The French Origins of “You Will Not Replace Us”

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The Château de Plieux, a fortified castle on a hilltop in the Gascony region of southwestern France, overlooks rolling fields speckled with copses and farmhouses.

普利厄城堡 (Château de Plieux) 是法国西南部加斯科尼地区山顶上的一座坚固城堡，俯瞰着连绵起伏的田野，上面点缀着灌木丛和农舍。

A tricolor flag snaps above the worn beige stone.

一面三色旗挂在磨损的米色石头上方。

The northwest tower, which was built in the fourteenth century, offers an ideal position from which to survey invading hordes.

西北塔建于十四世纪，是观察入侵部落的理想位置。

Inside the château’s cavernous second-story study, at a desk heavy with books, the seventy-one-year-old owner of the property, Renaud Camus, sits at an iMac and tweets dire warnings about Europe’s demographic doom.

在城堡宽敞的二楼书房里，71 岁的庄园主人雷诺·加缪 (Renaud Camus) 坐在一张摆满书籍的桌子前，坐在 iMac 前，在推特上发布了有关欧洲人口末日的可怕警告。

On the sweltering June afternoon that I visited the castle, Camus—no relation to Albert—wore a tan summer suit and a tie.

在我参观城堡的那个闷热的六月下午，加缪——与阿尔伯特没有关系——穿着一套棕褐色的夏季西装，打着领带。

Several painted self-portraits hung in the study, multiplying his blue-eyed gaze.

书房里挂着几幅自画像，衬托出他蓝眼睛的目光。

Camus has spent most of his career as a critic, novelist, diarist, and travel essayist.

加缪的大部分职业生涯都是作为评论家、小说家、日记作家和旅行散文家度过的。

The only one of his hundred or so books to be translated into English, “Tricks” (1979), announces itself as “a sexual odyssey—man-to-man,” and includes a foreword by Roland Barthes.

他的一百多本书中唯一一本被翻译成英文的《诡计》（Tricks，1979）宣称自己是“一场性的奥德赛——男人对男人”，并包含罗兰·巴特的前言。

The book describes polyglot assignations from Milan to the Bronx.

这本书描述了从米兰到布朗克斯的多语言分配。

Allen Ginsberg said of it, “Camus’s world is completely that of a new urban homosexual; at ease in half a dozen countries.”

艾伦·金斯堡 (Allen Ginsberg) 谈到这一点时说：“加缪的世界完全是一个新的都市同性恋者的世界；在六个国家中逍遥自在。”

In recent years, though, Camus’s name has been associated less with erotica than with a single poignant phrase, le grand remplacement .

然而，近年来，加缪的名字不再与情色联系在一起，而是与一个令人心酸的短语“伟大的替代”联系在一起。

In 2012, he made this the title of an alarmist book.

2012年，他将此作为一本危言耸听的书名。

Native “white” Europeans, he argues, are being reverse-colonized by black and brown immigrants, who are flooding the Continent in what amounts to an extinction-level event.

他认为，欧洲本土的“白人”正在被黑人和棕色人种移民反向殖民，这些移民正涌入欧洲大陆，这相当于灭绝级别的事件。

“The great replacement is very simple,” he has said.

“伟大的替代品非常简单，”他说。

“You have one people, and in the space of a generation you have a different people.” The specific identity of the replacement population, he suggests, is of less importance than the act of replacement itself.

“你有一个人，而在一代人的时间里，你有不同的人。”他认为，替代人口的具体身份并不比替代行为本身重要。

“Individuals, yes, can join a people, integrate with it, assimilate to it,” he writes in the book.

“是的，个人可以加入一个民族，融入它，同化它，”他在书中写道。

“But peoples, civilizations, religions—and especially when these religions are themselves civilizations, types of society, almost States—cannot and cannot even want to .

“但是民族、文明、宗教——尤其是当这些宗教本身就是文明、社会类型、几乎是国家时——不能也不愿意……。

.

。

.

。

blend into other peoples, other civilizations.”

融入其他民族、其他文明。”

Camus believes that all Western countries are faced with varying degrees of “ethnic and civilizational substitution.” He points to the increasing prevalence of Spanish, and other foreign languages, in the United States as evidence of the same phenomenon.

加缪认为，所有西方国家都面临着不同程度的“种族和文明替代”。他指出，西班牙语和其他外语在美国的日益普及就是同一现象的证据。

Although his arguments are scarcely available in translation, they have been picked up by right-wing and white-nationalist circles throughout the English-speaking world.

尽管他的论点几乎没有翻译版本，但它们已被整个英语世界的右翼和白人民族主义圈子所采纳。

In July, Lauren Southern, the Canadian alt-right Internet personality, posted, on YouTube, a video titled “The Great Replacement”; it has received more than a quarter of a million views.

7月，加拿大另类右翼互联网名人劳伦·萨瑟恩（Lauren Southern）在YouTube上发布了一段题为“伟大的替代品”的视频；它已经收到了超过一百万的观看次数。

On great-replacement.com, a Web site maintained anonymously, the introductory text declares, “The same term can be applied to many other European peoples both in Europe and abroad .

在great-replacement.com（一个匿名维护的网站）上，介绍性文字宣称：“同样的术语可以适用于欧洲和国外的许多其他欧洲民族……”

.

。

.

。

where the same policy of mass immigration of non-European people poses a demographic threat.

同样的非欧洲人大规模移民政策也构成了人口威胁。

Of all the different races of people on this planet, only the European races are facing the possibility of extinction in a relatively near future.” The site announces its mission as “spreading awareness” of Camus’s term, which, the site’s author concludes, is more palatable than a similar concept, “white genocide.” (A search for that phrase on YouTube yields more than fifty thousand videos.)

在这个星球上的所有不同人种中，只有欧洲人种在不久的将来面临灭绝的可能。”该网站宣布其使命是“传播对加缪术语的认识”，该网站的作者得出结论，该术语比类似的概念“白人种族灭绝”更容易接受。 （在 YouTube 上搜索该短语会产生超过五万个视频。）

“I don’t have any genetic conception of races,” Camus told me.

“我对种族没有任何遗传概念，”加缪告诉我。

“I don’t use the word ‘superior.’ ” He insisted that he would feel equally sad if Japanese culture or “African culture” were to disappear because of immigration.

“我不会用‘优越’这个词。”他坚称，如果日本文化或“非洲文化”因移民而消失，他也会感到同样悲伤。

Camus’s partner arrived in the study with a silver platter, and offered fruitcake and coffee.

加缪的搭档端着银盘来到书房，提供水果蛋糕和咖啡。

Camus, meanwhile, told me about his “red-pill moment”—an alt-right term, derived from a scene in the film “The Matrix,” for the decision to become politically enlightened.

与此同时，加缪向我讲述了他的“红色药丸时刻”——一个另类右翼术语，源自电影《黑客帝国》中的一个场景，指的是他决定在政治上开明。

As a child, he said, he was a “xenophile,” who was delighted to see foreign tourists flocking to the thermal baths near his home, in the Auvergne.

他说，小时候，他是一个“亲外人士”，他很高兴看到外国游客涌向他位于奥弗涅的家附近的温泉浴场。

In the late nineties, he began writing domestic travel books, commissioned by the French government.

九十年代末，受法国政府委托，他开始撰写国内旅游书籍。

The work took him to the department of Hérault, whose capital is Montpellier.

这项工作把他带到了埃罗省，该省的首府是蒙彼利埃。

Although Camus was familiar with France’s heavily black and Arab inner suburbs, or banlieues , and their subsidized urban housing projects, known as cités , his experience in Hérault floored him.

尽管加缪熟悉法国黑人和阿拉伯人占多数的内城区或郊区，以及他们的补贴城市住房项目（称为“cités”），但他在埃罗省的经历让他感到震惊。

Travelling through medieval villages, he said, “you would go to a fountain, six or seven centuries old, and there were all these North African women with veils!” A demographic influx was clearly no longer confined to France’s inner suburbs and industrial regions; it was ubiquitous, and it was transforming the entire country.

他说，穿越中世纪的村庄时，“你会去一个有六七个世纪历史的喷泉，那里全都是戴着面纱的北非妇女！”人口涌入显然不再局限于法国内城区和工业区；它无处不在，并且正在改变整个国家。

Camus’s problem was not, as it might be for many French citizens, that the religious symbolism of the veil clashed with some of the country’s most cherished secularist principles; it was that the veil wearers were permanent interlopers in Camus’s homeland.

加缪的问题并不像许多法国公民那样，是面纱的宗教象征意义与该国一些最珍视的世俗主义原则发生冲突；戴面纱的人是加缪故乡的永久闯入者。

He became obsessed with the diminishing ethnic purity of Western Europe.

他对西欧日益减少的种族纯洁性着迷。

Camus supports the staunchly anti-immigrant politician Marine Le Pen.

加缪支持坚定的反移民政治家马琳·勒庞。

He denied, however, that he was a member of the “extreme right,” saying that he was simply one of many voters who “wanted France to stay French.” In Camus’s view, Emmanuel Macron, the centrist liberal who handily defeated Le Pen in a runoff, is synonymous with the “forces of remplacement .” Macron, he noted acidly, “went to Germany to compliment Mme.

不过，他否认自己是“极右翼”成员，并表示自己只是“希望法国继续法国化”的众多选民之一。在加缪看来，在决选中轻松击败勒庞的中间派自由主义者伊曼纽尔·马克龙是“替代力量”的代名词。他尖刻地指出，马克龙“前往德国恭维夫人”。

Merkel on the marvellous work she did by taking in one million migrants.” Camus derides Macron, a former banker, as a representative of “direct Davos-cracy”—someone who thinks of people as “interchangeable” units within a larger social whole.

默克尔对她接纳一百万移民所做的出色工作表示赞赏。”加缪嘲笑前银行家马克龙是“直接达沃斯政治”的代表——他认为人是一个更大的社会整体中“可互换的”单位。

“This is a very low conception of what being human is,” he said.

“这是对人类的一种非常低级的认识，”他说。

“People are not just things.

“人不仅仅是事物。

They come with their history, their culture, their language, with their looks, with their preferences.” He sees immigration as one aspect of a nefarious global process that renders obsolete everything from cuisine to landscapes.

他们带着自己的历史、文化、语言、长相和喜好而来。”他将移民视为邪恶的全球进程的一个方面，这一进程使得从美食到景观的一切都变得过时。

“The very essence of modernity is the fact that everything—and really everything —can be replaced by something else, which is absolutely monstrous,” he said.

“现代性的本质在于，一切——实际上是一切——都可以被其他东西取代，这绝对是可怕的，”他说。

Camus takes William F.

加缪以威廉·F.

Buckley, Jr.,’s injunction to stand “athwart history, yelling Stop” to the furthest extent possible, and he can be recklessly unconcerned about backing up his claims.

小巴克利要求尽可能地“反对历史，大喊停止”，而他可以不顾一切地不关心支持他的主张。

On a recent radio appearance, he took a beating from Hervé le Bras, a director emeritus at the Institut National d’Études Démographiques, who said that Camus’s proclamations about ethnic substitution were based on wildly inflated statistics about the number of foreigners entering France.

在最近的一次广播节目中，他遭到了国家人口研究所名誉所长埃尔韦·勒·布拉斯(Hervé le Bras)的批评，后者表示，加缪关于种族替代的声明是基于对进入法国的外国人数量的严重夸大的统计数据。

Afterward, Camus breezily responded on Twitter: “Since when, in history, did a people need ‘science’ to decide whether or not it was invaded and occupied?”

随后，加缪在推特上轻松回应：“历史上从什么时候开始，一个民族需要‘科学’来决定是否被入侵和占领？”

Camus has become one of the most cited figures on the right in France.

加缪已成为法国最常被引用的右翼人物之一。

He is a regular interlocutor of such mainstream intellectuals as Alain Finkielkraut, the conservative Jewish philosopher, who has called Camus “a great writer,” and someone who has “forged an expression that is heard all the time and everywhere.” Camus also has prominent critics: the essayist and novelist Emmanuel Carrère, a longtime friend, has publicly reproached him, writing that “the argument ‘ I’m at home here, not you’ ” is incompatible with “globalized justice.” Mark Lilla, the Columbia historian and scholar of the mentality of European reactionaries, described Camus as “a kind of connective tissue between the far right and the respectable right.” Camus can play the role of “respectable” reactionary because his opposition to multicultural globalism is plausibly high-minded, principally aesthetic, even well-mannered—a far cry from the manifest brutality of the skinheads and the tattooed white nationalists who could put into action the xenophobic ideas expressed in “Le Grand Remplacement.” (At a rally in Warsaw on November 11th, white-nationalist demonstrators brandished signs saying “Pray for an Islamic Holocaust” and “Pure Poland, White Poland.”) When I asked Camus whether he considered me—a black American living in Paris with a French wife and a mixed-race daughter—part of the problem, he genially replied, “There is nothing more French than an American in Paris!” He then offered me the use of his castle when he and his partner next went on a vacation.

他经常与保守派犹太哲学家阿兰·芬基尔克劳特（Alain Finkielkraut）等主流知识分子对话，后者称加缪为“一位伟大的作家”，并“创造了一种随时随地都能听到的表达方式”。加缪也有一些著名的批评者：他的老朋友、散文家和小说家伊曼纽尔·卡雷尔(Emmanuel Carrère)公开谴责他，写道“‘我在这里而不是你’的论点”与“全球化正义”不相容。哥伦比亚历史学家、研究欧洲反动派心态的学者马克·里拉（Mark Lilla）将加缪描述为“极右翼和受人尊敬的右翼之间的一种结缔组织”。加缪可以扮演“受人尊敬的”反动分子的角色，因为他对多元文化全球主义的反对似乎是高尚的，主要是审美的，甚至是有礼貌的——这与光头党和纹身白人民族主义者的明显残暴相去甚远，他们可以将《大取代》中表达的仇外思想付诸行动。 （11 月 11 日，在华沙的一次集会上，白人民族主义示威者挥舞着标语，上面写着“为伊斯兰大屠杀祈祷”和“纯洁的波兰，白色的波兰。”）当我问加缪，他是否认为我——一个住在巴黎的美国黑人，有一位法国妻子和一个混血女儿——是问题的一部分时，他和蔼地回答道：“在巴黎，没有什么比美国人更法国的了！”然后，当他和他的伴侣下次去度假时，他向我提供了使用他的城堡的机会。

Although Camus presents his definition of “Frenchness” as reasonable and urbane, it is of a piece with a less benign perspective on ethnicity, Islam, and territory which has circulated in his country for decades.

尽管加缪对“法国性”的定义是合理而温文尔雅的，但它对种族、伊斯兰教和领土的看法并不那么友善，这种看法在他的国家已经流传了几十年。

Never the sole preserve of the far right, this view was conveyed most bluntly in a 1959 letter, from Charles de Gaulle to his confidant Alain Peyrefitte, which advocates withdrawal from French Algeria:

这种观点从来都不是极右翼的专属，它在 1959 年戴高乐写给他的密友阿兰·佩雷菲特的一封信中得到了最直白的表达，信中主张从法属阿尔及利亚撤军：

It is very good that there are yellow Frenchmen, black Frenchmen, brown Frenchmen.

有黄色法国人、黑色法国人、棕色法国人真是太好了。

They prove that France is open to all races and that she has a universal mission.

他们证明法国对所有种族开放，并肩负着普世使命。

But [it is good] on condition that they remain a small minority.

但[这很好]，条件是他们仍然是少数。

Otherwise, France would no longer be France.

否则，法国就不再是法国了。

We are, after all, primarily a European people of the white race, Greek and Latin culture, and the Christian religion.

毕竟，我们主要是白人、希腊和拉丁文化以及基督教的欧洲人民。

De Gaulle then declares that Muslims, “with their turbans and djellabahs,” are “not French.” He asks, “Do you believe that the French nation can absorb 10 million Muslims, who tomorrow will be 20 million and the day after 40 million?” If this were to happen, he concludes, “my village would no longer be called Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, but Colombey-les-Deux-Mosquées!”

戴高乐随后宣称，“戴着头巾和长袍的”穆斯林“不是法国人”。他问道：“你相信法国可以吸收 1000 万穆斯林吗？明天将是 2000 万，后天将是 4000 万？”他总结道，如果这种情况发生，“我的村庄将不再被称为 Colombey-les-Deux-Églises，而是 Colombey-les-Deux-Mosquées！”

Such worry about Muslims has been present across Europe at least since the turn of the twentieth century, when the first “guest workers” began arriving from former French colonies and from Turkey.

至少自二十世纪初以来，这种对穆斯林的担忧就一直存在于整个欧洲，当时第一批“外来工人”开始从前法国殖民地和土耳其抵达。

In 1898 in Britain, Winston Churchill warned of “militant Mahommedanism,” and Enoch Powell’s 1968 Rivers of Blood speech alleged that immigration had caused a “total transformation to which there is no parallel in a thousand years of English history.”

1898 年的英国，温斯顿·丘吉尔 (Winston Churchill) 对“好战的伊斯兰教主义”发出警告，而伊诺克·鲍威尔 (Enoch Powell) 1968 年的《血河》演讲则声称，移民造成了“英国一千年历史上前所未有的彻底变革”。

Anxiety about immigrants of color has long been present in the United States, especially in states along the Mexican border.

对有色人种移民的焦虑在美国长期以来一直存在，尤其是在墨西哥边境沿线的各州。

This feeling became widespread after 9/11, and has only intensified with subsequent terrorist acts by Islamists, the Great Recession, and the election of the first black President.

这种感觉在 9/11 事件后变得普遍，并且随着随后的伊斯兰主义者的恐怖行为、经济大衰退和第一位黑人总统的当选而加剧。

Meanwhile, white populations across the world are stagnant or dwindling.

与此同时，世界各地的白人人口数量停滞不前或正在减少。

In recent years, white-nationalist discourse has emerged from the recesses of the Internet into plain sight, permeating the highest reaches of the Trump Administration.

近年来，白人民族主义言论已经从互联网的隐秘角落出现在人们的视线中，渗透到特朗普政府的最高层。

Attorney General Jeff Sessions and the White House senior adviser Stephen Miller endorse dramatic reductions in both legal and illegal immigration.

司法部长杰夫塞辛斯和白宫高级顾问斯蒂芬米勒支持大幅减少合法和非法移民。

The President’s former chief strategist, Steve Bannon, has returned to his post as the executive chairman of the far-right Web site Breitbart.

总统的前首席策略师史蒂夫·班农(Steve Bannon)已重新担任极右翼网站布赖特巴特新闻网(Breitbart) 的执行主席。

In a 2014 speech at the Vatican, Bannon praised European “forefathers” who kept Islam “out of the world.” President Trump, meanwhile, has made the metaphor of immigrant invasion literal by vowing to build a wall.

2014 年在梵蒂冈发表演讲时，班农赞扬欧洲“祖先”将伊斯兰教“排除在世界之外”。与此同时，特朗普总统发誓要修建隔离墙，将移民入侵的比喻变成了字面意思。

In Europe, which in recent years has absorbed millions of migrants fleeing wars in the Middle East or crossing the Mediterranean from Africa, opposition to immigration is less a cohesive ideology than a welter of reactionary ideas and feelings.

近年来，欧洲吸收了数百万逃离中东战争或从非洲穿越地中海的移民，反对移民与其说是一种有凝聚力的意识形态，不如说是一堆反动的思想和感情。

Xenophobic nationalism can be found on both the left and the right.

仇外民族主义在左翼和右翼都可以找到。

There is not even unanimity on the superiority of Judeo-Christian culture: some European nationalists express a longing for ancient pagan practices.

对于犹太基督教文化的优越性甚至没有达成一致：一些欧洲民族主义者表达了对古代异教习俗的渴望。

Anti-immigrant thinkers also cannot agree on a name for their movement.

反移民思想家也无法就他们的运动的名称达成一致。

Distrust of multiculturalism and a professed interest in preserving European “purity” is often called “identitarianism,” but many prominent anti-immigrant writers avoid that construction.

对多元文化主义的不信任和对维护欧洲“纯洁性”的公开兴趣通常被称为“身份主义”，但许多著名的反移民作家都避免这种解释。

Camus told me that he refused to play “the game” of identity politics, and added, “Do you think that Louis XIV or La Fontaine or Racine or Châteaubriand would say, ‘I’m identitarian?’ No, they were just French.

加缪告诉我，他拒绝玩身份政治的“游戏”，并补充道，“你认为路易十四、拉封丹、拉辛或夏多布里昂会说，‘我是身份主义者吗？’不，他们只是法国人。

And I’m just French.”

我只是法国人。”

“Someday all these anonymous offshore accounts will belong to shell companies of which you will deny all knowledge.” Cartoon by Paul Noth Link copied

“有一天，所有这些匿名离岸账户都将属于空壳公司，而你将否认对此一无所知。”保罗·诺斯 (Paul Noth) 的漫画 链接已复制

Shortly after Trump’s Inauguration, Richard Spencer, the thirty-nine-year-old white nationalist who has become the public face of the American alt-right, was sucker-punched by a protester while being interviewed on a street corner in Washington, D.C. A video of the incident went viral, but little attention was paid to what Spencer said on the clip.

特朗普就职典礼后不久，已成为美国另类右翼公众形象的三十九岁白人民族主义者理查德·斯宾塞在华盛顿特区的街角接受采访时遭到一名抗议者的殴打。该事件的视频在网上疯传，但很少有人关注斯宾塞在视频中所说的话。

“I’m not a neo-Nazi,” he declared.

“我不是新纳粹分子，”他宣称。

“They kind of hate me, actually.” In order to deflect the frequent charge that he is a racist, he defines himself with the very term that Camus rejects: identitarian.

“实际上，他们有点恨我。”为了转移人们对他是种族主义者的频繁指控，他用加缪所拒绝的术语来定义自己：身份主义。

The word sidesteps the question of racial superiority and co-opts the left’s inclusive language of diversity and its critique of forced assimilation in order to reclaim the right to difference—for whites.

这个词回避了种族优越性问题，并借鉴了左翼包容性的多样性语言及其对强制同化的批评，以收回白人的差异权。

Identitarianism is a distinctly French innovation.

身份主义是法国独有的创新。

In 1968, in Nice, several dozen far-right activists created the Research and Study Group for European Civilization, better known by its French acronym, GRECE .

1968 年，数十名极右翼活动人士在尼斯创建了欧洲文明研究小组，其法语缩写为 GRECE。

The think tank eventually began promoting its ideas under the rubric the Nouvelle Droite, or the New Right.

该智库最终开始在“新右派”的标题下宣传其想法。

One of its founders, and its most influential member, was Alain de Benoist, a hermetic aristocrat and scholar who has written more than a hundred books.

阿兰·德·拜诺瓦（Alain de Benoist）是其创始人之一，也是最有影响力的成员，他是一位隐秘的贵族和学者，撰写了一百多本书。

In “View from the Right” (1977), Benoist declared that he and other members of GRECE considered “the gradual homogenization of the world, advocated and realized by the two-thousand-year-old discourse of egalitarian ideology, to be an evil.”

在《右派观点》（1977）中，贝诺伊斯特宣称，他和希腊的其他成员认为“两千多年的平等主义意识形态话语所倡导和实现的世界的逐渐同质化是一种邪恶”。

The group expressed allegiance to “diversity” and “ethnopluralism”—terms that sound politically correct to American ears but had a different meaning in Benoist’s hands.

该组织表达了对“多样性”和“民族多元化”的忠诚——这些术语在美国人看来在政治上是正确的，但在贝诺伊斯特手中却有着不同的含义。

In “Manifesto for a European Renaissance” (1999), he argued:

在《欧洲文艺复兴宣言》（1999）中，他认为：

The true wealth of the world is first and foremost the diversity of its cultures and peoples.

世界真正的财富首先是其文化和人民的多样性。

The West’s conversion to universalism has been the main cause of its subsequent attempt to convert the rest of the world: in the past, to its religion (the Crusades); yesterday, to its political principles (colonialism); and today, to its economic and social model (development) or its moral principles (human rights).

西方对普遍主义的皈依是其随后试图改变世界其他地区的主要原因：过去，皈依其宗教（十字军东征）；在过去，皈依其宗教（十字军东征）；昨天，其政治原则（殖民主义）；今天，它的经济和社会模式（发展）或其道德原则（人权）。

Undertaken under the aegis of missionaries, armies, and merchants, the Westernization of the planet has represented an imperialist movement fed by the desire to erase all otherness.

在传教士、军队和商人的支持下，地球的西方化代表了一场帝国主义运动，其目的是消除所有其他事物。

From this vantage point, both globalized Communism and globalized capitalism are equally suspect, and a “citizen of the world” is an agent of imperialism.

从这个角度来看，全球化的共产主义和全球化的资本主义同样值得怀疑，“世界公民”就是帝国主义的代理人。

When Benoist writes that “humanity is irreducibly plural” and that “diversity is part of its very essence,” he is not supporting the idea of a melting pot but of diversity in isolation: all Frenchmen in one territory and all Moroccans in another.

当贝诺伊斯特写道“人类不可简化地是多元的”并且“多样性是其本质的一部分”时，他并不是支持熔炉的想法，而是支持孤立的多样性：所有法国人在一个领土上，所有摩洛哥人在另一个领土上。

It is a nostalgic and aestheticized view of the world that shows little interest in the complex economic and political forces that provoke migration.

这是一种怀旧且审美化的世界观，对引发移民的复杂经济和政治力量不感兴趣。

Identitarianism is a lament against change made by people fortunate enough to have been granted, through the arbitrary circumstance of birth, citizenship in a wealthy liberal democracy.

同一主义是对那些有幸通过任意出生条件被授予富裕自由民主国家公民身份的人们所做的变革的哀叹。

Benoist’s peculiar definition of “diversity” has allowed him to take some unexpected positions.

贝诺伊斯特对“多样性”的独特定义让他采取了一些意想不到的立场。

He simultaneously defends a Muslim immigrant’s right to wear the veil and opposes the immigration policies that allowed her to settle in France in the first place.

他同时捍卫穆斯林移民戴面纱的权利，并反对最初允许她在法国定居的移民政策。

In an e-mail, he told me that immigration constitutes an undeniably negative phenomenon, in part because it turns immigrants into victims, by erasing their roots.

他在一封电子邮件中告诉我，移民无可否认是一种负面现象，部分原因是它抹去了移民的根源，将他们变成了受害者。

He continued, “The destiny of all the peoples of the Third World cannot be to establish themselves in the West.” In an interview in the early nineties with Le Monde , he declared that the best way to show solidarity with immigrants is by increasing trade with the Third World, so that developing countries can become “self-sufficient” enough to dissuade their citizens from seeking better lives elsewhere.

他继续说道，“第三世界所有人民的命运不可能是在西方立足。”在九十年代初接受《世界报》采访时，他宣称，表达与移民团结的最佳方式是增加与第三世界的贸易，以便发展中国家能够“自给自足”，足以阻止其公民到其他地方寻求更好的生活。

These countries, he added, needed to find their own paths forward, and not follow the tyrannizing templates of the World Bank and the I.M.F.

他补充说，这些国家需要找到自己的前进道路，而不是遵循世界银行和国际货币基金组织的专制模式。

Benoist told me that, in France’s Presidential election, in May, he voted not for Marine Le Pen but for the far-left candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who shares his contempt for global capitalism.

贝诺伊斯特告诉我，在五月的法国总统选举中，他没有投票给马琳·勒庞，而是投票给了极左翼候选人让-吕克·梅朗雄，后者与他一样蔑视全球资本主义。

Benoist’s writing often echoes left-wing thinkers, especially the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, who wrote of “hegemony”—or the command that a regime can wield over a population by controlling its culture.

贝诺伊斯特的著作常常与左翼思想家相呼应，尤其是意大利马克思主义者安东尼奥·葛兰西，他写到了“霸权”——或者说一个政权可以通过控制文化来控制人民的命令。

In “Manifesto for a European Renaissance,” Benoist argues that white Europeans should not just support restrictive immigration policies; they should oppose such diluting ideologies as multiculturalism and globalism, taking seriously “the premise that ideas play a fundamental role in the collective consciousness.” In a similar spirit, Benoist has promoted a gramscisme de droite —cultural opposition to the rampaging forces of Hollywood and multinational corporations.

贝诺伊斯特在《欧洲文艺复兴宣言》中认为，欧洲白人不仅应该支持限制性移民政策，还应该支持限制性移民政策。他们应该反对多元文化主义和全球主义等淡化意识形态，认真对待“思想在集体意识中发挥根本作用的前提”。本着类似的精神，贝诺伊斯特提倡“gramcisme de droite”——对好莱坞和跨国公司狂暴势力的文化反对。

The French, he has said, should retain their unique traditions and not switch to “a diet of hamburgers.”

他说，法国人应该保留他们独特的传统，而不是转向“汉堡包饮食”。

Despite Benoist’s affinity for some far-left candidates, “Manifesto for a European Renaissance” has become a revered text for the extreme right across Western Europe, in the U.S., and even in Russia.

尽管贝诺伊斯特对一些极左候选人有好感，但《欧洲文艺复兴宣言》已成为整个西欧、美国甚至俄罗斯极右翼人士的尊崇文本。

The crackpot Russian philosopher Aleksandr Dugin, who promotes the ethnopluralist doctrine “Eurasianism,” has flown to Paris to meet Benoist.

宣扬民族多元主义“欧亚主义”的俄罗斯哲学家亚历山大·杜金 (Aleksandr Dugin) 飞抵巴黎会见贝诺伊斯特。

“I consider him to be the foremost intellectual in Europe today,” Dugin told interviewers in 2012.

“我认为他是当今欧洲最重要的知识分子，”杜金在 2012 年告诉采访者。

Earlier this year, John Morgan, an editor of Counter-Currents, a white-nationalist publishing house based in San Francisco, posted an online essay about the indebtedness of the American alt-right to European thought.

今年早些时候，总部位于旧金山的白人民族主义出版社《逆流》的编辑约翰·摩根在网上发表了一篇文章，讨论美国另类右翼对欧洲思想的影响。

He described Benoist and grece ’s achievement as “a towering edifice of thought unparalleled anywhere else on the Right since the Conservative Revolution in Germany of the Weimar era.”

他将贝诺伊斯特和格雷斯的成就描述为“一座高耸的思想大厦，自魏玛时代德国的保守主义革命以来，右翼任何地方都无法比拟”。

Although Benoist claims not to be affiliated with the alt-right—or even to understand “what Richard Spencer can know or have learned from my thoughts”—he has travelled to Washington, D.C., to speak at the National Policy Institute, a white-nationalist group run by Spencer, and he has sat for long interviews with Jared Taylor, the founder of the virulently white-supremacist magazine American Renaissance .

尽管贝诺伊斯特声称自己不属于另类右翼，甚至不了解“理查德·斯宾塞能从我的想法中知道或学到什么”，但他曾前往华盛顿特区，在斯宾塞经营的白人民族主义团体国家政策研究所发表演讲，并接受了恶毒的白人至上主义杂志《美国文艺复兴》创始人贾里德·泰勒的长时间采访。

In one exchange, Taylor, who was educated in France, asked Benoist how he saw himself “as different from identitarians.” Benoist responded, “I am aware of race and of the importance of race, but I do not give to it the excessive importance that you do.” He went on, “I am not fighting for the white race.

在一次交流中，在法国接受教育的泰勒问贝诺伊斯特如何看待自己“与认同主义者不同”。贝诺伊斯特回答道：“我知道种族问题，也知道种族的重要性，但我并没有像你那样过分重视它。”他接着说：“我不是为白人而战。

I am not fighting for France.

我不是为法国而战。

I am fighting for a world view.

我正在为世界观而战。

.

。

.

。

.

。

Immigration is clearly a problem.

移民显然是一个问题。

It gives rise to much social pathologies.

它引起了许多社会病态。

But our identity, the identity of the immigrants, all the identities in the world have a common enemy, and this common enemy is the system that destroys identities and differences everywhere.

但我们的身份，移民的身份，世界上所有的身份都有一个共同的敌人，而这个共同的敌人就是到处破坏身份和差异的制度。

This system is the enemy, not the Other.”

这个系统是敌人，而不是另一个系统。”

Benoist may not be a dogmatic thinker, but, for white people who want to think explicitly in terms of culture and race, his work provides a lofty intellectual framework.

贝诺伊斯特可能不是一个教条主义的思想家，但是，对于想要从文化和种族角度明确思考的白人来说，他的作品提供了一个崇高的知识框架。

These disciples, instead of calling for an “Islamic holocaust,” can argue that rootedness in one’s homeland matters, and that immigration, miscegenation, and the homogenizing forces of neoliberal market economies collude to obliterate identities that have taken shape over hundreds of years—just as relentless development has decimated the environment.

这些信徒不是呼吁“伊斯兰大屠杀”，而是认为扎根于自己的祖国很重要，移民、通婚和新自由主义市场经济的同质化力量相互勾结，抹杀了数百年来形成的身份——就像无情的发展破坏了环境一样。

Benoist’s romantic-sounding ideas can be cherry-picked and applied to local political resentments.

贝诺伊斯特听起来浪漫的想法可以被精心挑选并应用于当地的政治怨恨。

“We understand you’re not happy with our privacy policy.” Cartoon by Robert Leighton Link copied

“我们了解您对我们的隐私政策不满意。”罗伯特·莱顿 (Robert Leighton) 的漫画 链接已复制

The writer Raphaël Glucksmann, a prominent critic of the French far right, told me that such selective appropriations have given Benoist “a huge authority among white nationalists and Fascists everywhere in the world.” Glucksmann recently met me for coffee near his home, which is off the Rue du Faubourg Saint-Denis, one of the most ethnically diverse thoroughfares in Paris.

作家拉斐尔·格鲁克斯曼（Raphaël Glucksmann）是法国极右翼的著名批评家，他告诉我，这种选择性拨款使贝诺伊斯特“在世界各地的白人民族主义者和法西斯主义者中拥有巨大的权威”。格鲁克斯曼最近在他家附近和我一起喝咖啡，他家位于圣但尼郊区街（Rue du Faubourg Saint-Denis）附近，这是巴黎种族最多元化的街道之一。

The Nouvelle Droite, Glucksmann argued, adopted a traditionally German, tribal way of conceiving identity, which the Germans themselves abandoned after the Second World War.

格鲁克斯曼认为，《新权利》采用了德国传统的部落方式来构想身份，但德国人自己在第二次世界大战后放弃了这种方式。

The Nazi theorist Carl Schmitt argued that “all right is the right of a particular Volk .” In a 1932 essay, “The Concept of the Political,” he posed the question that still defines the right-wing mind-set: Who is a people’s friend, and who is an enemy?

纳粹理论家卡尔·施密特认为“一切权利都是特定民族的权利”。在 1932 年的一篇文章《政治的概念》中，他提出了一个至今仍定义右翼思维模式的问题：谁是人民的朋友，谁是敌人？

For Schmitt, to identify one’s enemies was to identify one’s inner self.

对于施密特来说，识别一个人的敌人就是识别一个人的内在自我。

In another essay, he wrote, “Tell me who your enemy is, and I’ll tell you who you are.”

在另一篇文章中，他写道：“告诉我你的敌人是谁，我就会告诉你你是谁。”

The Nouvelle Droite was fractured, in the nineteen-nineties, by disagreements over what constituted the principal enemy of European identity.

在十九世纪九十年代，由于对欧洲身份的主要敌人的构成存在分歧，《新权利》分裂了。

If the perceived danger was initially what Benoist described as “the ideology of sameness”—what many in France called the “Coca-Colonization” of the world—the growing presence of African and Arab immigrants caused some members of grece to rethink the essence of the conflict.

如果感知到的危险最初是贝诺伊斯特所描述的“千篇一律的意识形态”——许多法国人称之为世界的“可口可乐殖民化”——那么非洲和阿拉伯移民的不断增长导致一些希腊成员重新思考冲突的本质。

One of the group’s founders, Guillaume Faye, a journalist with a Ph.D. from Sciences-Po, split off and began releasing explicitly racist books.

该组织的创始人之一纪尧姆·费耶 (Guillaume Faye) 是一名记者，拥有博士学位。与巴黎政治学院分离并开始出版明显种族主义的书籍。

In a 1998 tract, “Archeofuturism,” he argued, “To be a nationalist today is to assign this concept its original etymological meaning, ‘to defend the native members of a people.’ ” The book, which appeared in English in 2010, argues that “European people” are “under threat” and must become “politically organized for their self-defense.” Faye assures native Frenchmen that their “sub-continental motherland” is “an organic and vital part of the common folk, whose natural and historical territory—whose fortress, I would say—extends from Brest to the Bering Strait.”

在 1998 年出版的《未来主义》小册子中，他指出，“今天要成为一名民族主义者，就要赋予这个概念最初的词源意义，‘保卫一个民族的本土成员’。”这本书于 2010 年以英文出版，认为“欧洲人民”“受到威胁”，必须“在政治上组织起来进行自卫”。费耶向法国本土人保证，他们的“次大陆祖国”是“普通民众有机而重要的一部分，其自然和历史领土——我想说，其堡垒——从布雷斯特延伸到白令海峡。”

Faye, like Renaud Camus, is appalled by the dictates of modern statecraft, which define nationality in legal rather than ethnic terms.

费耶和雷诺·加缪一样，对现代治国之道的规定感到震惊，现代治国之道用法律而不是种族的术语来定义国籍。

The liberal American writer Sasha Polakow-Suransky, in his recent book, “Go Back to Where You Came From: The Backlash Against Immigration and the Fate of Western Democracy,” quotes Camus lamenting that “a veiled woman speaking our language badly, completely ignorant of our culture” could declare that she is just as French as an “indigenous” man who is “passionate for Roman churches, and for the verbal and syntactic delicacies of Montaigne and Rousseau, for Burgundy wines, for Proust, and whose family has lived for generations in the same valley.” What appalls Camus, Polakow-Suransky notes, is that “legally, if she has French nationality, she is completely correct.”

美国自由派作家萨莎·波拉科夫-苏兰斯基 (Sasha Polakow-Suransky) 在其新书《回到你来自哪里：对移民的强烈抵制与西方民主的命运》中引用了加缪的哀叹，“一个戴面纱的女人说我们的语言很糟糕，对我们的文化完全无知”，她可能会宣称她和一个“土著”男人一样是法国人，“对罗马教堂充满热情，对罗马教堂的语言和句法精致充满热情”。蒙田和卢梭，为勃艮第葡萄酒，为普鲁斯特，他们的家族世世代代生活在同一个山谷。”波拉科夫-苏兰斯基指出，令加缪震惊的是“从法律上讲，如果她拥有法国国籍，她是完全正确的。”

Faye’s work helps to explain the rupture that has emerged in many Western democracies between the mainstream right, which may support strict enforcement of immigration limits but does not inherently object to the presence of Muslims, and the alt-right, which portrays Muslim immigration as an existential threat.

费耶的工作有助于解释许多西方民主国家中主流右翼和另类右翼之间的裂痕。主流右翼可能支持严格执行移民限制，但本质上并不反对穆斯林的存在，而另类右翼则将穆斯林移民描绘成生存威胁。

In this light, the growing admiration by Western conservatives for the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, is easier to comprehend.

从这个角度来看，西方保守派对俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京日益增长的钦佩就更容易理解了。

Not only do thinkers like Faye admire Putin as an emblem of proudly heterosexual white masculinity; they fantasize that Russian military might will help create a “Eurosiberian” federation of white ethno-states.

像费耶这样的思想家不仅钦佩普京，将其视为自豪的异性恋白人男子气概的象征；而且还崇拜普京。他们幻想俄罗斯的军事力量将帮助建立一个由白人民族国家组成的“欧洲西伯利亚”联邦。

“The only hope for salvation in this dark age of ours,” Faye has declared, is “a protected and self-centered continental economic space” that is capable of “curbing the rise of Islam and demographic colonization from Africa and Asia.” In Faye’s 2016 book, “The Colonisation of Europe,” he writes, of Muslims in Europe, “No solution can be found unless a civil war breaks out.”

费耶宣称，“在我们这个黑暗时代，拯救的唯一希望是“一个受保护的、以自我为中心的大陆经济空间”，它能够“遏制伊斯兰教的崛起和非洲和亚洲的人口殖民化”。费耶在 2016 年出版的《欧洲的殖民》一书中写道，在谈到欧洲的穆斯林时，“除非爆发内战，否则找不到解决方案。”

Such revolutionary right-wing talk has now migrated to America.

这种革命性的右翼言论现在已经转移到了美国。

In 2013, Steve Bannon, while he was turning Breitbart into the far right’s dominant media outlet, described himself as “a Leninist.” The reference didn’t seem like something a Republican voter would say, but it made sense to his intended audience: Bannon was signalling that the alt-right movement was prepared to hijack, or even raze, the state in pursuit of nationalist ends.

2013年，史蒂夫·班农(Steve Bannon)在将布赖特巴特新闻网(Breitbart)打造成极右翼的主导媒体时，将自己描述为“列宁主义者”。这句话似乎不像共和党选民会说的话，但对他的目标受众来说却是有意义的：班农发出信号，表明另类右翼运动准备劫持甚至摧毁国家以追求民族主义目标。

(Bannon declined my request for an interview.) Richard Spencer told me, “I would say that the alt-right in the United States is radically un-conservative.” Whereas the American conservative movement celebrates “the eternal value of freedom and capitalism and the Constitution,” Spencer said, he and his followers were “willing to use socialism in order to protect our identity.” He added, “Many of the countries that lived under Soviet hegemony are actually far better off, in terms of having a protected identity, than Western Europe or the United States.”

（班农拒绝了我的采访请求。）理查德·斯宾塞告诉我，“我想说，美国的另类右翼是根本不保守的。”斯宾塞说，尽管美国保守派运动颂扬“自由、资本主义和宪法的永恒价值”，但他和他的追随者“愿意利用社会主义来保护我们的身份”。他补充说，“在身份保护方面，许多生活在苏联霸权下的国家实际上比西欧或美国要好得多。”

Spencer said that “clearly racialist” writers such as Benoist and Faye were “central influences” on his own thinking as an identitarian.

斯宾塞表示，贝诺伊斯特和费耶等“明显的种族主义”作家对他自己的身份主义思想产生了“核心影响”。

He first discovered the work of Nouvelle Droite figures in the pages of Telos , an American journal of political theory.

他首先在美国政治理论杂志《Telos》的页面上发现了新权力人物的著作。

Most identitarians have a less scholarly bent.

大多数身份主义者的学术倾向较少。

In 2002, a right-wing French insurrectionary, Maxime Brunerie, shot at President Jacques Chirac as he rode down the Champs-Élysées; the political group that Brunerie was affiliated with, Unité Radicale, became known as part of the identitaire movement.

2002年，法国右翼叛乱分子马克西姆·布鲁内里（Maxime Brunerie）在总统雅克·希拉克（Jacques Chirac）骑马穿过香榭丽舍大街时向他开枪。布鲁内里所属的政治团体“激进团结”(Unité Radicale) 作为身份运动的一部分而闻名。

In 2004, a group known as the Bloc Identitaire became notorious for distributing soup containing pork to the homeless, in order to exclude Muslims and Jews.

2004年，一个名为“Bloc Identitaire”的组织因向无家可归者分发含有猪肉的汤以排除穆斯林和犹太人而臭名昭著。

It was the sort of puerile joke now associated with alt-right pranksters in America such as Milo Yiannopoulos.

这种幼稚的笑话现在与美国另类右翼恶作剧者如米洛·扬诺普洛斯 (Milo Yiannopoulos) 联系在一起。

Copycat groups began emerging across Europe.

模仿团体开始在欧洲各地兴起。

In 2009, a Swedish former mining executive, Daniel Friberg, founded, in Denmark, the publishing house Arktos, which is now the world’s largest distributor of far- and alt-right literature.

2009 年，瑞典前矿业高管 Daniel Friberg 在丹麦创立了 Arktos 出版社，该出版社目前是世界上最大的极右翼和另类右翼文学发行商。

The son of highly educated, left-leaning parents, Friberg grew up in a wealthy suburb of Gothenburg.

弗里伯格的父母受过高等教育，左倾，他在哥德堡的富裕郊区长大。

He embraced right-wing thought after attending a diverse high school, which he described as overrun with crime.

在进入一所多元化的高中后，他接受了右翼思想，他称该高中犯罪猖獗。

In 2016, he told the Daily Beast, “I had been taught to think multiculturalism was great, until I experienced it.”

2016 年，他告诉《每日野兽报》，“我一直被教导认为多元文化主义是伟大的，直到我亲身经历了它。”

Few European nations have changed as drastically or as quickly as Sweden.

很少有欧洲国家像瑞典那样发生如此彻底和迅速的变化。

Since 1960, it has added one and a half million immigrants to its population, which is currently just under ten million; a nationalist party, the Sweden Democrats, has become the country’s main opposition group.

自1960年以来，它的人口增加了150万移民，目前人口接近1000万；民族主义政党瑞典民主党已成为该国的主要反对党。

During this period, Friberg began to devour books on European identity—specifically, those of Benoist and Faye, whose key works impressed him as much as they impressed Richard Spencer.

在此期间，弗里伯格开始大量阅读有关欧洲身份的书籍，特别是贝诺伊斯特和费伊的书籍，他们的主要作品给他留下了深刻的印象，就像给理查德·斯宾塞留下了深刻的印象一样。

When Friberg launched Arktos, he acquired the rights to books by Benoist and Faye and had them translated into Swedish and English.

当 Friberg 推出 Arktos 时，他获得了 Benoist 和 Faye 书籍的版权，并将其翻译成瑞典语和英语。

Spencer told me that Arktos “was a very important development” in the international popularization of far-right identitarian thought.

斯宾塞告诉我，阿克托斯对于极右身份主义思想的国际普及来说“是一个非常重要的发展”。

Whether or not history really is dialectical, it can be tempting to think that decades of liberal supremacy in Europe have helped give rise to the antithesis of liberalism.

无论历史是否真的是辩证的，人们都会很容易认为，欧洲数十年的自由主义霸权有助于产生自由主义的对立面。

In Paris, left-wing intellectuals often seem reluctant to acknowledge that the recent arrival of millions of refugees in Europe, many of them impoverished, poses any complications at all.

在巴黎，左翼知识分子似乎往往不愿承认最近数百万难民抵达欧洲（其中许多人很贫困）会带来任何复杂情况。

Such blithe cosmopolitanism, especially when it is expressed by people who can easily shelter themselves from the disruptions caused by globalization, can fuel resentment toward both intellectuals and immigrants.

这种无忧无虑的世界主义，尤其是当人们表达这种主义时，他们可以轻松地免受全球化造成的破坏，可能会加剧对知识分子和移民的不满。

“I know I’m supposed to be giving you some kind of moral guidance, but I just can’t get over how weird an ear looks up close.” Cartoon by Joe Dator Link copied

“我知道我应该给你某种道德指导，但我就是无法克服耳朵近距离看起来有多么奇怪。” Joe Dator 的漫画 链接已复制

The philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy, who has long embodied élite opinion on the French left, sometimes falls prey to such rhetoric.

哲学家伯纳德-亨利·莱维长期以来一直代表着法国左派的精英观点，但他有时也会成为此类言论的牺牲品。

A 2015 essay, which attempted to allay fears of a refugee crisis in Europe, portrayed Syrian refugees as uniformly virtuous and adaptable: “They are applicants for freedom, lovers of our promised land, our social model, and our values.

2015 年，一篇试图减轻人们对欧洲难民危机的担忧的文章将叙利亚难民描绘成一律善良、适应性强的人：“他们是自由的追求者，热爱我们的应许之地、我们的社会模式和我们的价值观。

They are people who cry out ‘Europe!

他们是呼喊“欧洲！”的人。

Europe!’ the way millions of Europeans, arriving a century ago on Ellis Island, learned to sing ‘America the Beautiful.’ ” Instead of making the reasonable argument that relatively few Muslim refugees harbor extremist beliefs, Lévy took an absolutist stance, writing that it was pure “nonsense” to be concerned about an increased risk of terrorism.

“欧洲！”就像一个世纪前抵达埃利斯岛的数百万欧洲人学会唱“美丽的美国”一样。”莱维没有提出合理的论点，即相对较少的穆斯林难民怀有极端主义信仰，而是采取了绝对主义立场，写道担心恐怖主义风险增加纯粹是“无稽之谈”。

Too often, Lévy fights racism with sentimentalism.

莱维经常用感伤主义来对抗种族主义。

Lévy recently met with me at his impeccable apartment, in a sanitized neighborhood near the Champs-Élysées.

莱维最近在他无可挑剔的公寓里与我会面，公寓位于香榭丽舍大街附近一个经过消毒的街区。

In our conversation, he offered a more modulated view.

在我们的谈话中，他提出了一种更为谨慎的观点。

“I’m not saying that France should have received all two or three million Syrian refugees,” he said.

“我并不是说法国应该接收全部两三百万叙利亚难民，”他说。

“Of course, there’s a limited space.” But France had involved itself in Syria’s civil war, by giving support to opponents of the regime, and had a responsibility to help people uprooted by it, he said.

“当然，空间有限。”但他说，法国通过支持该政权的反对者而卷入了叙利亚内战，并且有责任帮助那些因该政权而流离失所的人。

Recent debates about European identity, he noted, had left out an important concept: hospitality.

他指出，最近关于欧洲身份的争论遗漏了一个重要的概念：热情好客。

“Hospitality means that there is a place—real space, scarce, limited—and that in this place you host some people and you extend a hand.” This did not mean that he wanted an end to borders: “France has some borders, a republican tradition, it is a place.

“热情好客意味着有一个地方——真实的空间，稀缺的，有限的——在这个地方你接待一些人并伸出援助之手。”这并不意味着他想要结束边界：“法国有一些边界，有共和传统，它是一个地方。

But in this place we have the duty to host .

但在这个地方我们有接待的义务。

You have to hold the two.

你必须抓住两个。

A place without hosting would be a shrinking republic.

一个没有主办权的地方将是一个萎缩的共和国。

Universal welcoming would be another mistake.” A necessary tension is created between “the infinite moral duty of hospitality and the limited political possibility of welcoming.”

普遍欢迎将是另一个错误。” “热情好客的无限道德义务与欢迎的有限政治可能性”之间产生了必要的紧张关系。

When I asked Lévy why the notion of the great replacement had resonated so widely, he dismissed it as a “junk idea.” “The Roman conquest of Gaul was a real modification of the population in France,” he went on.

当我问莱维为什么伟大替代品的概念会引起如此广泛的共鸣时，他认为这是一个“垃圾想法”。 “罗马对高卢的征服真正改变了法国的人口，”他继续说道。

“There was never something like an ethnic French people.” Raphaël Glucksmann made a similar critique of the idea of “pure” Frenchness.

“从来没有像法国人这样的东西。”拉斐尔·格鲁克斯曼 (Raphaël Glucksmann) 对“纯粹”法国性的概念也提出了类似的批评。

He observed, “In 1315, you had an edict from the king who said anybody who walks on the soil of France becomes a franc .” This is true, but there is always a threshold at which a quantitative change becomes qualitative; migration was far less extensive in the Middle Ages than it is today.

他评论道：“1315 年，国王颁布了一项法令，规定任何走在法国土地上的人都将成为法郎。”确实如此，但总有一个阈值，达到这个阈值，量变就会变成质变。中世纪的移民远没有今天那么广泛。

French liberals can surely make a case for immigration without pretending that nothing has changed: a country that in 1900 was almost uniformly Catholic now has more than six million Muslims.

法国自由主义者肯定可以为移民辩护，而不必假装什么都没有改变：这个1900年几乎全是天主教徒的国家现在有超过600万穆斯林。

The liberal historian Patrick Boucheron, the editor of a recent surprise best-seller that highlights foreign influences on French life throughout the ages, told me that he had little patience for people who bemoan the country’s changing demographics.

自由派历史学家帕特里克·布诗龙（Patrick Boucheron）最近出人意料地出版了一本畅销书，该书强调了历代以来外国对法国生活的影响，他告诉我，他对那些哀叹法国人口结构变化的人没有耐心。

French people who are struggling today, he said, are victims of unfair economic policies, not Muslims, who still make up only ten per cent of the population.

他说，今天陷入困境的法国人是不公平经济政策的受害者，而不是穆斯林，因为穆斯林仍然只占总人口的百分之十。

Indeed, only a quarter of France’s population is of immigrant origin—a percentage that, according to Boucheron, has remained stable for four decades.

事实上，法国只有四分之一的人口是移民出身——根据宝诗龙的说法，这一比例在四十年来一直保持稳定。

Boucheron sees identitarians as manipulators who have succeeded “in convincing the dominated that their problem is French identity.” For Boucheron, it’s not simply that the great replacement is a cruel idea; it’s also false.

宝诗龙将身份主义者视为操纵者，他们成功地“让被统治者相信他们的问题在于法国身份”。对于宝诗龙来说，伟大的替代品不仅是一个残酷的想法，而且是一个残酷的想法。这也是假的。

“When you oppose their figures—when you say that there were Poles and Italians coming to France in the nineteen-thirties—they say, ‘O.K., but they were Christians ,’ ” he said.

“当你反对他们的数字时——当你说十九世纪三十年代有波兰人和意大利人来到法国时——他们会说，‘好吧，但他们是基督徒，’”他说。

“So you see that behind identity there’s immigration, and behind immigration there’s hatred of Islam.

“所以你会看到，身份的背后是移民，移民的背后是对伊斯兰教的仇恨。

Eventually, it always comes down to that.”

最终，事情总会归结为这一点。”

But to deny that recent migration has brought disruptions only helps the identitarians gain traction.

但否认最近的移民带来的破坏只会帮助身份主义者获得支持。

A humanitarian crisis has been unfolding in Paris, and it is clearly a novel phenomenon.

巴黎正在发生一场人道主义危机，这显然是一个新现象。

This summer, more than two thousand African and Middle Eastern migrants were living in street encampments near the Porte de la Chapelle; eventually, the police rounded them up and dispersed them in temporary shelters.

今年夏天，超过两千名非洲和中东移民住在拉夏贝尔门附近的街头营地；最终，警察将他们围捕起来，并将他们分散到临时避难所。

“We don’t have enough housing,” the center-right philosopher Pascal Bruckner told me.

“我们没有足够的住房，”中右翼哲学家帕斯卡·布鲁克纳告诉我。

“The welfare state is at the maximum of its capabilities.

“福利国家已达到其最大能力。

We’re broke.

我们破产了。

And so what we offer to those people is what happens at Porte de la Chapelle.” Many liberals have downplayed the homeless crisis, rather than discuss potential solutions.

因此，我们为这些人提供的就是在 Porte de la Chapelle 发生的事情。”许多自由主义者淡化了无家可归者危机，而不是讨论潜在的解决方案。

“We turn a blind eye to this issue, just to look generous,” Bruckner said.

“我们对这个问题视而不见，只是为了显得慷慨，”布鲁克纳说。

At one point in my conversation with Lévy, he flatly declared that France “has no refugees.” Far-right figures, for their part, have relentlessly exploited Paris’s problems on social media, posting inflammatory videos that make it seem like marauding migrants have taken over every street corner.

在我与莱维谈话时，他曾断然宣称法国“没有难民”。极右翼人士则在社交媒体上无情地利用巴黎的问题，发布煽动性视频，让抢劫的移民似乎占领了每个街角。

Jean-Yves Camus, a scholar of the far right in France (and no relation to Renaud Camus), told me that there is a problematic lack of candor in the way that liberals describe today’s unidirectional mass movement of peoples.

法国极右翼学者让-伊夫·加缪（与雷诺·加缪没有关系）告诉我，自由主义者描述当今人民单向群众运动的方式存在缺乏坦诚的问题。

“It depends what you call Frenchness ,” he said.

“这取决于你所谓的法国性，”他说。

“If you think that traditional France, like we used to see in the nineteen-fifties and sixties, should survive and remain, then certainly it will not survive.

“如果你认为传统的法国，就像我们在十九世纪五六十年代看到的那样，应该生存并保留下来，那么它肯定无法生存。

This is the truth.

这是事实。

So I think we have to admit that, contrary to what Lévy says, there has been a change.”

所以我认为我们必须承认，与莱维所说的相反，已经发生了变化。”

But what, exactly, does the notion of “traditional France” imply?

但“传统法国”的概念到底意味着什么呢？

The France of de Gaulle—or of Racine—differs in many ways from the France of today, not just in ethnic composition.

戴高乐或拉辛时代的法国在很多方面与今天的法国不同，而不仅仅是民族构成方面。

Renaud Camus recently told Vox that white people in France are living “under menace”—victims of an unchecked foreign assault “as much by black Africa as it is by Northern Islamic Africans.” Yet feminism, Starbucks, the smartphone, the L.G.B.T.Q.

雷诺·加缪 (Renaud Camus) 最近告诉 Vox​​，法国的白人生活在“威胁之下”，他们是“黑非洲和北伊斯兰非洲人”不受控制的外国攻击的受害者。然而，女权主义、星巴克、智能手机、L.G.B.T.Q.

movement, the global domination of English, EasyJet, Paris’s loss of centrality in Western cultural life—all of these developments have disrupted what it means “to be French.” The problem with identitarianism isn’t simply that it is nostalgic; it’s that it fixates on ethnicity to the exclusion of all else.

运动、英语在全球的统治、易捷航空、巴黎在西方文化生活中失去中心地位——所有这些发展都扰乱了“法国人”的含义。身份主义的问题不仅在于它是怀旧的，而且在于它是一种怀旧的观念。而是它专注于种族而排除其他一切。

The United States is not Western Europe.

美国不是西欧。

Not only is America full of immigrants; they are seen as part of what makes America American.

美国不仅充满了移民，而且充满了移民。他们被视为美国的一部分。

Unlike France, the United States has only ever been a nation in the legal sense, even if immigration was long restricted to Europeans, and even if the Founding Fathers organized their country along the bloody basis of what we now tend to understand as white supremacy.

与法国不同，美国只是法律意义上的国家，即使移民长期以来仅限于欧洲人，即使开国元勋们按照我们现在倾向于理解的白人至上的血腥基础来组织他们的国家。

The fact remains that, unless you are Native American, it is ludicrous for a resident of the United States to talk about “blood and soil.” And yet the country has nonetheless arrived at a moment when once unmentionable ideas have gone mainstream, and the most important political division is no longer between left and right but between globalist and nationalist.

事实仍然是，除非你是美洲原住民，否则美国居民谈论“血与土”是可笑的。然而，这个国家仍然已经到了这样一个时刻：曾经不为人知的想法已经成为主流，最重要的政治分歧不再是左派和右派之间，而是全球主义者和民族主义者之间。

“The so-called New Right never claimed to change the world,” Alain de Benoist wrote to me.

“所谓的新右派从未声称要改变世界，”阿兰·德·拜诺伊斯特在给我的信中写道。

Its goal, he said, “was, rather, to contribute to the intellectual debate, to make known certain themes of reflection and thought.” On that count, it has proved a smashing success.

他说，其目标“更确切地说，是为知识辩论做出贡献，让反思和思考的某些主题为人所知。”从这一点来看，它已经取得了巨大的成功。

Glucksmann summed up the Nouvelle Droite’s thinking as follows: “Let’s just win the cultural war, and then a leader will come out of it.” The belief that a multicultural society is tantamount to an anti-white society has crept out of French salons and all the way into the Oval Office.

格鲁克斯曼将《新权利》的思想总结如下：“让我们赢得文化战争，然后就会出现一位领导者。”认为多元文化社会等同于反白人社会的观念已经从法国沙龙蔓延到了椭圆形办公室。

The apotheosis of right-wing Gramscism is Donald Trump.

右翼葛兰西主义的典范是唐纳德·特朗普。

On August 11th, the Unite the Right procession marched through the campus of the University of Virginia.

8月11日，“团结右翼”游行队伍穿过弗吉尼亚大学校园。

White-supremacist protesters mashed together Nazi and Confederate iconography while chanting variations of Renaud Camus’s grand remplacement credo: “You will not replace us”; “Jews will not replace us.” Few, if any, of these khaki-clad young men had likely heard of Guillaume Faye, Renaud Camus, or Alain de Benoist.

白人至上主义抗议者将纳粹和南方邦联的肖像混在一起，同时高呼雷诺·加缪的宏伟取代信条的变体：“你们不会取代我们”； “犹太人不会取代我们。”这些穿着卡其布的年轻人中，很少有人听说过纪尧姆·费耶、雷诺·加缪或阿兰·德·拜诺瓦。

They didn’t know that their rhetoric had been imported from France, like some dusty wine.

他们不知道他们的言论是从法国进口的，就像一些沾满灰尘的酒一样。

But they didn’t need to.

但他们不需要这样做。

All they had to do was pick up the tiki torches and light them.

他们所要做的就是拿起提基火把并点燃它们。

♦

❖

An earlier version of this piece quoted a tweet by Renaud Camus.

本文的早期版本引用了雷诺·加缪的一条推文。

The quote, which was mistranslated, has been deleted.

该引文因翻译错误，已被删除。