There Is No Dalit Cuisine
On five trips to battle-scarred Iraq, journalists for The New York Times scoured old Islamic State offices, gathering thousands of files abandoned by the militants as their ‘caliphate’ crumbled.
《纽约时报》的记者五次前往饱经战火的伊拉克，搜查了伊斯兰国的旧办公室，收集了武装分子在“哈里发”崩溃时遗弃的数千份文件。
MOSUL, Iraq — Weeks after the militants seized the city, as fighters roamed the streets and religious extremists rewrote the laws, an order rang out from the loudspeakers of local mosques.
伊拉克摩苏尔——武装分子占领这座城市几周后，武装分子在街上游荡，宗教极端分子重写了法律，当地清真寺的扩音器里响起了命令。
Public servants, the speakers blared, were to report to their former offices.
发言人大声喊道，公务员要向他们以前的办公室汇报。
To make sure every government worker got the message, the militants followed up with phone calls to supervisors.
为了确保每个政府工作人员都收到消息，武装分子随后给主管人员打电话。
When one tried to beg off, citing a back injury, he was told: “If you don’t show up, we’ll come and break your back ourselves.”
当一名男子以背部受伤为由试图请求离开时，他被告知：“如果你不出现，我们会亲自来打断你的背。”
The phone call reached Muhammad Nasser Hamoud, a 19-year veteran of the Iraqi Directorate of Agriculture, behind the locked gate of his home, where he was hiding with his family.
电话打到了穆罕默德·纳赛尔·哈穆德 (Muhammad Nasser Hamoud)，他是一名在伊拉克农业局工作 19 年的老兵，他和家人躲在紧锁的家门后面。
Terrified but unsure what else to do, he and his colleagues trudged back to their six-story office complex decorated with posters of seed hybrids.
他和他的同事们感到害怕，但又不知道还能做什么，他们拖着沉重的脚步回到了装饰着杂交种子海报的六层办公楼。
They arrived to find chairs lined up in neat rows, as if for a lecture.
他们到达时发现椅子整齐地排列着，就像是在听讲座一样。
The commander who strode in sat facing the room, his leg splayed out so that everyone could see the pistol holstered to his thigh.
大步走进来的指挥官面向房间坐着，他的腿张开，让每个人都可以看到他大腿上插着的手枪。
For a moment, the only sounds were the hurried prayers of the civil servants mumbling under their breath.
一时之间，只剩下文官们低声嘀咕的急促祈祷声。
Their fears proved unfounded.
事实证明，他们的担心是没有根据的。
Though he spoke in a menacing tone, the commander had a surprisingly tame request: Resume your jobs immediately, he told them.
尽管指挥官的语气充满威胁，但他却提出了一个令人惊讶的温和要求：立即恢复你们的工作，他告诉他们。
A sign-in sheet would be placed at the entrance to each department.
每个部门的入口处都会放置一张签到表。
Those who failed to show up would be punished.
那些未能出席的人将受到惩罚。
Meetings like this one occurred throughout the territory controlled by the Islamic State in 2014.
2014 年，类似的会议在伊斯兰国控制的整个地区都曾发生过。
Soon municipal employees were back fixing potholes, painting crosswalks, repairing power lines and overseeing payroll.
很快，市政工作人员又回来修复坑洼、粉刷人行横道、修理电线和监督工资发放。
“We had no choice but to go back to work,” said Mr. Hamoud.
“我们别无选择，只能回去工作，”哈穆德先生说。
“We did the same job as before.
“我们做了和以前一样的工作。
Except we were now serving a terrorist group.”
只不过我们现在正在为一个恐怖组织服务。”
The disheveled fighters who burst out of the desert more than three years ago founded a state that was acknowledged by no one except themselves.
三年多前，那些披头散发的战士们冲出沙漠，建立了一个除了他们自己之外没有人承认的国家。
And yet for nearly three years, the Islamic State controlled a stretch of land that at one point was the size of Britain , with a population estimated at 12 million people .
然而，在近三年的时间里，伊斯兰国控制着一片一度相当于英国大小的土地，人口估计为 1200 万。
At its peak, it included a 100-mile coastline in Libya, a section of Nigeria’s lawless forests and a city in the Philippines, as well as colonies in at least 13 other countries.
在其鼎盛时期，它包括利比亚 100 英里的海岸线、尼日利亚的一段无法无天的森林和菲律宾的一座城市，以及至少 13 个其他国家的殖民地。
By far the largest city under their rule was Mosul.
迄今为止，他们统治下最大的城市是摩苏尔。
Since declaring a caliphate in 2014, the Islamic State has controlled large swaths of territory in Iraq and Syria.
自2014年宣布建立哈里发国以来，伊斯兰国已经控制了伊拉克和叙利亚的大片领土。
But after the group retreated from Mosul and Raqqa in 2017, it lost nearly all of its territory.
但该组织2017年从摩苏尔和拉卡撤退后，几乎失去了所有领土。
Sources: Conflict Monitor by IHS Markit (control areas); WorldPop (populated areas) Note: Areas of control based on IHS reports from Sept.
资料来源：IHS Markit 的冲突监测（控制区域）； WorldPop（人口稠密地区） 注：控制区域基于 IHS 9 月份的报告。
21, 2015, to March 26, 2018.
2015年3月21日至2018年3月26日。
Nearly all of that territory has now been lost, but what the militants left behind helps answer the troubling question of their longevity: How did a group whose spectacles of violence galvanized the world against it hold onto so much land for so long?
现在，几乎所有领土都已丧失，但武装分子留下的东西有助于回答他们的长寿这一令人不安的问题：一个以暴力场面激起世界反对的组织是如何长期占据如此多的土地的？
Part of the answer can be found in more than 15,000 pages of internal Islamic State documents I recovered during five trips to Iraq over more than a year.
部分答案可以在我在一年多的时间里五次前往伊拉克期间找到的 15,000 多页伊斯兰国内部文件中找到。
The documents were pulled from the drawers of the desks behind which the militants once sat, from the shelves of their police stations, from the floors of their courts, from the lockers of their training camps and from the homes of their emirs, including this record detailing the jailing of a 14-year-old boy for goofing around during prayer.
这些文件是从武装分子曾经坐过的桌子抽屉里、警察局的架子上、法院的地板上、训练营的储物柜里以及埃米尔的家里搜出来的，其中包括一份详细记录了一名 14 岁男孩因在祈祷期间闲逛而被监禁的记录。
This arrest record was for one of three boys who were A accused of fooling around during prayer.
这份逮捕记录是针对被指控在祈祷期间鬼混的三名男孩之一的。
The ticket book was recovered in early 2017 north of Mosul in the town of Tel Kaif, in a house that ISIS had turned into a police station.
2017 年初，人们在摩苏尔以北的特尔卡伊夫 (Tel Kaif) 镇一栋被 ISIS 改造成警察局的房子里发现了这本票簿。
B Ibrahim Muhammad Khalil, who was 14, was arrested at 3 p.m.
14 岁的 B Ibrahim Muhammad Khalil 于下午 3 点被捕。
on Dec.
十二月
21, 2015, by an ISIS police officer who booked him on charges of “laughing during prayer.”
2015 年 2 月 21 日，一名 ISIS 警官以“祈祷时大笑”的罪名对他进行了登记。
C “You are requested to transport the prisoner described above to …
C “请您将上述囚犯运送至……
the Ministry of the Hisba, Nineveh Province, Tel Kaif Sector …
希斯巴部、尼尼微省、特尔卡伊夫区……
as soon as possible, and hand over the prisoner and all the reports, observations and documents related to him as well as his belongings and personal possessions.”
尽快移交囚犯以及与他有关的所有报告、观察和文件以及他的财物和个人物品。”
Reason for arrest: D “The propagation of virtue and prevention of vice.”
逮捕理由：D“弘扬美德，预防罪恶”。
This arrest record was for one of three boys who were A accused of fooling around during prayer.
这份逮捕记录是针对被指控在祈祷期间鬼混的三名男孩之一的。
The ticket book was recovered in early 2017 north of Mosul in the town of Tel Kaif, in a house that ISIS had turned into a police station.
2017 年初，人们在摩苏尔以北的特尔卡伊夫 (Tel Kaif) 镇一栋被 ISIS 改造成警察局的房子里发现了这本票簿。
B Ibrahim Muhammad Khalil, who was 14, was arrested at 3 p.m.
14 岁的 B Ibrahim Muhammad Khalil 于下午 3 点被捕。
on Dec.
十二月
21, 2015, by an ISIS police officer who booked him on charges of “laughing during prayer.”
2015 年 2 月 21 日，一名 ISIS 警官以“祈祷时大笑”的罪名对他进行了登记。
C “You are requested to transport the prisoner described above to …
C “请您将上述囚犯运送至……
the Ministry of the Hisba, Nineveh Province, Tel Kaif Sector …
希斯巴部、尼尼微省、特尔卡伊夫区……
as soon as possible, and hand over the prisoner and all the reports, observations and documents related to him as well as his belongings and personal possessions.”
尽快移交囚犯以及与他有关的所有报告、观察和文件以及他的财物和个人物品。”
Reason for arrest: D “The propagation of virtue and prevention of vice.”
逮捕理由：D“弘扬美德，预防罪恶”。
This arrest record was for one of three boys who were A accused of fooling around during prayer.
这份逮捕记录是针对被指控在祈祷期间鬼混的三名男孩之一的。
The ticket book was recovered in early 2017 north of Mosul in the town of Tel Kaif, in a house that ISIS had turned into a police station.
2017 年初，人们在摩苏尔以北的特尔卡伊夫 (Tel Kaif) 镇一栋被 ISIS 改造成警察局的房子里发现了这本票簿。
B Ibrahim Muhammad Khalil, who was 14, was arrested at 3 p.m.
14 岁的 B Ibrahim Muhammad Khalil 于下午 3 点被捕。
on Dec.
十二月
21, 2015, by an ISIS police officer who booked him on charges of “laughing during prayer.”
2015 年 2 月 21 日，一名 ISIS 警官以“祈祷时大笑”的罪名对他进行了登记。
C “You are requested to transport the prisoner described above to …
C “请您将上述囚犯运送至……
the Ministry of the Hisba, Nineveh Province, Tel Kaif Sector …
希斯巴部、尼尼微省、特尔卡伊夫区……
as soon as possible, and hand over the prisoner and all the reports, observations and documents related to him as well as his belongings and personal possessions.”
尽快移交囚犯以及与他有关的所有报告、观察和文件以及他的财物和个人物品。”
Reason for arrest: D “The propagation of virtue and prevention of vice.”
逮捕理由：D“弘扬美德，预防罪恶”。
This arrest record was for one of three boys who were A accused of fooling around during prayer.
这份逮捕记录是针对被指控在祈祷期间鬼混的三名男孩之一的。
The ticket book was recovered in early 2017 north of Mosul in the town of Tel Kaif, in a house that ISIS had turned into a police station.
2017 年初，人们在摩苏尔以北的特尔卡伊夫 (Tel Kaif) 镇一栋被 ISIS 改造成警察局的房子里发现了这本票簿。
B Ibrahim Muhammad Khalil, who was 14, was arrested at 3 p.m.
14 岁的 B Ibrahim Muhammad Khalil 于下午 3 点被捕。
on Dec.
十二月
21, 2015, by an ISIS police officer who booked him on charges of “laughing during prayer.”
2015 年 2 月 21 日，一名 ISIS 警官以“祈祷时大笑”的罪名对他进行了登记。
C “You are requested to transport the prisoner described above to …
C “请您将上述囚犯运送至……
the Ministry of the Hisba, Nineveh Province, Tel Kaif Sector …
希斯巴部、尼尼微省、特尔卡伊夫区……
as soon as possible, and hand over the prisoner and all the reports, observations and documents related to him as well as his belongings and personal possessions.”
尽快移交囚犯以及与他有关的所有报告、观察和文件以及他的财物和个人物品。”
Reason for arrest: D “The propagation of virtue and prevention of vice.”
逮捕理由：D“弘扬美德，预防罪恶”。
The New York Times worked with outside experts to verify their authenticity, and a team of journalists spent 15 months translating and analyzing them page by page.
《纽约时报》与外部专家合作验证其真实性，记者团队花了 15 个月逐页翻译和分析。
Individually, each piece of paper documents a single, routine interaction: A land transfer between neighbors.
每张纸单独记录了一次单一的、例行的互动：邻居之间的土地转让。
The sale of a ton of wheat.
出售一吨小麦。
A fine for improper dress.
着装不当会被罚款。
But taken together, the documents in the trove reveal the inner workings of a complex system of government.
但总的来说，这些文件揭示了一个复杂的政府系统的内部运作。
They show that the group, if only for a finite amount of time, realized its dream: to establish its own state, a theocracy they considered a caliphate, run according to their strict interpretation of Islam.
他们表明，即使只是在有限的时间内，该组织也实现了自己的梦想：建立自己的国家，一个他们认为是哈里发国的神权政体，按照他们对伊斯兰教的严格解释进行管理。
The world knows the Islamic State for its brutality, but the militants did not rule by the sword alone.
全世界都知道伊斯兰国的残暴，但武装分子并不仅仅靠剑来统治。
They wielded power through two complementary tools: brutality and bureaucracy.
他们通过两种互补的工具行使权力：残暴和官僚主义。
ISIS built a state of administrative efficiency that collected taxes and picked up the garbage.
伊斯兰国建立了一个行政高效的国家，可以收税、清理垃圾。
It ran a marriage office that oversaw medical examinations to ensure that couples could have children.
它设有婚姻办公室，负责监督体检，以确保夫妇能够生育孩子。
It issued birth certificates — printed on Islamic State stationery — to babies born under the caliphate’s black flag.
它为在哈里发黑旗下出生的婴儿颁发印在伊斯兰国信纸上的出生证明。
It even ran its own D.M.V.
它甚至经营自己的 D.M.V.
The documents and interviews with dozens of people who lived under their rule show that the group at times offered better services and proved itself more capable than the government it had replaced.
文件和对数十名生活在他们统治下的人的采访表明，该组织有时提供更好的服务，并证明自己比它所取代的政府更有能力。
They also suggest that the militants learned from mistakes the United States made in 2003 after it invaded Iraq, including the decision to purge members of Saddam Hussein’s ruling party from their positions and bar them from future employment.
他们还表示，武装分子从美国2003年入侵伊拉克后所犯的错误中吸取了教训，包括决定清除萨达姆·侯赛因执政党成员的职务并禁止他们未来就业。
That decree succeeded in erasing the Baathist state, but also gutted the country’s civil institutions, creating the power vacuum that groups like ISIS rushed to fill.
该法令成功地消灭了复兴党国家，但也摧毁了该国的民事机构，造成了“伊斯兰国”等组织急于填补的权力真空。
A little more than a decade later, after seizing huge tracts of Iraq and Syria, the militants tried a different tactic.
十多年后，在占领了伊拉克和叙利亚的大片土地后，武装分子尝试了不同的策略。
They built their state on the back of the one that existed before, absorbing the administrative know-how of its hundreds of government cadres.
他们在以前的国家的基础上建立了自己的国家，吸收了数百名政府干部的行政知识。
An examination of how the group governed reveals a pattern of collaboration between the militants and the civilians under their yoke.
对该组织统治方式的研究揭示了武装分子与受其控制的平民之间的合作模式。
One of the keys to their success was their diversified revenue stream.
他们成功的关键之一是收入来源多元化。
The group drew its income from so many strands of the economy that airstrikes alone were not enough to cripple it.
该组织从众多经济领域获取收入，仅靠空袭不足以削弱它。
Ledgers, receipt books and monthly budgets describe how the militants monetized every inch of territory they conquered, taxing every bushel of wheat, every liter of sheep’s milk and every watermelon sold at markets they controlled.
账簿、收据和每月预算描述了武装分子如何将他们征服的每一寸领土货币化，对他们控制的市场上出售的每一蒲式耳小麦、每一升羊奶和每一个西瓜征税。
From agriculture alone, they reaped hundreds of millions of dollars.
仅农业一项，他们就获得了数亿美元的收入。
Contrary to popular perception, the group was self-financed, not dependent on external donors.
与普遍的看法相反，该组织是自筹资金的，不依赖外部捐助者。
More surprisingly, the documents provide further evidence that the tax revenue the Islamic State earned far outstripped income from oil sales.
更令人惊讶的是，这些文件提供了进一步的证据，证明伊斯兰国的税收收入远远超过了石油销售收入。
It was daily commerce and agriculture — not petroleum — that powered the economy of the caliphate.
推动哈里发国经济的是日常商业和农业，而不是石油。
The United States-led coalition, trying to eject the Islamic State from the region, tried in vain to strangle the group by bombing its oil installations.
以美国为首的联军试图将伊斯兰国逐出该地区，并试图通过轰炸其石油设施来扼杀该组织，但没有成功。
It’s much harder to bomb a barley field.
轰炸大麦田要困难得多。
It was not until last summer that the militants abandoned Mosul, after a battle so intense that it was compared to the worst combat of World War II.
直到去年夏天，武装分子才放弃了摩苏尔，这场战斗异常激烈，堪比二战中最惨烈的一场战斗。
While the militants’ state eventually crumbled, its blueprint remains for others to use.
虽然武装分子的国家最终崩溃了，但其蓝图仍然可供其他人使用。
“We dismiss the Islamic State as savage.
“我们认为伊斯兰国是野蛮的。
It is savage.
这是野蛮的。
We dismiss it as barbaric.
我们认为它是野蛮的。
It is barbaric.
这是野蛮的。
But at the same time these people realized the need to maintain institutions,” said Fawaz A.
但与此同时，这些人意识到维持机构的必要性，”Fawaz A.
Gerges, author of “ ISIS: A History .”
格尔格斯，《伊斯兰国：一段历史》一书的作者。
“The Islamic State’s capacity to govern is really as dangerous as their combatants,” he said.
“伊斯兰国的治理能力确实和他们的战斗人员一样危险，”他说。
The day after the meeting, Mr. Hamoud, a Sunni, returned to work and found that his department was now staffed 100 percent by Sunnis, the sect of Islam practiced by the militants.
会议第二天，逊尼派哈穆德先生回到工作岗位，发现他的部门现在 100% 的员工都是逊尼派，这是武装分子信奉的伊斯兰教教派。
The Shia and Christian colleagues who previously shared his office had all fled.
之前与他共用办公室的什叶派和基督教同事都已经逃走了。
For a while, Mr. Hamoud and the employees he supervised at the agriculture department went on much as they had before.
有一段时间，哈穆德先生和他在农业部门管理的员工们和以前一样。
Even the stationery they used was the same, though they were instructed to use a marker to cover up the Iraqi government’s logo.
甚至他们使用的文具都是一样的，尽管他们被指示使用记号笔遮盖伊拉克政府的标志。
But the long-bearded men who now oversaw Mr. Hamoud’s department had come with a plan, and they slowly began to enact it.
但现在负责哈穆德先生部门的长胡子男人们已经提出了一个计划，并且他们开始慢慢地实施它。
For generations, jihadists had dreamed of establishing a caliphate.
几代人以来，圣战分子一直梦想着建立一个哈里发国。
Osama bin Laden frequently spoke of it and his affiliates experimented with governing in the dunes of Mali , in the badlands of Yemen and in pockets of Iraq.
奥萨马·本·拉登经常谈到这一点，他的追随者尝试在马里的沙丘、也门的荒地和伊拉克的一些地区进行统治。
Their goal was to recreate the society that existed over a millennium ago during the time of the Prophet Muhammad.
他们的目标是重建一千多年前先知穆罕默德时代存在的社会。
In Mosul, what had been called the Directorate of Agriculture was renamed Diwan al-Zera’a, which can be translated as the Ministry of Agriculture.
在摩苏尔，农业局更名为 Diwan al-Zera’a，可以翻译为农业部。
The term “ diwan ” harks back to the seventh-century rule of one of the earliest caliphs.
“diwan”一词可以追溯到七世纪最早的哈里发之一的统治。
ISIS printed new letterhead that showed it had branded at least 14 administrative offices with “ diwan ,” renaming familiar ones like education and health.
ISIS 印刷了新的信笺，显示它已将至少 14 个行政办公室打上了“diwan”的标签，并将教育和卫生等熟悉的部门重新命名。
Then it opened diwans for things that people had not heard of: something called the hisba , which they soon learned was the feared morality police; another diwan for the pillaging of antiquities; yet another dedicated to “war spoils.”
然后，它为人们没有听说过的东西打开了空间：一种叫做“hisba”的东西，他们很快就知道这是令人畏惧的道德警察；另一个用于掠夺文物的迪旺；还有一个致力于“战利品”。
What began as a cosmetic change in Mr. Hamoud’s office soon turned into a wholesale transformation.
哈穆德先生的办公室一开始只是进行了表面上的改变，但很快就变成了彻底的转变。
The militants sent female employees home for good and closed the day care center.
武装分子将女员工永久送回家，并关闭了日托中心。
They shuttered the office’s legal department, saying disputes would now be handled according to God’s law alone.
他们关闭了该办公室的法律部门，称现在将仅根据上帝的法律来处理纠纷。
And they did away with one of the department’s daily duties — checking an apparatus, placed outside, to measure precipitation.
他们还取消了该部门的一项日常职责——检查放置在室外的用于测量降水量的仪器。
Rain, they said, was a gift from Allah — and who were they to measure his gift?
他们说，雨是安拉的礼物——他们是谁来衡量他的礼物呢？
Employees were also told they could no longer shave, and they had to make sure the leg of their trousers did not reach the ankle.
员工还被告知他们不能再刮胡子，并且必须确保裤腿没有到达脚踝。
Glossy pamphlets, like the one below, pinpointed the spot on the calf where the hem of the garb worn by the companions of the Prophet around 1,400 years ago was said to have reached.
光滑的小册子（如下面的小册子）准确指出了小腿上的位置，据说大约 1,400 年前先知的同伴所穿的服装下摆到达了该位置。
“The Sanctity of Men’s Garments” told men how to dress to follow the path laid by Prophet Muhammad.
《男士服装的神圣性》告诉男士如何着装，以遵循先知穆罕默德所开辟的道路。
Recovered in early 2017 in Al-Araji village by a Times employee traveling with Iraqi troops.
2017 年初，一名随伊拉克军队同行的时报员工在 Al-Araji 村发现了它。
It was also published online.
它还在线发布。
A “What Muslims are plagued with nowadays is that men wear their clothes long and women wear their clothes short!”
A“现在穆斯林的问题就是男穿长，女穿短！”
B The picture pinpoints the spot on the calf where the hem should reach, citing an admonition from the Prophet to a follower whose garb was too long.
B 图片指出了小腿上下摆应该到达的位置，引用了先知对服装太长的追随者的警告。
“The Sanctity of Men’s Garments” told men how to dress to follow the path laid by Prophet Muhammad.
《男士服装的神圣性》告诉男士如何着装，以遵循先知穆罕默德所开辟的道路。
Recovered in early 2017 in Al-Araji village by a Times employee traveling with Iraqi troops.
2017 年初，一名随伊拉克军队同行的时报员工在 Al-Araji 村发现了它。
It was also published online.
它还在线发布。
B The picture pinpoints the spot on the calf where the hem should reach, citing an admonition from the Prophet to a follower whose garb was too long.
B 图片指出了小腿上下摆应该到达的位置，引用了先知对服装太长的追随者的警告。
A “What Muslims are plagued with nowadays is that men wear their clothes long and women wear their clothes short!”
A“现在穆斯林的问题就是男穿长，女穿短！”
“The Sanctity of Men’s Garments” told men how to dress to follow the path laid by Prophet Muhammad.
《男士服装的神圣性》告诉男士如何着装，以遵循先知穆罕默德所开辟的道路。
Recovered in early 2017 in Al-Araji village by a Times employee traveling with Iraqi troops.
2017 年初，一名随伊拉克军队同行的时报员工在 Al-Araji 村发现了它。
It was also published online.
它还在线发布。
A “What Muslims are plagued with nowadays is that men wear their clothes long and women wear their clothes short!”
A“现在穆斯林的问题就是男穿长，女穿短！”
B The picture pinpoints the spot on the calf where the hem should reach, citing an admonition from the Prophet to a follower whose garb was too long.
B 图片指出了小腿上下摆应该到达的位置，引用了先知对服装太长的追随者的警告。
“The Sanctity of Men’s Garments” told men how to dress to follow the path laid by Prophet Muhammad.
《男士服装的神圣性》告诉男士如何着装，以遵循先知穆罕默德所开辟的道路。
Recovered in early 2017 in Al-Araji village by a Times employee traveling with Iraqi troops.
2017 年初，一名随伊拉克军队同行的时报员工在 Al-Araji 村发现了它。
It was also published online.
它还在线发布。
A “What Muslims are plagued with nowadays is that men wear their clothes long and women wear their clothes short!”
A“现在穆斯林的问题就是男穿长，女穿短！”
B The picture pinpoints the spot on the calf where the hem should reach, citing an admonition from the Prophet to a follower whose garb was too long.
B 图片指出了小腿上下摆应该到达的位置，引用了先知对服装太长的追随者的警告。
Eventually, the 57-year-old Hamoud, who wears his hair in a comb-over and prides himself on his professional appearance, stopped buying razors.
最终，57 岁的哈穆德不再购买剃须刀，他把头发梳得整整齐齐，并为自己的职业外表感到自豪。
He took out the slacks he wore to work and asked his wife to trim off 5 centimeters.
他拿出上班穿的休闲裤，让妻子剪掉5厘米。
But the biggest change came five months into the group’s rule, and it turned the hundreds of employees who had reluctantly returned to work into direct accomplices of the Islamic State.
但最大的变化发生在该组织统治五个月后，数百名不情愿重返工作岗位的员工变成了伊斯兰国的直接同谋。
The change involved the very department Mr. Hamoud headed, which was responsible for renting government-owned land to farmers.
这一变化涉及哈穆德领导的部门，该部门负责将政府拥有的土地出租给农民。
To increase revenue, the militants ordered the agriculture department to speed up the process for renting land, streamlining a weekslong application into something that could be accomplished in an afternoon.
为了增加收入，武装分子命令农业部门加快租赁土地的流程，将长达一周的申请简化为一个下午就能完成的事情。
It was then that government workers got word that they should begin renting out property that had never belonged to the government.
就在那时，政府工作人员得到消息，他们应该开始出租从未属于政府的财产。
The instructions were laid out in a 27-page manual emblazoned with the phrase “The Caliphate on the Path of Prophecy.” The handbook outlined the group’s plans for seizing property from the religious groups it had expelled and using it as the seed capital of the caliphate.
这些说明写在一本 27 页的手册中，上面写着“预言之路上的哈里发”。该手册概述了该组织从其驱逐的宗教团体手中夺取财产并将其用作哈里发国种子资本的计划。
“Confiscation,” the manual says, will be applied to the property of every single “Shia, apostate, Christian, Nusayri and Yazidi based on a lawful order issued directly by the Ministry of the Judiciary.”
手册称，“根据司法部直接发布的合法命令，没收将适用于每一个‘什叶派、叛教者、基督徒、努赛里和雅兹迪’的财产。”
Islamic State members are exclusively Sunni and see themselves as the only true believers.
伊斯兰国成员完全是逊尼派，并认为自己是唯一真正的信徒。
Mr. Hamoud’s office was instructed to make a comprehensive list of the properties owned by non-Sunnis — and to seize them for redistribution.
哈穆德的办公室奉命列出非逊尼派拥有的财产的完整清单，并没收这些财产进行重新分配。
The confiscation didn’t stop at the land and homes of the families they chased out.
没收并不仅限于被赶出的家庭的土地和房屋。
An entire ministry was set up to collect and reallocate beds, tables, bookshelves — even the forks the militants took from the houses they seized.
成立了一个完整的部门来收集和重新分配床、桌子、书架，甚至武装分子从他们占领的房屋中夺走的叉子。
They called it the Ministry of War Spoils.
他们称之为战争战利品部。
It was housed in a stone-faced building in western Mosul that was hit by an airstrike in the battle to retake the city.
它坐落在摩苏尔西部的一座石墙建筑内，该建筑在夺回城市的战斗中遭到空袭。
The ensuing fire consumed the structure and blackened its walls.
随后发生的大火烧毁了这座建筑，并烧黑了墙壁。
But the charred shapes left behind still told a story.
但留下的烧焦的形状仍然讲述着一个故事。
Each room served as a warehouse for ordinary household objects: kerosene heaters in one; cooking ranges in another; a jumble of air coolers and water tanks in yet another.
每个房间都充当普通家用物品的仓库：其中一个煤油加热器；一个房间。另一个炉灶；另一个房间里堆满了空气冷却器和水箱。
The few papers that did not burn up showed how objects seized from the religious groups they had chased out were offered as rewards to ISIS fighters.
少数没有被烧毁的文件显示了从被赶走的宗教团体手中夺取的物品如何被作为奖励提供给“伊斯兰国”武装分子。
“Please kindly approve the request of the family of the late Brother Durayd Salih Khalaf,” says one letter written on the letterhead of the Islamic State’s Prisoners and Martyrs Affairs Authority.
“请批准已故兄弟杜雷德·萨利赫·哈拉夫家人的请求，”伊斯兰国囚犯和烈士事务管理局信笺上写着一封信。
The request was for a stove and a washing machine.
要求是要一个炉子和一台洗衣机。
A note scribbled at the bottom says: “To be provided with a plasma TV and stove only.”
底部潦草写着：“仅提供等离子电视和炉灶。”
Another application from the General Telecommunications Authority requested, among other things, clothes hangers.
电信总局的另一份申请要求提供衣架等。
In January 2017, A the ISIS telecom department submitted a request form to the terrorist group’s agency in charge of handing out War Spoils.
2017年1月，ISIS电信部门向该恐怖组织负责发放战利品的机构提交了一份申请表。
It received 16 household items.
它收到了 16 件家居用品。
This document was recovered in a bombed-out building in western Mosul that had served as the headquarters of the Ministry of War Spoils.
这份文件是在摩苏尔西部一座被炸毁的建筑中发现的，该建筑曾是战利品部的总部。
A spreadsheet lists the items the telecom department was seeking, including B eight plastic chairs, five curtains and one clothes hanger.
一份电子表格列出了电信部门正在寻找的物品，包括八把塑料椅子、五块窗帘和一个衣架。
C Each department had its own stamp, listing the name of the division and sometimes the name of the official in charge.
C 每个部门都有自己的印章，列出部门名称，有时还列出负责官员的姓名。
In January 2017, A the ISIS telecom department submitted a request form to the terrorist group’s agency in charge of handing out War Spoils.
2017年1月，ISIS电信部门向该恐怖组织负责发放战利品的机构提交了一份申请表。
It received 16 household items.
它收到了 16 件家居用品。
This document was recovered in a bombed-out building in western Mosul that had served as the headquarters of the Ministry of War Spoils.
这份文件是在摩苏尔西部一座被炸毁的建筑中发现的，该建筑曾是战利品部的总部。
An effusive greeting: “We are thankful for your cooperation with us, asking God, the Exalted, to elevate your stature and bless you with good judgment to serve Islam and Muslims.” (Not shown)
热情洋溢的问候：“我们感谢您与我们的合作，祈求尊贵的真主提升您的地位，并以良好的判断力保佑您为伊斯兰教和穆斯林服务。” （未显示）
A spreadsheet lists the items the telecom department was seeking, including B eight plastic chairs, five curtains and one clothes hanger.
一份电子表格列出了电信部门正在寻找的物品，包括八把塑料椅子、五块窗帘和一个衣架。
C Each department had its own stamp, listing the name of the division and sometimes the name of the official in charge.
C 每个部门都有自己的印章，列出部门名称，有时还列出负责官员的姓名。
In January 2017, A the ISIS telecom department submitted a request form to the terrorist group’s agency in charge of handing out War Spoils.
2017年1月，ISIS电信部门向该恐怖组织负责发放战利品的机构提交了一份申请表。
It received 16 household items.
它收到了 16 件家居用品。
This document was recovered in a bombed-out building in western Mosul that had served as the headquarters of the Ministry of War Spoils.
这份文件是在摩苏尔西部一座被炸毁的建筑中发现的，该建筑曾是战利品部的总部。
A spreadsheet lists the items the telecom department was seeking, including B eight plastic chairs, five curtains and one clothes hanger.
一份电子表格列出了电信部门正在寻找的物品，包括八把塑料椅子、五块窗帘和一个衣架。
C Each department had its own stamp, listing the name of the division and sometimes the name of the official in charge.
C 每个部门都有自己的印章，列出部门名称，有时还列出负责官员的姓名。
In January 2017, A the ISIS telecom department submitted a request form to the terrorist group’s agency in charge of handing out War Spoils.
2017年1月，ISIS电信部门向该恐怖组织负责发放战利品的机构提交了一份申请表。
It received 16 household items.
它收到了 16 件家居用品。
This document was recovered in a bombed-out building in western Mosul that had served as the headquarters of the Ministry of War Spoils.
这份文件是在摩苏尔西部一座被炸毁的建筑中发现的，该建筑曾是战利品部的总部。
A spreadsheet lists the items the telecom department was seeking, including B eight plastic chairs, five curtains and one clothes hanger.
一份电子表格列出了电信部门正在寻找的物品，包括八把塑料椅子、五块窗帘和一个衣架。
C Each department had its own stamp, listing the name of the division and sometimes the name of the official in charge.
C 每个部门都有自己的印章，列出部门名称，有时还列出负责官员的姓名。
The Islamic State’s promise of taking care of its own, including free housing for foreign recruits, was one of the draws of the caliphate.
伊斯兰国承诺照顾好自己的人，包括为外国新兵提供免费住房，这是哈里发国的吸引力之一。
“I’m in Mosul and it’s really the top here,” Kahina el-Hadra, a young Frenchwoman who joined the group in 2015, wrote in an email that year to her secondary school teacher, according to a transcript contained in a report by the Paris Criminal Brigade, which was obtained by The Times.
根据《泰晤士报》获得的巴黎刑事大队报告中包含的文字记录，2015 年加入该组织的年轻法国女性卡希娜·哈德拉 (Kahina el-Hadra) 在当年给中学老师的一封电子邮件中写道：“我在摩苏尔，这里确实是最顶尖的。”
“I have an apartment that is fully furnished,” Ms. Hadra gushed.
“我有一套家具齐全的公寓，”哈德拉女士滔滔不绝地说。
“I pay no rent nor even electricity or water lol.
“我不付房租，甚至不付电费和水费，哈哈。
It’s the good life!!!
这就是美好的生活！！！
I didn’t buy so much as a single fork.”
我连一把叉子都没买。”
When her concerned teacher wrote back that the apartment had probably been stolen from another family, she shot back: “Serves them right, dirty Shia!!!”
当她忧心忡忡的老师回信说这套公寓可能是从另一个家庭偷来的时，她回击道：“他们活该，肮脏的什叶派！！！”
Ms. Hadra, according to police records, was the pregnant wife of one of the suicide bombers who blew himself up in the packed Bataclan concert hall during the Paris attacks of 2015.
根据警方记录，哈德拉女士是一名自杀式炸弹袭击者怀孕的妻子，该袭击者在 2015 年巴黎袭击期间在拥挤的巴塔克兰音乐厅引爆了自己。
I got into the habit of digging through the trash left behind by terrorists in 2013, when I was reporting on Al Qaeda in Mali.
2013年，当我报道马里的基地组织时，我养成了挖掘恐怖分子留下的垃圾的习惯。
Locals pointed out buildings the group had occupied in the deserts of Timbuktu.
当地人指出了该组织在廷巴克图沙漠中占据的建筑物。
Beneath overturned furniture and in abandoned filing cabinets, I found letters the militants had hand-carried across the dunes that spelled out their vision of jihad.
在翻倒的家具和废弃的文件柜下面，我发现了武装分子在沙丘上随身携带的信件，这些信件阐明了他们的圣战愿景。
Those documents revealed the inner workings of Al Qaeda, and years later I wanted to investigate the Islamic State in the same way.
这些文件揭示了基地组织的内部运作，多年后我想以同样的方式调查伊斯兰国。
When the coalition forces moved to take Mosul back from the militants in late 2016, I rushed to Iraq.
2016年底，当联军从武装分子手中夺回摩苏尔时，我赶往伊拉克。
For three weeks, I tried — and failed — to find any documents.
三个星期以来，我一直在尝试寻找任何文件，但都失败了。
Day after day, my team negotiated access to buildings painted with the Islamic State logo, only to find desk drawers jutting out and hard drives ripped out.
日复一日，我的团队协商进入涂有伊斯兰国标志的建筑物，却发现办公桌抽屉伸出来，硬盘驱动器被扯掉。
Then, the day before my return flight, we met a man who remembered seeing stacks of paper inside the provincial headquarters of the Islamic State’s Ministry of Agriculture in a small village called Omar Khan, 25 miles southeast of the city.
然后，在我回程航班的前一天，我们遇到了一个男人，他记得在伊斯兰国农业部的省级总部内看到过成堆的文件，该总部位于该市东南 25 英里的一个名叫奥马尔汗的小村庄。
The next day we traveled to the town, no more than a speck on the map of the Nineveh Plains, and entered House No. 47.
第二天，我们来到了这个在尼尼微平原地图上不过是一个小点的小镇，进入了47号屋。
My heart sank as we pushed open the door and saw the closets flung open — a clear sign that the place had already been cleared.
当我们推开门，看到壁橱猛地打开时，我的心沉了下去——这清楚地表明这个地方已经被清理干净了。
But on the way out, I stopped at what seemed to be an outhouse.
但在出去的路上，我停在一个似乎是户外厕所的地方。
When we opened the door, we saw piles of yellow folders cinched together with twine and stacked on the floor.
当我们打开门时，我们看到成堆的黄色文件夹用麻线绑在一起，堆放在地板上。
We pulled one out, laid it open in the sun — and there was the unmistakable black banner of the Islamic State, the flag they claim was flown by the Prophet himself.
我们拿出一张，把它打开放在阳光下——里面有明显的伊斯兰国黑色旗帜，他们声称这面旗帜是先知本人悬挂的。
Folder after folder, 273 in all, identified plots of land owned by farmers who belonged to one of the faiths banned by the group.
一个又一个文件夹，总共 273 个文件夹，标出了属于该组织禁止的某一信仰的农民所拥有的土地。
Each yellow sleeve contained the handwritten request of a Sunni applying to confiscate the property.
每个黄色袖子都包含逊尼派申请没收财产的手写请求。
This is one of 273 leases for land ISIS stole from members of religious groups it chased out.
这是伊斯兰国从其驱逐的宗教团体成员手中窃取的 273 份土地租约之一。
A This five-acre plot was rented to Ghanim Khalaf Ahmed for 100,000 dinars — roughly $83.
A 这块 5 英亩的土地以 100,000 第纳尔（约合 83 美元）的价格租给了加尼姆·哈拉夫·艾哈迈德 (Ghanim Khalaf Ahmed)。
The leases were found by Times reporters in the village of Omar Khan in northern Iraq in December 2016.
《泰晤士报》记者于 2016 年 12 月在伊拉克北部的奥马尔汗村发现了这些租约。
A look at the fine print shows that the landowners this property was taken from were Shia.
看一下小字就知道，这处房产的所有者是什叶派。
B Next to their names is their “status”: Rafidhis, a derogatory term for the Shia.
B 他们的名字旁边是他们的“地位”：Rafidhis，对什叶派的贬义词。
C A tenant may not sublet the property; he must keep the property clean and in good condition; the property can only be modified after the approval of the Ministry of Agriculture.
C 租户不得转租该房产；他必须保持财产清洁且状况良好；产权变更须经农业部批准。
This is one of 273 leases for land ISIS stole from members of religious groups it chased out.
这是伊斯兰国从其驱逐的宗教团体成员手中窃取的 273 份土地租约之一。
A This five-acre plot was rented to Ghanim Khalaf Ahmed for 100,000 dinars — roughly $83.
A 这块 5 英亩的土地以 100,000 第纳尔（约合 83 美元）的价格租给了加尼姆·哈拉夫·艾哈迈德 (Ghanim Khalaf Ahmed)。
The leases were found by Times reporters in the village of Omar Khan in northern Iraq in December 2016.
《泰晤士报》记者于 2016 年 12 月在伊拉克北部的奥马尔汗村发现了这些租约。
A look at the fine print shows that the landowners this property was taken from were Shia.
看一下小字就知道，这处房产的所有者是什叶派。
B Next to their names is their “status”: Rafidhis, a derogatory term for the Shia.
B 他们的名字旁边是他们的“地位”：Rafidhis，对什叶派的贬义词。
C A tenant may not sublet the property; he must keep the property clean and in good condition; the property can only be modified after the approval of the Ministry of Agriculture.
C 租户不得转租该房产；他必须保持财产清洁且状况良好；产权变更须经农业部批准。
This is one of 273 leases for land ISIS stole from members of religious groups it chased out.
这是伊斯兰国从其驱逐的宗教团体成员手中窃取的 273 份土地租约之一。
A This five-acre plot was rented to Ghanim Khalaf Ahmed for 100,000 dinars — roughly $83.
A 这块 5 英亩的土地以 100,000 第纳尔（约合 83 美元）的价格租给了加尼姆·哈拉夫·艾哈迈德 (Ghanim Khalaf Ahmed)。
The leases were found by Times reporters in the village of Omar Khan in northern Iraq in December 2016.
《泰晤士报》记者于 2016 年 12 月在伊拉克北部的奥马尔汗村发现了这些租约。
A look at the fine print shows that the landowners this property was taken from were Shia.
看一下小字就知道，这处房产的所有者是什叶派。
B Next to their names is their “status”: Rafidhis, a derogatory term for the Shia.
B 他们的名字旁边是他们的“地位”：Rafidhis，对什叶派的贬义词。
C A tenant may not sublet the property; he must keep the property clean and in good condition; the property can only be modified after the approval of the Ministry of Agriculture.
C 租户不得转租该房产；他必须保持财产清洁且状况良好；产权变更须经农业部批准。
This is one of 273 leases for land ISIS stole from members of religious groups it chased out.
这是伊斯兰国从其驱逐的宗教团体成员手中窃取的 273 份土地租约之一。
A This five-acre plot was rented to Ghanim Khalaf Ahmed for 100,000 dinars — roughly $83.
A 这块 5 英亩的土地以 100,000 第纳尔（约合 83 美元）的价格租给了加尼姆·哈拉夫·艾哈迈德 (Ghanim Khalaf Ahmed)。
The leases were found by Times reporters in the village of Omar Khan in northern Iraq in December 2016.
《泰晤士报》记者于 2016 年 12 月在伊拉克北部的奥马尔汗村发现了这些租约。
A look at the fine print shows that the landowners this property was taken from were Shia.
看一下小字就知道，这处房产的所有者是什叶派。
B Next to their names is their “status”: Rafidhis, a derogatory term for the Shia.
B 他们的名字旁边是他们的“地位”：Rafidhis，对什叶派的贬义词。
C A tenant may not sublet the property; he must keep the property clean and in good condition; the property can only be modified after the approval of the Ministry of Agriculture.
C 租户不得转租该房产；他必须保持财产清洁且状况良好；产权变更须经农业部批准。
Doing so involved a step-by-step process, beginning with a report by a surveyor, who mapped the plot, noted important topographical features and researched the property’s ownership.
这样做需要一个循序渐进的过程，从测量员的报告开始，测量员绘制了该地块的地图，记录了重要的地形特征并研究了该财产的所有权。
Once it was determined that the land was owned by one of the targeted groups, it was classified as property of the Islamic State.
一旦确定该土地属于其中一个目标群体所有，它就被归类为伊斯兰国的财产。
Then a contract was drawn up spelling out that the tenant could neither sublet the land nor modify it without the group’s permission.
然后起草了一份合同，明确规定承租人未经集团许可不得转租或修改土地。
The outhouse discovery taught me to stay off the beaten track.
户外厕所的发现教会我远离人迹罕至的地方。
I learned to read the landscape for clues, starting with باقية — “baqiya” — the first word of the Islamic State slogan.
我学会了从风景中寻找线索，从“巴基亚”（伊斯兰国口号的第一个词）开始。
It can be translated as “will remain,” and marked the buildings the group occupied, invoking its claim that the Islamic State will endure.
它可以被翻译为“将继续存在”，并标记了该组织占据的建筑物，并声称伊斯兰国将继续存在。
Once we confirmed that a building had been occupied by the group, we lifted up the mattresses and pulled back the headboards of beds.
当我们确认这群人已经占领了一栋大楼后，我们就抬起床垫，拉开床头板。
We rifled through the closets, opened kitchen cupboards, followed the stairs to the roof and scanned the grounds.
我们翻遍了壁橱，打开厨房橱柜，沿着楼梯到达屋顶，扫视了地面。
The danger of land mines and booby-traps hung over our team.
地雷和诱杀装置的危险笼罩着我们的队伍。
In one villa, we found a collection of records — but could search only one set of rooms after security forces discovered an unexploded bomb.
在一栋别墅中，我们发现了一系列记录，但在安全部队发现一枚未爆炸的炸弹后，我们只能搜查一组房间。
Because the buildings were near the front lines, Iraqi security forces nearly always accompanied our team.
由于这些建筑物靠近前线，伊拉克安全部队几乎总是伴随着我们的团队。
They led the way and gave permission to take the documents.
他们带路并允许拿走文件。
In time, the troops escorting us became our sources and they, in turn, shared what they found, augmenting our cache by hundreds of records.
随着时间的推移，护送我们的部队成为了我们的消息来源，他们反过来分享了他们的发现，使我们的缓存增加了数百条记录。
The Times asked six analysts to examine portions of the trove, including Aymenn Jawad al-Tamimi, who maintains his own archive of Islamic State documents and has written a primer on how to identify fraudulent ones; Mara Revkin, a Yale scholar who has made repeated trips to Mosul to study the group’s administration ; and a team of analysts at West Point’s Combating Terrorism Center who analyzed the records found in Bin Laden’s hide-out in Pakistan.
《纽约时报》请六位分析师检查了部分文件，其中包括艾门·贾瓦德·塔米米 (Aymenn Jawad al-Tamimi)，他负责维护自己的伊斯兰国文件档案，并撰写了一本关于如何识别欺诈性文件的入门读物；耶鲁大学学者马拉·雷夫金 (Mara Revkin) 曾多次前往摩苏尔研究该组织的管理情况；西点军校反恐中心的一组分析人员分析了在本拉登位于巴基斯坦的藏身处发现的记录。
They deemed the records to be original, based on the markings, logos and stamps, as well as the names of government offices.
根据标记、标志和印章以及政府办公室的名称，他们认为这些记录是原始的。
The terminology and design were consistent with those found on documents issued by the group in other parts of the caliphate, including as far afield as Libya.
这些术语和设计与该组织在哈里发其他地区（包括远至利比亚）发布的文件中的术语和设计一致。
As lease after lease was translated back in New York, the same signature inked at the bottom of numerous contracts kept reappearing: “Chief Technical Supervisor, Mahmoud Ismael Salim, Supervisor of Land.”
当一份又一份的租约被翻译回纽约时，许多合同底部的相同签名不断出现：“首席技术主管，马哈茂德·伊斯梅尔·萨利姆，土地主管。”
On my first trip back to Iraq, I showed the leases to a local police officer.
在我第一次返回伊拉克时，我向当地警察展示了租约。
He recognized the angular signature and offered to escort me to the home of the ISIS bureaucrat.
他认出了这个棱角分明的签名，并主动提出护送我去伊斯兰国官员的家。
The officer shrugged when asked why a man who had taken part in the group’s organized land theft had not been arrested.
当被问及为什么一名参与该组织有组织的盗窃土地的男子没有被逮捕时，该警官耸耸肩。
His men were overwhelmed investigating those who had fought and killed on behalf of the terrorist group, he said.
他说，他的手下正在忙于调查那些为恐怖组织作战和杀害的人。
They didn’t have time to also go after the hundreds of civil servants who had worked in the Islamic State’s administration.
他们没有时间去追捕曾在伊斯兰国政府工作的数百名公务员。
Hours later, the man whose signature appeared on the lease for farmland seized from a Christian priest, on the contract for the orchards taken from a monastery, and on the deed for land stolen from a Shia family allowed us into his modest home.
几个小时后，这名男子的签名出现在从一名基督教牧师手中夺取的农田租约上、从一座修道院夺取的果园合同上以及从什叶派家庭偷来的土地契约上，他允许我们进入他简陋的家。
The only decoration in his living room was a broken clock whose hand trembled between 10:43 and 10:44.
他的客厅里唯一的装饰品是一个坏了的钟，它的指针在10点43分到10点44分之间颤抖。
A stooped man with thick glasses, the 63-year-old Salim was visibly nervous.
63 岁的萨利姆驼着背，戴着厚厚的眼镜，看上去很紧张。
He explained that he had spent years overseeing the provincial office of the government of Iraq’s Directorate of Agriculture, where he reported to Mr. Hamoud, whom we contacted for the first time a few days later.
他解释说，他花了多年时间监督伊拉克政府农业局的省级办公室，在那里他向哈穆德先生汇报工作，几天后我们第一次联系了他。
Mr. Salim acknowledged that it was his signature on the leases.
萨利姆先生承认这是他在租约上的签名。
But speaking haltingly, he claimed to have been forcibly conscripted into the bureaucracy of the terrorist state.
但他结结巴巴地声称自己是被强行征召入恐怖国家官僚机构的。
“They took our files and started going through them, searching which of the properties belong to Shia, which of them belong to apostates, which of them are people who had left the caliphate,” he said.
“他们拿走了我们的档案，开始仔细检查，搜索哪些财产属于什叶派，哪些属于叛教者，哪些是离开哈里发国的人，”他说。
He described informants phoning in the addresses of Shias and Christians.
他描述了线人打电话提供什叶派和基督徒的地址。
Sunnis who were too poor to pay the rent upfront were offered a sharecropping agreement with the Islamic State, allowing them to take possession of the stolen land in return for one-third of the future harvest.
由于太穷而无法预付租金的逊尼派获得了与伊斯兰国的一份佃农协议，允许他们占有被盗的土地，以换取未来三分之一的收成。
On busy days, a line snaked around his office building, made up of Sunni farmers, many of them resentful of their treatment at the hands of a Shia-led Iraqi government.
在繁忙的日子里，他的办公楼周围排起了蜿蜒的队伍，队伍由逊尼派农民组成，他们中的许多人对什叶派领导的伊拉克政府的待遇感到不满。
In the same compound where we found the stacks of yellow folders, Mr. Salim received men he knew, whose children had played with his.
在我们发现成堆黄色文件夹的同一个院落里，萨利姆先生接待了他认识的人，他们的孩子和他一起玩过。
They came to steal the land of other men they all knew — whose children had also grown up alongside theirs.
他们来窃取他们都认识的其他人的土地——这些人的孩子也和他们一起长大。
With the stroke of his pen, farmers lost their ancestors’ cropland, their sons were robbed of their inheritance and the wealth of entire families, built up over generations, was wiped out.
他的大笔一挥，农民失去了祖辈的田地，子孙的遗产被夺走，整个家族世代积累的财富化为乌有。
“These are relationships we built over decades, from the time of my father, and my father’s father,” Mr. Salim said, pleading for understanding.
“这些是我们从我父亲和我父亲的父亲时代起几十年来建立的关系，”萨利姆先生恳求理解。
“These were my brothers, but we were forced to do it.”
“这些是我的兄弟，但我们被迫这样做。”
As 2014 blurred into 2015 and Mr. Hamoud and his colleagues helped keep the machinery of government running, Islamic State soldiers set out to remake every aspect of life in the city — starting with the role of women.
随着 2014 年进入 2015 年，哈穆德先生和他的同事帮助维持政府机构的运转，伊斯兰国士兵开始重塑这座城市生活的方方面面——从女性的角色开始。
Billboards went up showing an image of a woman fully veiled.
广告牌上出现了一个完全蒙着面纱的女人的形象。
The militants commandeered a textile factory, which began manufacturing bales of regulation-length female clothing.
武装分子占领了一家纺织厂，开始生产成捆的规定长度的女装。
Soon thousands of niqab sets were delivered to the market, and women who didn’t cover up began to be fined.
很快，数千套面纱被投放到市场上，不戴面纱的女性开始被罚款。
Mr. Hamoud, who is known as “Abu Sara,” or Father of Sara, gave in and bought a niqab for his daughter.
被称为“阿布·萨拉”（Abu Sara）或“萨拉之父”的哈穆德先生屈服了，为他的女儿买了面纱。
As he walked to and from work, Mr. Hamoud began taking side streets to dodge the frequent executions that were being carried out in traffic circles and public squares.
哈穆德步行上下班时，开始走小巷，以躲避交通环岛和公共广场上频繁发生的处决。
In one, a teenage girl accused of adultery was dragged out of a minivan and forced to her knees.
其中，一名被指控通奸的少女被从一辆小型货车中拖出并强迫跪下。
Then a stone slab was dropped onto her head.
随后，一块石板落到了她的头上。
On a bridge, the bodies of people accused of being spies swung from the railing.
在一座桥上，被指控为间谍的人的尸体从栏杆上晃来晃去。
But on the same thoroughfares, Mr. Hamoud noticed something that filled him with shame: The streets were visibly cleaner than they had been when the Iraqi government was in charge.
但在同一条大道上，哈穆德注意到一些让他感到羞愧的事情：街道明显比伊拉克政府执政时干净。
Omar Bilal Younes, a 42-year-old truck driver whose occupation allowed him to crisscross the caliphate, noticed the same improvement.
42 岁的卡车司机奥马尔·比拉尔·尤尼斯 (Omar Bilal Younes) 也注意到了同样的改善，他的职业使他能够往返于哈里发国之间。
“Garbage collection was No. 1 under ISIS,” he said, flashing a thumbs-up sign.
“垃圾收集是伊斯兰国的第一要务，”他一边说，一边竖起了大拇指。
The street sweepers hadn’t changed.
扫街的人没有变。
What had was that the militants imposed a discipline that had been lacking, said a half-dozen sanitation employees who worked under ISIS and who were interviewed in three towns after the group was forced out.
六名在“伊斯兰国”下工作的环卫工人表示，武装分子实施了一直缺乏的纪律。在该组织被迫撤离后，他们在三个城镇接受了采访。
“The only thing I could do during the time of government rule is to give a worker a one-day suspension without pay,” said Salim Ali Sultan, who oversaw garbage collection both for the Iraqi government and later for the Islamic State in the northern Iraqi town of Tel Kaif.
“在政府统治期间，我唯一能做的就是让一名工人停薪一天，”萨利姆·阿里·苏丹说。他曾为伊拉克政府和后来的伊拉克北部城镇特尔卡伊夫的伊斯兰国负责监督垃圾收集工作。
“Under ISIS, they could be imprisoned.”
“在伊斯兰国的统治下，他们可能会被监禁。”
Residents also said that their taps were less likely to run dry, the sewers less likely to overflow and potholes fixed more quickly under the militants, even though there were now near-daily airstrikes.
居民还表示，尽管现在几乎每天都会发生空袭，但在武装分子的控制下，他们的水龙头不太可能干涸，下水道不太可能溢出，坑洼也能更快地修复。
Then one day, residents of Mosul saw earthmovers heading toward a neighborhood called the Industrial Area in the eastern half of the city.
然后有一天，摩苏尔的居民看到推土机正驶向该市东半部一个名为工业区的社区。
Laborers were seen paving a new blacktop road that would eventually run for roughly one mile, connecting two areas of the city and reducing congestion.
人们看到工人们正在铺设一条新的柏油路，该路最终长约一英里，连接城市的两个地区并减少拥堵。
The new government did not concern itself only with administrative matters.
新政府不仅仅关心行政事务。
For morality, as for everything else, there was a bureaucracy.
对于道德，就像对于其他一切一样，存在着官僚机构。
Citizens stopped in the street by the hisba , the morality police, and accused of an offense were ordered to hand over their IDs in return for a “confiscation receipt.” The ID was taken to the group’s office, where residents were forced to appear and face judgment.
公民在街上被道德警察拦下，并被指控犯有罪行，他们被勒令交出身份证件，以换取“没收收据”。身份证件被带到该组织的办公室，居民被迫出庭接受审判。
Religious specialists weighed the crime, filling out a form.
宗教专家对犯罪行为进行了权衡，并填写了一份表格。
Afterward, the offender was made to sign another form: “I, the undersigned, pledge not to cut or trim my beard again,” said one.
随后，罪犯被要求签署另一份表格：“我，以下签名者，保证不再剪掉或修剪我的胡须，”其中一人说道。
“If I do that again, I will be subject to all kinds of punishments that the Hisba Center may take against me.”
“如果我再这样做，我将受到希斯巴中心可能对我采取的各种惩罚。”
The zeal with which the Islamic State policed the population is reflected in the 87 prison transfer records they abandoned in one of their police stations.
伊斯兰国在警察局中遗弃的 87 份监狱转移记录反映了他们对民众的监管热情。
Citizens were thrown into jail for a litany of obscure crimes, including eyebrow plucking, inappropriate haircuts, raising pigeons, playing dominoes, playing cards, playing music and smoking the hookah.
公民因一系列不起眼的罪行而被投入监狱，包括拔眉毛、剪不合时宜的发型、养鸽子、玩多米诺骨牌、打牌、演奏音乐和吸水烟。
In early 2016, Mr. Hamoud’s daughter Sara ran out for a quick errand without covering her eyes.
2016 年初，哈穆德先生的女儿萨拉 (Sara) 出门办事，没有遮住眼睛。
She was spotted by an officer from the morality police.
她被道德警察的一名警官发现了。
Before she could explain, he smashed his fist into her eye.
还没等她解释，他的拳头就砸在了她的眼睛上。
From then on, her father forbade her to leave the house, except to drive to the hospital for the appointments that followed the assault, which left her with vision loss, the family said.
家人称，从那时起，她的父亲禁止她离开家，除非她开车去医院参加袭击后的预约，这导致她失明。
With change sweeping the region, residents were forced to make fraught choices, among them: Stay or leave, rebel or accommodate.
随着变革席卷该地区，居民被迫做出艰难的选择，其中包括：留下或离开、反抗或迁就。
Mr. Hamoud decided to try to escape.
哈穆德先生决定尝试逃跑。
He and his eldest son, 28-year-old Omar, had set aside over $30,000 to buy a new home.
他和他 28 岁的大儿子奥马尔 (Omar) 已经拨出 3 万多美元购买新房。
The morning of their planned departure, Omar withdrew all but around $1,000 from the bank account.
他们计划出发的那天早上，奥马尔从银行账户中提取了几乎 1,000 美元的全部资金。
Not even two hours later, a unit of masked fighters banged down the family’s front door.
不到两小时后，一队蒙面武装分子就冲破了这家人的前门。
One of them was holding the bank slip Omar had signed.
其中一人拿着奥马尔签名的银行单据。
“Try this again and we’ll kill every last one of you,” the militants warned.
武装分子警告说：“再试一次，我们会杀掉你们所有人。”
On the western banks of the Tigris River, in a pulverized building, I found an abandoned briefcase.
在底格里斯河西岸，在一栋被夷为平地的建筑里，我发现了一个废弃的公文包。
The documents that spilled out revealed that the briefcase belonged to Yasir Issa Hassan, a young professional whose photo identification shows a balding man with a large, aquiline nose.
泄露的文件显示，这个公文包属于年轻的专业人士亚西尔·伊萨·哈桑 (Yasir Issa Hassan)，他的身份证照片显示，他是一个秃顶男子，长着一个大鹰嘴鼻。
He was the administrator of the Trade Division inside the Islamic State Ministry of Agriculture.
他是伊斯兰国农业部贸易司的管理员。
The group’s outsize ambitions and its robust bureaucracy hinged on its ability to generate funds.
该集团的雄心壮志和强大的官僚机构取决于其筹集资金的能力。
Bulging with accounting forms, budget projections and receipts, as well as two CD-ROMs containing spreadsheets, the briefcase shed light on the scope of the organization’s revenue machine and offered a blueprint for how it worked.
公文包里装满了会计表格、预算预测和收据，以及两张包含电子表格的 CD-ROM，揭示了该组织收入机器的范围，并提供了其运作方式的蓝图。
The financial reports tallied over $19 million in transactions involving agriculture alone.
财务报告显示，仅涉及农业的交易就超过 1900 万美元。
The documents describe how it made money at every step in the supply chain: Before a single seed of grain, for example, was sown, the group collected rent for the fields it had confiscated.
这些文件描述了该组织如何在供应链的每一步赚钱：例如，在播种一粒谷物种子之前，该组织就为其没收的土地收取租金。
Then, when the crops were ready to be threshed, it collected a harvest tax.
然后，当农作物准备好脱粒时，它征收收获税。
You’ll receive Top Stories notifications after the series ends.
该系列结束后，您将收到热门故事通知。
The trucks that transported the grain paid highway tolls .
运输粮食的卡车要缴纳高速公路通行费。
The grain was stored in silos, which the militants controlled, and they made money when the grain was sold to mills, which they also controlled.
粮食储存在武装分子控制的筒仓中，当粮食被卖给他们也控制的磨坊时，他们就赚钱了。
The mills ground the grain into flour, which the group sold to traders.
磨坊将谷物磨成面粉，该集团将其出售给贸易商。
Then the bags of flour were loaded onto trucks, which traversed the caliphate, paying more tolls.
然后，一袋袋面粉被装上卡车，穿越哈里发国，支付更多的通行费。
It was sold to supermarkets and shops, which were also taxed.
它被卖给超市和商店，这些也被征税。
So were the consumers who bought the finished product.
购买成品的消费者也是如此。
In a single 24-hour period in 2015, one of the spreadsheets in the briefcase shows, the Islamic State collected $1.9 million from the sale of barley and wheat.
公文包中的一份电子表格显示，2015 年的 24 小时内，伊斯兰国通过大麦和小麦的销售获得了 190 万美元。
Another table shows that the militants earned over $3 million in three months from gross flour sales in just three locations in Mosul.
另一张表格显示，武装分子在三个月内仅在摩苏尔三个地点的面粉销售收入就超过 300 万美元。
The organization appeared intent on making money off every last grain — even crops that were damaged.
该组织似乎一心想从每一粒谷物中赚钱，甚至包括受损的农作物。
On just one day, according to another statement, it took in over $14,000 from wheat described as having been scorched in a bombing, and $2,300 from the sale of spoiled lentils and chickpeas.
另一份声明称，仅一天，该公司就从被爆炸烧焦的小麦中获利超过 14,000 美元，从变质扁豆和鹰嘴豆的销售中获利 2,300 美元。
It also took in over $23,000 from grain that had been scraped off the bottom of a tank, according to one spreadsheet.
根据一份电子表格，该公司还从储罐底部刮下的谷物中获得了超过 23,000 美元的收入。
The Islamic State’s tax arm reached into every facet of life in Mosul.
伊斯兰国的税务部门触及摩苏尔生活的方方面面。
Households in Iraq were taxed 2,000 dinars per month (less than $2) for garbage collection, 10,000 dinars (about $8) for each 10 amperes of electricity, and another 10,000 for municipal water.
伊拉克家庭每月需缴纳 2,000 第纳尔（不到 2 美元）的垃圾收集税，每 10 安培的电费 10,000 第纳尔（约 8 美元），另外还有 10,000 第纳尔的市政用水税。
Businesses wishing to install a landline paid a 15,000-dinar (about $12) installation fee to the group’s telecommunications office, followed by a 5,000-dinar monthly maintenance fee.
希望安装固定电话的企业需要向该集团的电信办公室支付 15,000 第纳尔（约合 12 美元）的安装费，然后每月缴纳 5,000 第纳尔的维护费。
Municipal offices charged for marriage licenses and birth certificates.
市政办公室收取结婚证和出生证的费用。
This birth certificate is for a girl named Shehed.
这张出生证明是给一个名叫谢赫德的女孩的。
A She weighed 4 kilograms when she was born on Aug.
A 她8月出生时体重4公斤。
26, 2016, in an administrative area created by ISIS called Al-Jazeera province.
2016 年 12 月 26 日，在 ISIS 创建的一个名为半岛省的行政区域内。
The paper was recovered by Times journalists in Tal Abta, a village in northern Iraq, in July 2017 in a building used by ISIS fighters.
2017 年 7 月，《泰晤士报》记者在伊拉克北部村庄塔尔阿布塔 (Tal Abta) 的一栋 ISIS 武装分子使用的建筑内发现了这张纸。
Shehed was born at home to B Wadha Mansour Ubaid, 20, and Mahmud Muhammad Mousa, a 35-year-old laborer.
Shehed 出生在家里，父亲是 20 岁的 B Wadha Mansour Ubaid，父亲是 35 岁的工人 Mahmud Muhammad Mousa。
There was no doctor, nurse or certified midwife at the birth.
分娩时没有医生、护士或经过认证的助产士。
ISIS issued numbered birth certificates on stationery that read, C “The Islamic State, Ministry of Health” to children born under their black flag.
伊斯兰国向在其黑旗下出生的儿童发放了带有编号的信纸，上面写着“C”“伊斯兰国，卫生部”。
This birth certificate is for a girl named Shehed.
这张出生证明是给一个名叫谢赫德的女孩的。
A She weighed 4 kilograms when she was born on Aug.
A 她8月出生时体重4公斤。
26, 2016, in an administrative area created by ISIS called Al-Jazeera province.
2016 年 12 月 26 日，在 ISIS 创建的一个名为半岛省的行政区域内。
The paper was recovered by Times journalists in Tal Abta, a village in northern Iraq, in July 2017 in a building used by ISIS fighters.
2017 年 7 月，《泰晤士报》记者在伊拉克北部村庄塔尔阿布塔 (Tal Abta) 的一栋 ISIS 武装分子使用的建筑内发现了这张纸。
Shehed was born at home to B Wadha Mansour Ubaid, 20, and Mahmud Muhammad Mousa, a 35-year-old laborer.
Shehed 出生在家里，父亲是 20 岁的 B Wadha Mansour Ubaid，父亲是 35 岁的工人 Mahmud Muhammad Mousa。
There was no doctor, nurse or certified midwife at the birth.
分娩时没有医生、护士或经过认证的助产士。
ISIS issued numbered birth certificates on stationery that read, C “The Islamic State, Ministry of Health” to children born under their black flag.
伊斯兰国向在其黑旗下出生的儿童发放了带有编号的信纸，上面写着“C”“伊斯兰国，卫生部”。
This birth certificate is for a girl named Shehed.
这张出生证明是给一个名叫谢赫德的女孩的。
A She weighed 4 kilograms when she was born on Aug.
A 她8月出生时体重4公斤。
26, 2016, in an administrative area created by ISIS called Al-Jazeera province.
2016 年 12 月 26 日，在 ISIS 创建的一个名为半岛省的行政区域内。
The paper was recovered by Times journalists in Tal Abta, a village in northern Iraq, in July 2017 in a building used by ISIS fighters.
2017 年 7 月，《泰晤士报》记者在伊拉克北部村庄塔尔阿布塔 (Tal Abta) 的一栋 ISIS 武装分子使用的建筑内发现了这张纸。
Shehed was born at home to B Wadha Mansour Ubaid, 20, and Mahmud Muhammad Mousa, a 35-year-old laborer.
Shehed 出生在家里，父亲是 20 岁的 B Wadha Mansour Ubaid，父亲是 35 岁的工人 Mahmud Muhammad Mousa。
There was no doctor, nurse or certified midwife at the birth.
分娩时没有医生、护士或经过认证的助产士。
ISIS issued numbered birth certificates on stationery that read, C “The Islamic State, Ministry of Health” to children born under their black flag.
伊斯兰国向在其黑旗下出生的儿童发放了带有编号的信纸，上面写着“C”“伊斯兰国，卫生部”。
This birth certificate is for a girl named Shehed.
这张出生证明是给一个名叫谢赫德的女孩的。
A She weighed 4 kilograms when she was born on Aug.
A 她8月出生时体重4公斤。
26, 2016, in an administrative area created by ISIS called Al-Jazeera province.
2016 年 12 月 26 日，在 ISIS 创建的一个名为半岛省的行政区域内。
The paper was recovered by Times journalists in Tal Abta, a village in northern Iraq, in July 2017 in a building used by ISIS fighters.
2017 年 7 月，《泰晤士报》记者在伊拉克北部村庄塔尔阿布塔 (Tal Abta) 的一栋 ISIS 武装分子使用的建筑内发现了这张纸。
Shehed was born at home to B Wadha Mansour Ubaid, 20, and Mahmud Muhammad Mousa, a 35-year-old laborer.
Shehed 出生在家里，父亲是 20 岁的 B Wadha Mansour Ubaid，父亲是 35 岁的工人 Mahmud Muhammad Mousa。
There was no doctor, nurse or certified midwife at the birth.
分娩时没有医生、护士或经过认证的助产士。
ISIS issued numbered birth certificates on stationery that read, C “The Islamic State, Ministry of Health” to children born under their black flag.
伊斯兰国向在其黑旗下出生的儿童发放了带有编号的信纸，上面写着“C”“伊斯兰国，卫生部”。
But perhaps the most lucrative tax was a religious tax known as zakat , which is considered one of the five pillars of Islam .
但也许最有利可图的税收是被称为天课的宗教税，它被认为是伊斯兰教的五大支柱之一。
It is calculated at 2.5 percent of an individual’s assets, and up to 10 percent for agricultural production, according to Ms. Revkin, the Yale researcher.
耶鲁大学研究员雷夫金表示，这一比例按个人资产的 2.5% 计算，农业生产的比例最高为 10%。
While some of these fees had been charged by the Iraqi and Syrian governments, the mandatory asset tax was a new development.
虽然其中一些费用是由伊拉克和叙利亚政府收取的，但强制性资产税是一个新的发展。
Ordinarily in Islamic practice, the zakat is a tithe used to help the poor.
通常在伊斯兰教的实践中，天课是用来帮助穷人的什一税。
In the Islamic State’s interpretation, an act of charity became a mandatory payment, and while some of the funds collected were used to help needy families, the Ministry of Zakat and Charities acted more like a version of the Internal Revenue Service.
在伊斯兰国的解释中，慈善行为变成了强制性付款，虽然筹集到的部分资金用于帮助贫困家庭，但天课和慈善部的行为更像是国税局的一个版本。
Most accounts of how the Islamic State became the richest terrorist group in the world focus on its black-market oil sales, which at one point brought in as much as $2 million per week , according to some estimates.
大多数关于伊斯兰国如何成为世界上最富有的恐怖组织的叙述都集中在其黑市石油销售上，据一些估计，该黑市石油销售一度每周带来高达 200 万美元的收入。
Yet records recovered in Syria by Mr. Tamimi and analyzed by Ms. Revkin show that the ratio of money earned from taxes versus oil stood at 6:1 .
然而，塔米米先生在叙利亚恢复并由雷夫金女士分析的记录表明，税收与石油收入的比例为 6:1。
Despite hundreds of airstrikes that left the caliphate pocked with craters, the group’s economy continued to function, fed by streams of revenue that could not be bombed under international norms: the civilians under their rule, their commercial activity and the dirt under their feet.
尽管数百次空袭使这个哈里发国千疮百孔，但该组织的经济仍在继续运转，其来源是根据国际规范不能被轰炸的收入来源：他们统治下的平民、他们的商业活动和他们脚下的泥土。
According to estimates from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the land that the militants seized was Iraq’s most fertile , and at the group’s height, the fields that were harvested accounted for 40 percent of the country’s annual wheat production and more than half of its barley crop.
据联合国粮食及农业组织估计，武装分子占领的土地是伊拉克最肥沃的土地，在该组织鼎盛时期，收割的土地占该国小麦年产量的40%和大麦产量的一半以上。
In Syria, the group at one point controlled as much as 80 percent of the country’s cotton crop , according to a study by the Paris-based Center for the Analysis of Terrorism .
根据巴黎恐怖主义分析中心的一项研究，在叙利亚，该组织一度控制了该国 80% 的棉花产量。
It all added up to astonishing sums, as much as $800 million in annual tax revenue, according to the study.
研究显示，这一切加起来是惊人的，每年的税收收入高达 8 亿美元。
Still, the group’s ambition of running a state meant it also had large bills.
尽管如此，该组织管理国家的雄心意味着它也有巨额账单。
On a single day in the summer of 2016, the owner of the briefcase handed over $150,000 to one of the group’s accountants to pay for the transport of wheat from one town to another, according to one financial report.
一份财务报告显示，2016 年夏天的一天，公文包的主人向该集团的一名会计师支付了 15 万美元，用于支付将小麦从一个城镇运到另一个城镇的费用。
In a two-week period the same year, he paid over $16,000 to the Islamic State trade division in the Dijlah district and $14,000 to the one in Kirkuk.
同年的两周内，他向迪杰拉地区的伊斯兰国贸易部门支付了超过 16,000 美元，并向基尔库克的贸易部门支付了 14,000 美元。
He gave an $8,400 cash advance to the group’s Hawija office, $16,800 to the land department and $8,400 to the Islamic State province straddling the Euphrates River.
他向该组织的 Hawija 办事处预付了 8,400 美元现金，向土地部门预付了 16,800 美元，向横跨幼发拉底河的伊斯兰国省份预付了 8,400 美元。
Tax collection continued until the very end.
征税一直持续到最后。
At least 100 documents labeled “Daily Gross Revenue” that showed incoming cash were dated November 2016, a month after the start of the coalition’s push to take back the city.
至少 100 份标有“每日总收入”的文件显示收到的现金日期为 2016 年 11 月，即联军开始推动夺回这座城市的一个月后。
Even as tanks were rolling in and taking surrounding neighborhoods, the trade division continued to make money, pocketing $70,000 in a single sale.
即使坦克滚滚而来并占领了周围的社区，贸易部门仍在赚钱，单笔销售就赚了 7 万美元。
One day in late 2016, a flier decorated with the Iraqi flag floated down onto the Hamoud family’s home.
2016 年末的一天，一张印有伊拉克国旗的传单飘落在哈穆德一家的家中。
The agricultural department official and his extended family were hunkered down inside the living room, sitting elbow-to-elbow on an L-shaped couch, he recalls.
他回忆说，农业部官员和他的大家庭蹲在客厅里，手肘碰肘地坐在 L 形沙发上。
By then, the militants had banned both cellphones and satellite dishes.
那时，武装分子已经禁止使用手机和卫星天线。
They were cut off from the world.
他们与世界隔绝了。
The flier was one of millions dropped over Mosul warning the population to take cover.
这架传单是摩苏尔上空投放的数百万架传单之一，警告民众躲避。
The military assault was about to begin.
军事进攻即将开始。
“Could this really be happening?” Mr. Hamoud wondered.
“这真的会发生吗？”哈穆德先生想知道。
Then he used a lighter to incinerate the flier.
随后他用打火机将传单烧毁。
The fighters whose plans of building a state had been met with ridicule proved surprisingly good at it.
这些战士的建国计划曾遭到嘲笑，但事实证明，他们的建国计划却出人意料地出色。
It took nine months to wrest Mosul from the militants’ grip, a slog that one senior American general said was the most difficult battle he had witnessed in 35 years.
花了九个月的时间才从武装分子手中夺回摩苏尔，一位美国高级将军称，这是他 35 年来见过的最艰难的战斗。
Since then, the militants have lost all but 3 percent of the territory in Iraq and Syria they once held.
此后，武装分子在伊拉克和叙利亚失去了他们曾经控制的全部领土，只剩下百分之三的领土。
But they clung so tightly to their caliphate that block after city block was leveled during the battle to take back cities and towns.
但他们紧紧抓住自己的哈里发国不放，以至于在夺回城镇的战斗中，一个又一个街区被夷为平地。
Thousands of people have lost their homes.
成千上万的人失去了家园。
New mass graves are being discovered every month.
每个月都会发现新的万人坑。
One of them contains the remains of four of Mr. Hamoud’s cousins.
其中一处藏有哈穆德先生的四名表兄弟的遗骸。
His daughter Sara now wears thick glasses to correct her vision, which has been blurry since the day she was punched by the hisba .
他的女儿萨拉现在戴着厚厚的眼镜来矫正视力，自从她被希巴拳打的那天起，她的视力就一直模糊。
Even through her compromised eyesight, she can see the mountain of trash rising in the empty lot across from her family’s home.
即使她的视力受损，她仍能看到自家对面空地上堆积如山的垃圾。
Few have anything good to say about their old rulers — unless prodded to talk about the services they provided.
很少有人对他们的旧统治者有什么好话可说——除非有人鼓励他们谈论他们提供的服务。
“We have to be honest,” Mr. Hamoud said.
“我们必须诚实，”哈穆德先生说。
“It was much cleaner under ISIS.”
“在伊斯兰国统治下，情况要干净得多。”
Though the militants are gone, reminders of the Islamic State and their particular style of governance remain.
尽管武装分子已经消失，但伊斯兰国及其独特的治理风格仍然存在。
In the northern town of Tel Kaif, for example, residents recall how the militants conscripted a committee of electrical engineers to fix an overloaded power grid.
例如，在北部城镇特尔卡伊夫，居民们回忆起武装分子如何召集了一个电气工程师委员会来修复过载的电网。
They installed new circuit breakers, and for the first time, residents who had been accustomed to at most six hours of electricity a day could now reliably turn on lights.
他们安装了新的断路器，习惯了每天最多六个小时用电的居民现在第一次可以可靠地开灯。
In early 2017, Iraqi soldiers reclaimed the town, and were welcomed as heroes.
2017年初，伊拉克士兵收复了该镇，并受到英雄般的欢迎。
But then they disconnected the Islamic State circuit breakers — and the power failures resumed.
但随后他们断开了伊斯兰国的断路器，停电又恢复了。
“If the government was to go back to the system that ISIS put in place, we would go so far as to kiss their foreheads,” Mr. Younes, the truck driver, said at the time.
“如果政府要回到伊斯兰国建立的系统，我们甚至会亲吻他们的额头，”卡车司机尤尼斯先生当时说道。
The irony that it had taken a terrorist group to fix one of the town’s longstanding grievances was not lost on its citizens.
具有讽刺意味的是，该镇的公民并没有忽视一个恐怖组织来解决该镇长期存在的不满之一。
“Although they were not recognized as a state or a country,” said one shopkeeper, Ahmed Ramzi Salim, “they acted like one.”
一位店主艾哈迈德·拉姆齐·萨利姆 (Ahmed Ramzi Salim) 说：“虽然他们不被视为一个州或国家，但他们的行为却像一个州或国家。”
Reporting was contributed by Falih Hassan from Baghdad; Alaa Mohammed from Mosul; Muhammad Nashat Mahmud, Mohammed Sardar Jasim from Erbil; and Abduljabbar Yousif, Runa Sandvik and Paul Moon from New York.
报告由来自巴格达的法力赫·哈桑 (Falih Hassan) 撰写；来自摩苏尔的阿拉·穆罕默德；来自埃尔比勒的穆罕默德·纳沙特·马哈茂德、穆罕默德·萨达尔·贾西姆；以及来自纽约的 Abduljabbar Yousif、Runa Sandvik 和 Paul Moon。
Produced by Craig Allen, David Furst, Eric Nagourney, Meghan Petersen and Andrew Rossback.
由克雷格·艾伦、大卫·福斯特、埃里克·纳格尼、梅根·彼得森和安德鲁·罗斯巴克制作。
Document photography by Tony Cenicola.
托尼·塞尼科拉 (Tony Cenicola) 的纪实摄影。
Map by Tim Wallace and Jugal Patel.
地图由蒂姆·华莱士和朱加尔·帕特尔绘制。