

“My kids and I can have some bit of peace, peace of mind,” she says.

“我和我的孩子们可以得到一些平静，安心，”她说。

“My son’s human rights were violated.

“我儿子的人权受到侵犯。

Just like George Floyd as well as lots of other families.

就像乔治·弗洛伊德以及许多其他家庭一样。

And that’s what America needs to make right, the human-rights aspect of this.

这就是美国需要纠正的问题，即人权方面。

The whole thing needs to be dismantled.

整个东西需要拆除。

Or they could split the country up and put us on half.”

或者他们可以分裂这个国家，把我们分成两半。”

Rice believes in the radical transformation of society but also in the protection of Black and brown communities in the meantime.

赖斯相信社会的彻底变革，但同时也相信对黑人和棕色人种社区的保护。

For her, the necessary response to police killings doesn’t end with responses to law enforcement and prisons.

对她来说，对警察杀戮的必要反应并不仅限于对执法和监狱的反应。

“Why don’t we have a people’s government or a Black government?” she says, ideas reminiscent of those proposed by Black radicals in the 1970s.

“为什么我们没有人民政府或黑人政府？”她说，这些想法让人想起 20 世纪 70 年代黑人激进分子提出的想法。

My mother, herself an organizer since the ’70s, has often made the same point to me: that communities have to lobby to resist unjust power and also build themselves up.

我的母亲自 70 年代以来就是一名组织者，她经常向我提出同样的观点：社区必须游说以抵制不公正的权力，同时也要增强自身实力。

Rice talks both about the violence of policing and how the streets as she knew them, full of hustlers, gangsters, and pimps, “will eat your kids alive.”

赖斯谈到了警察的暴力行为，以及她所知道的充满骗子、歹徒和皮条客的街道，“会把你的孩子活活吃掉”。

Rice and I cussed and discussed.

我和赖斯咒骂、讨论。

We laughed and said prayers in call and response.

我们笑着祈祷并回应。

Talking to Rice was a conversation of a sort that I usually have only with other Black mothers — about how to ensure the best outcomes for our children, their trajectories and their spirits, in a hostile world.

与赖斯的谈话是我通常只与其他黑人母亲进行的对话——关于如何在一个充满敌意的世界中确保我们的孩子、他们的轨迹和精神得到最好的结果。

Consider how Floyd called for his late mother as he was dying; how Daunte Wright called his mother upon being pulled over, right before he was killed; how Kenneth Walker, Breonna Taylor’s boyfriend, called his mother before dialing 911.

想想弗洛伊德在弥留之际是如何呼唤他已故的母亲的；道特·赖特（Daunte Wright）在被警察拦下时，就在他被杀之前，如何称呼他的母亲；布雷娜·泰勒 (Breonna Taylor) 的男友肯尼思·沃克 (Kenneth Walker) 在拨打 911 之前如何给他的母亲打电话。

“Mama” in Black life, in many ways, revolves around the protective, ever-present maternal force — no matter how vulnerable our mothers may be, they are the ones who know how to care for us the way we need.

黑人生活中的“妈妈”在很多方面都围绕着保护性的、始终存在的母性力量——无论我们的母亲多么脆弱，她们都是知道如何以我们需要的方式照顾我们的人。

In telling the story of her life, Rice ignores the pressure to be respectable and the prospect that she may be judged harshly.

在讲述自己的人生故事时，赖斯忽视了要受人尊敬的压力以及可能受到严厉评判的前景。

She is transparent about the impact of Tamir’s loss on her children as well as herself.

对于塔米尔的去世对她的孩子和她自己造成的影响，她非常坦率。

They struggle with depression.

他们与抑郁症作斗争。

But they push forward, and she leads them.

但他们向前推进，而她则带领他们。

“I’m just trying to build up the legacy of the Rices,” she says.

“我只是想继承莱斯家族的遗产，”她说。

“It’s important that they know I haven’t given up.

“重要的是他们知道我没有放弃。

I can’t give up.

我不能放弃。

I have three kids looking at me.

我有三个孩子看着我。

I got grandbabies depending on me.

我有孙子依靠我。

Ain’t no giving up to me.

没有放弃我。

“I’m a founder of the Tamir Rice Foundation and the Tamir Rice Afrocentric Cultural Center , where we have free after-school programming,” she continues.

“我是塔米尔·赖斯基金会和塔米尔·赖斯非洲中心文化中心的创始人，我们在那里提供免费的课外活动，”她继续说道。

Rice was awarded $5.5 million in a civil suit filed against the City of Cleveland.

赖斯在针对克利夫兰市提起的民事诉讼中获得了 550 万美元的赔偿。

The payout was not immediate, however, and not all of it went to her.

然而，这笔钱并不是立即得到的，也不是全部都归她所有。

With the settlement money she has received, she invested in the foundation.

她用收到的和解金投资了该基金会。

“I bought a whole building, and I’m just trying to get it renovated to put the children and the staff in there.” The center offers classes in civics, Black history, and economics and runs wellness programs.

“我买了整栋楼，我只是想翻新一下，以便让孩子和工作人员住进去。”该中心提供公民学、黑人历史和经济学课程，并开展健康项目。

“You gotta plant the seed when they young,” Rice says; she thinks of her work as following a Montessori model of “letting kids develop their skills, and we support and invest in them.”

赖斯说：“你必须在它们还小的时候就播下种子。”她认为自己的工作遵循蒙特梭利模式，“让孩子们发展他们的技能，我们支持和投资他们”。

Rice is studying for her GED and a real-estate license.

赖斯正在攻读 GED 和房地产执照。

Her life is busy.

她的生活很忙碌。

When I ask how she’s able to do it, she replies that it’s through the grace of God.

当我问她如何做到这一点时，她回答说这是通过上帝的恩典。

It also seems clear to me that she refuses to allow Tamir’s death to have been in vain.

我也清楚地看到，她拒绝让塔米尔白白死去。

“He had a lot of gifts,” she says.

“他有很多天赋，”她说。

“He was shooting threes at 12.

“他 12 岁时就开始投三分球了。

He was a great artist.

他是一位伟大的艺术家。

He could make up beats.” He swam, biked, played soccer, and drummed.

他可以编节奏。”他游泳、骑自行车、踢足球、打鼓。

He sounded to me like my own sons, now 15 and 17.

对我来说，他就像我自己的儿子，现在分别是 15 岁和 17 岁。

Tamir was 12 for only five months.

塔米尔 12 岁只有五个月了。

“Who knows what he could have been?”

“谁知道他会变成什么样子呢？”

Although she answers calls from other families of those who have been killed and tries to offer a willing ear and guidance when she can, she doesn’t speak for them.

尽管她接听其他遇难者家属的电话，并尽力倾听并尽可能提供指导，但她并没有为他们说话。

She acknowledges that the families are fractured, that she and the other mothers are not a monolith.

她承认这些家庭已经支离破碎，她和其他母亲并不是一个整体。

That Taylor’s mother, Tamika Palmer, has defended Mallory against Rice’s criticism.

泰勒的母亲塔米卡·帕尔默针对赖斯的批评为马洛里辩护。

Rice speaks delicately when talking about her relationships with the other mothers.

赖斯在谈到她与其他母亲的关系时，语气很微妙。

“Each case is unique,” she says.

“每个案例都是独一无二的，”她说。

She doesn’t name even those she speaks to regularly.

她甚至没有说出那些经常与她交谈的人的名字。

Her sensitivity is twofold: She doesn’t want to overstep, and she knows the reality of their suffering.

她的敏感性是双重的：她不想越界，而且她知道他们痛苦的现实。

“Some of these families lose it.” She describes how tragedy can divide kin, how sometimes family members take the opportunity to exploit their relatives.

“其中一些家庭失去了它。”她描述了悲剧如何导致亲属分裂，有时家庭成员如何利用机会剥削他们的亲戚。

When I ask about her own support system, she says, “It’s very small.

当我问及她自己的支持系统时，她说：“它非常小。

I got a lot of support from around the world, but I gotta be careful about who I let around me and in my space.” She returns to her depression.

我得到了来自世界各地的很多支持，但我必须小心那些在我周围和我的空间里的人。”她又回到了抑郁状态。

“The mind is very delicate.

“心灵是非常脆弱的。

It can be weak.

它可能很弱。

You have to make sure you care for yourself.”

你必须确保自己照顾好自己。”

I thought of Moody again and a passage in her memoir where she describes her anguish after yet another Mississippi murder.

我再次想起穆迪和她回忆录中的一段话，其中她描述了另一起密西西比谋杀案后的痛苦。

She writes, “His death brought back memories of all the other killings, beatings, and abuses inflicted upon Negroes by whites.

她写道：“他的死让人们回想起白人对黑人实施的所有其他杀戮、殴打和虐待。

I lay in bed for two days …

我在床上躺了两天……

I thought of waging a war in protest against the killings all by myself, if no one else would help.

如果没有其他人帮忙，我想独自发动一场战争来抗议屠杀。

I wanted to take my savings, buy a machine gun, and walk down the main street in Centreville, cutting down every white person I saw.

我想拿出我的积蓄，买一把机关枪，走在森特维尔的主要街道上，杀死我看到的每一个白人。

Then, realizing that I didn’t have it in me to kill, I slowly began to escape within myself again.” Rice never mentions any murderous fantasies, but I recognize in her the righteous rage and sadness, the insides of movement suffering.

然后，意识到我内心没有杀戮的欲望，我又开始慢慢地逃离自己的内心。”赖斯从未提及任何杀人幻想，但我在她身上看到了正义的愤怒和悲伤，以及运动痛苦的内心。

What we often remember of the 20th-century civil-rights movement are moments of mass mobilization like the March on Washington or Dr. King and John Lewis leading a group of organizers and community members who had been beaten on the Edmund Pettus Bridge on the journey from Selma to the Montgomery March.

我们经常记得的20世纪民权运动是大规模动员的时刻，比如华盛顿游行，或者金博士和约翰·刘易斯带领一群组织者和社区成员在从塞尔玛到蒙哥马利的途中在埃德蒙·佩特斯桥上被殴打。

But the same old tensions existed in that realm as well.

但那个领域也存在同样的旧紧张局势。

We have lost a great deal of history by relying upon a neat consensus narrative of nonviolent resistance and direct progress toward federal legislation.

由于依赖非暴力抵抗的简洁共识叙述和联邦立法的直接进展，我们失去了很多历史。

If we’re not careful, we run the risk of letting that become the story of today as well.

如果我们不小心，我们就有可能让这种情况成为今天的故事。

Moody wasn’t the only person skeptical of that celebrity-filled day in Washington, especially after the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist church in Birmingham that followed a few weeks later.

穆迪并不是唯一一个对华盛顿名人云集的日子持怀疑态度的人，尤其是在几周后伯明翰第 16 街浸信会教堂发生爆炸事件之后。

As Moody predicted, the star-studded event didn’t stop the violence.

正如穆迪预测的那样，这场众星云集的活动并没有阻止暴力事件。

Today, annually, politicians descend on Selma, Alabama, to commemorate 1965’s Bloody Sunday by walking over the Edmund Pettus Bridge.

如今，政客们每年都会来到阿拉巴马州塞尔玛，走过埃德蒙·佩特斯大桥，纪念 1965 年的血腥星期日。

The media often covers the event without a discussion of the conflict between the SNCC’s organizing strategy and the SCLC’s mobilization strategy in that city, or the extreme poverty and lack of social services that still affect Selma’s Black community.

媒体在报道该活动时经常没有讨论 SNCC 的组织策略与 SCLC 在该城市的动员策略之间的冲突，或者仍然影响塞尔玛黑人社区的极端贫困和缺乏社会服务。

When King came to my birthplace of Birmingham, Alabama, local organizers made clear to him that he would not displace Fred Shuttlesworth, a Birmingham community leader who was fiery and confrontational in comparison.

当金来到我的出生地阿拉巴马州伯明翰时，当地组织者向他明确表示，他不会取代弗雷德·沙特尔斯沃思（Fred Shuttlesworth），相比之下，弗雷德·沙特尔斯沃思是伯明翰社区的一位社区领袖，性格火爆且具有对抗性。

People describe the fundamental tension as one between King and Malcolm X but not the varying politics of Black revolutionary socialists, those who believed in armed self-defense and those who believed in nonviolence as a theology, often in the same organizations.

人们将金和马尔科姆·X之间的根本紧张关系描述为黑人革命社会主义者之间的根本紧张关系，而不是黑人革命社会主义者的不同政治，那些相信武装自卫的人和那些相信非暴力作为神学的人，通常在同一个组织中。

We may increasingly talk about the organizer Ella Baker’s legacy but too rarely discuss her skepticism of charismatic leadership.

我们可能会越来越多地谈论组织者埃拉·贝克的遗产，但很少讨论她对魅力型领导的怀疑。

(Interestingly, Black Lives Matter is the group that has introduced her notion of having a “leader-full” movement to a new generation.)

（有趣的是，“黑人生命也是命”组织向新一代介绍了她的“充满领袖”运动的概念。）

Recently, politicians have reached out to Rice.

最近，政客们已经与赖斯取得了联系。

As she puts it, “I’m coming straight out the hood, hanging around gangsters, players, and pimps and hoes.

正如她所说，“我直接出柜，和黑帮、球员、皮条客和锄头混在一起。

Now, I’m talking to people in the White House and Congress.” Several elected officials have assured her that they will support her efforts to seek justice for Tamir.

现在，我正在与白宫和国会的人们交谈。”几位民选官员向她保证，他们将支持她为塔米尔伸张正义的努力。

It’s too soon to know whether Rice will get the remedy she seeks, and whether, if she does, it will change the tide.

现在判断赖斯能否得到她所寻求的补救办法，以及如果她得到了，是否会改变潮流，还为时过早。

What I do know, however, is that the search is a refusal of bitterness.

然而，我所知道的是，这种寻找是对痛苦的拒绝。

“I’m working,” she tells me, “because I’m a servant of the people.

“我在工作，”她告诉我，“因为我是人民的公仆。

I’m a servant of God.”

我是神的仆人。”