Welcome To America — Now Spy On Your Friends
When he got the last call to come meet with the FBI agents, A.M.
当他接到最后一个电话要求与联邦调查局特工会面时，A.M.
allowed himself an uncharacteristic bit of optimism.
让自己表现出一种不同寻常的乐观态度。
An immigrant from Pakistan, he had spent the last seven years trying to get a green card, a process that had so far included a series of interviews, three encounters with the FBI, and unexplained bureaucratic delays.
作为一名来自巴基斯坦的移民，他在过去七年里一直在努力获得绿卡，迄今为止，这一过程包括一系列面试、与联邦调查局的三次会面以及无法解释的官僚主义拖延。
Maybe this meeting would bring some resolution?
也许这次会议会带来一些解决方案？
But when the 37-year-old software programmer arrived at the Homeland Security offices in Dallas that day in August 2014, the conversation quickly swerved.
但当 2014 年 8 月的那天，这位 37 岁的软件程序员抵达达拉斯的国土安全部办公室时，谈话很快就发生了转变。
One of the two agents placed a piece of paper on the table and told him to write down the names of all the people he knew who he thought were terrorists.
两名特工之一在桌子上放了一张纸，让他写下所有他认识的、他认为是恐怖分子的人的名字。
Bewildered, he said he didn’t know any terrorists.
他很困惑，说他不认识任何恐怖分子。
He said he didn’t know about any suspicious activity at all.
他说他根本不知道有任何可疑活动。
“We think you do,” the agents replied.
“我们认为你会的，”特工回答道。
A.M.
是。
was quickly becoming alarmed.
很快就变得警觉起来。
(Like almost all other immigrants interviewed for this story, he said he did not feel safe allowing his name to be published.
（像几乎所有其他接受本文采访的移民一样，他说他觉得公开自己的名字并不安全。
A.M.
上午
are his initials.) He was a family man, with a highly skilled 9-to-5 job.
是他名字的首字母缩写。）他是一个顾家的男人，从事着朝九晚五的高技能工作。
He had lived in America for nearly two decades.
他在美国生活了近二十年。
He went to college in America.
他在美国上大学。
Why would the FBI see him as a link to terrorism?
为什么联邦调查局会认为他与恐怖主义有联系？
And weren’t they supposed to be discussing his green card application?
他们不是应该讨论他的绿卡申请吗？
As it turned out, that’s precisely what they were discussing.
事实证明，这正是他们正在讨论的内容。
“We know about your immigration problems,” he recalls one of the agents telling him.
“我们知道你的移民问题，”他回忆说，其中一位特工告诉他。
“And we can help you with that.” If, they said, he agreed to start making secret reports on his community, his friends, even his family.
“我们可以帮助你。”他们说，如果他同意开始对他的社区、他的朋友、甚至他的家人进行秘密报告。
Pressuring people to become informants by dangling the promise of citizenship — or, if they do not comply, deportation — is expressly against the rules that govern FBI agents’ activities.
通过悬而未决的公民身份承诺来迫使人们成为线人——或者，如果他们不遵守，则被驱逐出境——显然违反了管理联邦调查局特工活动的规则。
Attorney General Alberto Gonzales forbade the practice nine years ago: “No promises or commitments can be made, except by the United States Department of Homeland Security, regarding the alien status of any person or the right of any person to enter or remain in the United States,” according to the Attorney General’s Guidelines Regarding the Use of FBI Confidential Human Sources.
司法部长阿尔贝托·冈萨雷斯九年前禁止了这种做法：根据司法部长关于使用联邦调查局机密人力资源的指南，“除了美国国土安全部之外，不能就任何人的外国人身份或任何人进入或留在美国的权利做出任何承诺或承诺”。
In fact, Gonzales’s guidelines , which are still in force today, require agents to go further: They must explicitly warn potential informants that the FBI cannot help with their immigration status in any way.
事实上，冈萨雷斯的指导方针至今仍然有效，要求特工走得更远：他们必须明确警告潜在的线人，联邦调查局无法以任何方式帮助他们获得移民身份。
But a BuzzFeed News investigation — based on government and court documents, official complaints, and interviews with immigrants, immigration and civil rights lawyers, and former special agents — shows that the FBI violates these rules.
但 BuzzFeed News 的一项调查——基于政府和法院文件、官方投诉以及对移民、移民和民权律师以及前特工的采访——表明联邦调查局违反了这些规则。
Mandated to enforce the law, the bureau has assumed a powerful but unacknowledged role in a very different realm: decisions about the legal status of immigrants — in particular, Muslim immigrants.
该局的任务是执行法律，但它在一个非常不同的领域发挥了强大但未被承认的作用：决定移民——特别是穆斯林移民的法律地位。
First the immigration agency ties up their green card applications for years, even a decade, without explanation, then FBI agents approach the applicants with a loaded offer: Want to get your papers?
首先，移民机构将他们的绿卡申请捆绑多年，甚至十年，而不给予任何解释，然后联邦调查局特工向申请人提出了一个沉重的报价：想要拿到你的文件吗？
Start reporting to us about people you know .
开始向我们报告您认识的人。
Alexandra Natapoff, an associate dean at Loyola Law School who studies the use of informants, said people who are pressured into informing for the government face considerable danger, from ostracism or retribution within their own community to betrayal from law enforcement officers, whose promises the informants are powerless to enforce.
洛约拉法学院副院长亚历山德拉·纳塔波夫（Alexandra Natapoff）研究利用线人的情况，她表示，被迫为政府提供情报的人面临着相当大的危险，可能会遭到社区内的排斥或报复，也可能遭到执法人员的背叛，而线人却无力兑现执法人员的承诺。
BuzzFeed News spoke with six people who had been approached by the FBI, as well as immigration attorneys who said they had represented far more.
BuzzFeed News 采访了联邦调查局接触过的六名人士以及移民律师，他们表示他们代表的人数要多得多。
Some allowed their stories to be published, even with details that could make them identifiable to federal authorities.
有些人允许发表他们的故事，即使其中的细节可以让联邦当局识别他们的身份。
But they all drew the line at publishing their names, lest they or their families suffer repercussions from their communities.
但他们都在公开自己的名字时划清界限，以免他们或他们的家人受到社区的影响。
Beyond the danger that coercive recruitment poses for its targets, it may also mean danger on a broad scale, by hampering America’s ability to detect, derail, and prosecute real threats to national security.
除了强制招募对其目标构成危险之外，它还可能意味着广泛的危险，因为它会阻碍美国发现、破坏和起诉对国家安全的真正威胁的能力。
Like 9/11 before it, the mass shooting in San Bernardino cast into stark relief the urgency of guarding against terrorism at home.
与之前的 9/11 事件一样，圣贝纳迪诺的大规模枪击事件凸显了国内防范恐怖主义的紧迫性。
Over the years, law enforcement authorities have used informants’ tips to foil numerous plots on American soil and to help other countries foil plots of their own.
多年来，执法当局利用线人的线索挫败了美国领土上的众多阴谋，并帮助其他国家挫败了自己的阴谋。
But many critics of America’s counterterrorism operations say the FBI’s heavy-handed recruitment methods actually make it harder to thwart dangerous attacks, by alienating the very communities on whom the government is most reliant for information.
但许多美国反恐行动的批评者表示，联邦调查局的高压招募方法实际上疏远了政府最依赖信息的社区，从而使阻止危险袭击变得更加困难。
Michael German, a former FBI agent who is now a national security expert at New York University’s Brennan Center for Justice, says wide-scale coercive recruitment produces a surfeit of false leads.
前联邦调查局特工、现任纽约大学布伦南司法中心国家安全专家的迈克尔·日尔曼表示，大规模的强制招募会产生过多的虚假线索。
“All of this investigative effort is against people who are not suspected,” he said, of “terrorism or any other criminal activity.” The result is so much useless information that agents cannot focus on the most important leads.
他说：“所有这些调查工作都是针对那些没有涉嫌“恐怖主义或任何其他犯罪活动”的人。其结果是产生大量无用信息，导致客服人员无法专注于最重要的线索。
“This becomes an obstacle to real security.”
“这成为真正安全的障碍。”
For immigrants pressured to become government informants, the process might begin with the Controlled Application Review and Resolution Program (CARRP).
对于被迫成为政府线人的移民，该过程可能会从受控申请审查和解决计划 (CARRP) 开始。
The program, overseen by immigration authorities, is designed to identify security risks among those who apply for visas, asylum, green cards, and naturalization.
该计划由移民当局监督，旨在识别申请签证、庇护、绿卡和入籍的人的安全风险。
In November, BuzzFeed News revealed that the program is being used to vet refugees seeking asylum from Syria.
11 月，BuzzFeed News 透露该计划正用于审查来自叙利亚寻求庇护的难民。
Initiated in 2008, and building on related efforts in the years before that, CARRP casts an extraordinarily wide net.
CARRP 于 2008 年启动，并在此之前几年的相关努力的基础上，撒下了一张极其广泛的网。
It subjects not just “Known or Suspected Terrorists” but even “Non-Known or Suspected Terrorists” to intense scrutiny and potentially endless delays.
它不仅使“已知或可疑的恐怖分子”，甚至“不知名或可疑的恐怖分子”都受到严格审查，并可能导致无休止的延误。
Mere geography — hailing from “ areas of known terrorist activity ” — can qualify a person for this treatment.
仅凭地理位置——来自“已知的恐怖活动地区”——就可以使一个人有资格享受这种待遇。
So can knowing someone , however tangentially, who is under surveillance; transferring money abroad; having ever worked for a foreign government ; or even just having foreign language expertise .
了解某个受到监视的人（无论多么无关紧要）也是如此。向国外汇款；曾在外国政府工作过；甚至只是拥有外语专业知识。
Despite these wide-ranging criteria, the results are remarkably consistent: According to scholars and immigration lawyers, the population caught in CARRP’s crosshairs is overwhelmingly Muslim.
尽管标准范围广泛，但结果却非常一致：根据学者和移民律师的说法，CARRP 瞄准的人口绝大多数是穆斯林。
Immigration officials will not reveal how many people currently fall under CARRP’s gaze, nor what fraction is Muslim.
移民官员不会透露目前有多少人受到 CARRP 的关注，也不会透露有多少人是穆斯林。
But the numbers are large: Just between 2008 and 2012, the case files of over 19,000 people from 18 Muslim-majority countries were rerouted through that program.
但数量庞大：仅在 2008 年至 2012 年间，来自 18 个穆斯林占多数的国家的 19,000 多人的案件档案就通过该计划进行了转递。
They were not apprised of their status.
他们没有被告知自己的身份。
According to Christopher Bentley, a spokesperson for the United States Citizenship and Immigration Service, “There’s no notification sent to someone saying your case is being handled through this process.” All the person knows for sure is that the immigration application that should have proceeded along a predictable timeline has gone off the rails, flagged and delayed for years without explanation.
美国公民及移民服务局发言人克里斯托弗·本特利 (Christopher Bentley) 表示，“我们没有收到任何通知，表明您的案件正在通过此流程处理。”所有人都知道的是，本应按照可预测的时间表进行的移民申请已经脱轨，被标记和拖延了多年，而且没有任何解释。
“Sometimes I joke, your immigration processing time is in proportion to the length of your beard,” said Hassan Ahmad, an immigration lawyer from Virginia.
“有时我开玩笑说，你的移民处理时间与你胡子的长度成正比，”来自弗吉尼亚州的移民律师哈桑·艾哈迈德说。
Over the course of 12 years he says he has represented clients from 112 countries.
他说，在 12 年的时间里，他代表了来自 112 个国家的客户。
Only his Muslim clients, he says, encounter lengthy, unexplained delays.
他说，只有他的穆斯林客户会遇到长时间且无法解释的延误。
In a 2014 lawsuit, the American Civil Liberties Union argued that CARRP is unconstitutional, violating the right to due process as well as the right to a timely review of immigration files as guaranteed by the Immigration and Nationality Act.
在 2014 年的诉讼中，美国公民自由联盟认为 CARRP 违宪，侵犯了《移民和国籍法》保障的正当程序权以及及时审查移民档案的权利。
(The five people on whose behalf the lawsuit was filed withdrew it when their applications were processed.)
（代表诉讼的五人在处理其申请后撤回了诉讼。）
After these extensive procedural delays, BuzzFeed News has learned, FBI agents like the ones who approached A.M.
BuzzFeed News 了解到，在经历了这些广泛的程序延误之后，FBI 特工就像那些接触 A.M. 的人一样。
can take advantage of immigrants’ desperation — regardless of how useful their contacts would actually be, or what intelligence, if any, they have to offer.
可以利用移民的绝望——无论他们的联系实际上有多么有用，或者他们必须提供什么情报（如果有的话）。
According to Charles Swift, a former Navy lawyer who won a Supreme Court ruling against the Bush administration’s policy of trying terrorism suspects in a military tribunal, the undisclosed role of law enforcement officials makes the process even more problematic.
前海军律师查尔斯·斯威夫特(Charles Swift)赢得了最高法院对布什政府在军事法庭审判恐怖主义嫌疑人的政策的裁决，他表示，执法官员未公开的角色使这一过程变得更加成问题。
The immigration agency, at least, “ultimately will be accountable for its decisions in front of a federal immigration judge or a U.S. judge,” he said.
他说，至少移民机构“最终将在联邦移民法官或美国法官面前对其决定负责”。
But “the FBI is not accountable.”
但“联邦调查局不承担责任。”
A.M.
是。
says the FBI knew he didn’t have any information about terrorists, because he already said so.
说联邦调查局知道他没有任何关于恐怖分子的信息，因为他已经这么说了。
Twice , in fact: first in the fear-stricken months after 9/11 and again in 2002 when agents approached him a second time.
事实上，有两次：第一次是在 9/11 事件后令人恐惧的几个月里，第二次是在 2002 年，当时特工第二次找到他。
In his case file, which a lawyer was able to get ahold of, the agents noted that A.M.
特工们在律师找到的他的案件档案中指出，A.M.
promised to let them know if he became aware of any suspicious activity.
承诺如果他发现任何可疑活动，就会通知他们。
But in 2012 he did something less dutiful.
但2012年，他做了一些不太尽职的事情。
He filed a lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security, the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), and the FBI.
他对国土安全部、美国公民及移民服务局（USCIS）和联邦调查局提起诉讼。
As he tells it, he had no choice: His green card application had been on hold for five years; his work visa was about to expire; and his senator, John Cornyn, to whom he had written for help, had responded that there was nothing he could do.
正如他所说，他别无选择：他的绿卡申请已被搁置五年；他的绿卡申请被搁置了五年。他的工作签证即将到期；他写信向参议员约翰·科宁寻求帮助，但他回应说他无能为力。
In very short order, immigration authorities revoked A.M.’s existing work visa, the one they had approved two years before.
移民当局很快就撤销了 A.M. 两年前批准的现有工作签证。
Later, four FBI agents turned up unannounced at his home, wanting to talk.
随后，四名联邦调查局特工突然出现在他家中，想要谈话。
He remembers one agent showing his badge and, perhaps inadvertently, revealing his gun.
他记得一名特工展示了他的徽章，并且可能无意中露出了他的枪。
Others asked A.M.’s neighbors if he had any “violent tendencies.” (A.M.
其他人则询问 A.M. 的邻居是否有任何“暴力倾向”。 （上午
got the name of only one of the FBI agents.
只知道其中一名联邦调查局特工的名字。
Agent Clay Huesman, who came to A.M.’s workplace that same morning to interview his co-worker, declined to speak with BuzzFeed News about the case, saying he was not authorized to do so.)
当天早上，特工 Clay Huesman 来到 A.M. 的工作场所采访他的同事，但他拒绝接受 BuzzFeed News 谈论此案，称他无权这样做。）
A.M.
上午
got in touch with Swift, the lawyer who had fought against military tribunals, who arranged a meeting at the Department of Homeland Security offices in Dallas.
与曾与军事法庭抗争的律师斯威夫特取得了联系，斯威夫特安排了在达拉斯国土安全部办公室的会面。
It was there, tucked away in a room in a long, low-slung office building, that the officers pushed A.M.
就在那里，警察们把 A.M. 推到了一栋长长的、低矮的办公楼的一个房间里。
to become a secret informant.
成为一名秘密线人。
“They would want me to wear a wire,” he recalled, “go to my friends in the masjid , the mosque, talk about jihad, encourage them to fight or something, and then ask me to witness against them for provoking them.
“他们希望我戴上电线，”他回忆道，“去清真寺里的朋友那里，谈论圣战，鼓励他们打架什么的，然后让我作证指控他们挑衅他们。
I can’t do that.”
我不能那样做。”
He said he pleaded with the agents.
他说他向特工们恳求。
“Is there something that you know about me?
“你对我有了解吗？
Then tell me.
然后告诉我。
If there is something you think I have done wrong then tell me.” They didn’t answer.
如果你认为我做错了什么，请告诉我。”他们没有回答。
Instead, they told him that if he did not agree to their offer, he and his family would no longer be welcome in America.
相反，他们告诉他，如果他不同意他们的提议，美国将不再欢迎他和他的家人。
Swift ended the meeting.
斯威夫特结束了会议。
Within hours, one of the agents called him and asked which flight his client would be on.
几个小时后，一名工作人员打电话给他，询问他的客户将乘坐哪趟航班。
A.M.
是。
and his family sold what possessions they could, and two weeks later, they left the country that for 17 years he had called home.
他的家人卖掉了他们能卖掉的所有财产，两周后，他们离开了这个他17年来一直称之为家的国家。
Critics of CARRP say its entire premise strains credulity.
CARRP 的批评者表示，其整个前提令人难以置信。
If these immigrants posed a genuine threat to national security, wouldn’t authorities lock them up, rather than just allowing them to live for years at large in the United States?
如果这些移民对国家安全构成真正的威胁，当局难道不会把他们关起来，而不是让他们在美国逍遥法外生活多年吗？
“They don’t prosecute any of them, they don’t even investigate them for real terrorist activities,” said Claudia Slovinsky, a 35-year veteran of immigration law.
“他们不会起诉任何人，甚至不会调查他们是否有真正的恐怖活动，”拥有 35 年移民法经验的克劳迪娅·斯洛文斯基 (Claudia Slovinsky) 说。
“If they really think someone is a danger, deal with it.
“如果他们真的认为某人有危险，那就应对它。
Confront them.”
与他们对抗。”
Because of the unique position that Muslim immigrants occupy in American national security — subjected to a higher degree of scrutiny but also solicited as valuable sources in their communities — CARRP can victimize Muslim immigrants twice: leaving them in painful limbo for years, and then exposing them to abuse by law enforcement.
由于穆斯林移民在美国国家安全中占据的独特地位——受到更严格的审查，但也被视为社区中的宝贵资源——CARRP 可能会两次伤害穆斯林移民：让他们多年处于痛苦的边缘，然后让他们遭受执法部门的虐待。
Swift ticked off several cultural factors that may increase their vulnerability: “not strong in the language, not much money, not strong in due process concepts, and they often come from governments where if you don’t play with the government, they can whisk you away and put you in jail.”
斯威夫特列举了几个可能增加他们脆弱性的文化因素：“语言不强，钱不多，正当程序概念不强，而且他们通常来自政府，如果你不与政府合作，他们可以把你带走并把你关进监狱。”
Critics cite another effect of the way the program is structured: CARRP has greatly expanded the FBI’s influence in the immigration process, by giving the bureau immense sway in deciding who may and may not become citizens.
批评者指出了该计划结构方式的另一个影响：CARRP 极大地扩大了联邦调查局在移民过程中的影响力，让联邦调查局在决定谁可以或不可以成为公民方面拥有巨大的影响力。
In the 2013 report “Muslims Need Not Apply,” the ACLU reviewed public records, some of them heavily redacted, and found that immigration authorities “are instructed to follow FBI direction as to whether to deny, approve, or hold in abeyance (potentially indefinitely) an application for an immigration benefit.”
在 2013 年的报告“穆斯林不需要申请”中，美国公民自由联盟审查了公共记录，其中一些记录经过大量编辑，并发现移民当局“被指示遵循联邦调查局的指示，决定是否拒绝、批准或暂停（可能无限期地）移民福利申请。”
In an interview with BuzzFeed News, Bentley, the immigration press secretary, denied that, insisting that each individual’s file is reviewed — by immigration officials alone, not by law enforcement — on a “case-by-case” basis.
移民新闻秘书本特利在接受 BuzzFeed News 采访时否认了这一说法，并坚称每个人的档案都由移民官员单独审查，而不是由执法部门“逐案审查”。
“CARRP is not a red flag that no one can overcome,” he said.
“CARRP 并不是一个无人能够克服的危险信号，”他说。
“CARRP simply means that there is an issue here that needs to be resolved.”
“CARRP 只是意味着这里有一个问题需要解决。”
He acknowledged that immigration officials and law enforcement officials do share their findings.
他承认移民官员和执法官员确实分享了他们的调查结果。
“We utilize the FBI as a contract service and they provide us access to background information needed for us to make determinations on individuals’ immigration cases,” Bentley said.
“我们利用联邦调查局作为合同服务，他们为我们提供了对个人移民案件做出决定所需的背景信息，”本特利说。
“But as far as exactly what the FBI does with follow-up from information that may be developed by USCIS, or ICE” — Immigration and Customs Enforcement — “or any other department within Homeland Security, only the FBI can speak to that.”
“但至于 FBI 对 USCIS 或 ICE（移民和海关执法局）或国土安全部内任何其他部门可能开发的信息采取的后续行动，只有 FBI 才能发言。”
After almost a dozen requests over three months, the FBI’s National Press Office responded to questions from BuzzFeed News about the agency’s involvement with CARRP by supplying two links to the Attorney General’s Guidelines for FBI Confidential Human Sources, as well as the FBI’s Domestic Investigations and Operations Guide.
在三个月内收到近十几次请求后，FBI 国家新闻办公室回应了 BuzzFeed News 提出的有关该机构参与 CARRP 的问题，提供了两个指向司法部长 FBI 机密人力资源指南以及 FBI 国内调查和行动指南的链接。
“Certainly we cannot confirm or comment on the specific approaches, tactics, or incidents involving recruiting human sources,” the public affairs officer added.
“当然，我们无法确认或评论涉及招聘人力资源的具体方法、策略或事件，”公共事务官员补充道。
The first time Muhammad (his middle name) met with an FBI agent, it was in the lobby of the Hyatt Regency in North Dallas in 2010.
穆罕默德（他的中间名）第一次会见联邦调查局特工是在 2010 年，在北达拉斯凯悦酒店的大堂。
An immigrant from Jordan who came to America in 1989, he had already been waiting for a decade to hear the results of his citizenship application.
作为一名 1989 年来到美国的约旦移民，他已经等待了十年才能听到公民申请的结果。
Muhammad brought two representatives of the Muslim American Society Immigrant Justice Center to the meeting.
穆罕默德带来了美国穆斯林协会移民司法中心的两名代表参加会议。
Agent Erik Tighe was accompanied by another agent from the bureau.
埃里克·泰赫特工由该局的另一名特工陪同。
Over the course of more than two hours, Agent Tighe asked Muhammad about his relationship to the Holy Land Foundation.
在两个多小时的时间里，特工泰赫向穆罕默德询问了他与圣地基金会的关系。
Holy Land was a large and diverse Muslim charity — the largest in America — and Muhammad vaguely recalled signing up for a program to sponsor an orphan.
圣地是一个大型且多元化的穆斯林慈善机构——美国最大的慈善机构——穆罕默德依稀记得自己曾签署过一项资助孤儿的计划。
The amount, he said, was at most $30.
他说，金额最多为 30 美元。
It was legal at the time, but the group was subsequently found guilty of aiding a terrorist organization.
这在当时是合法的，但该组织随后被判犯有协助恐怖组织罪。
For a Muslim immigrant, Muhammad knew, even an accidental association like that could be fatal to any hope of ever becoming a U.S. citizen.
穆罕默德知道，对于穆斯林移民来说，即使是这样的偶然联系也可能对成为美国公民的希望造成致命的影响。
According to Muhammad and his two advisers, Agent Tighe made an offer: Become an informant.
据穆罕默德和他的两名顾问称，特工泰赫提出了一个提议：成为一名线人。
Help the FBI.
帮助联邦调查局。
And the FBI will help with your immigration application.
联邦调查局 (FBI) 将帮助您办理移民申请。
The second time Agent Tighe approached Muhammad, he was less conciliatory.
特工泰伊第二次接近穆罕默德时，他的态度就没那么和解了。
It was the morning of Jan.
那是一月的早晨。
5, 2011, at around 7:40 a.m.
2011 年 12 月 5 日上午 7 点 40 分左右
The FBI agent brought an official from the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services, the agency that oversees immigration.
联邦调查局探员带来了美国公民及移民服务局（负责移民事务的机构）的一名官员。
They told Muhammad that if he didn’t work with them, they would delay his citizenship indefinitely.
他们告诉穆罕默德，如果他不与他们合作，他们将无限期推迟他的公民身份。
“More than 10 years?” Muhammad said he asked.
“超过10年了？”穆罕默德说他问过。
“More than that?
“还不止这些？
You have already delayed it, so whatever you want to do, go ahead, but I’m not going to talk to you like this.”
你已经耽误了，你想做什么就做什么吧，但我不会这样跟你说话。”
BuzzFeed News attempted to reach Agent Tighe and other FBI agents mentioned in this story but was told by a spokesman that the FBI is “not doing interviews at this time.”
BuzzFeed News 试图联系特工 Tighe 和本文中提到的其他 FBI 特工，但发言人告诉 FBI“目前不进行采访”。
Muhammad eventually wrote a complaint to the Office of the Inspector General.
穆罕默德最终向监察长办公室写了一份投诉。
“By using my charitable contribution as a means to determine my eligibility for naturalization, I have been designated a national security concern,” he wrote .
“通过使用我的慈善捐款作为确定我入籍资格的手段，我被指定为国家安全问题，”他写道。
“I am not.
“我不是。”
I am a law-abiding citizen who has an affinity to this country and would willingly protect it against any wrongdoing or criminal behavior.”
我是一个守法公民，对这个国家有亲和力，愿意保护这个国家免受任何不当行为或犯罪行为的侵害。”
In February 2012, after 12 years, Muhammad’s citizenship application was denied because of lack of “good moral character,” an assessment based on his relationship to the charity.
2012 年 2 月，12 年后，穆罕默德的公民身份申请被拒绝，原因是缺乏“良好的道德品质”，这是根据他与慈善机构的关系进行的评估。
His future is uncertain.
他的未来是不确定的。
The supposed national security threat has so far been allowed to continue living in America, but his green card will expire in 2019.
到目前为止，这名所谓的国家安全威胁已被允许继续居住在美国，但他的绿卡将于 2019 年到期。
By that time he will have been in this country 30 years.
到那时他已经在这个国家呆了30年了。
German, the former FBI agent, said that the FBI’s use of informants changed after 9/11.
前联邦调查局特工杰曼表示，9/11 事件后，联邦调查局对线人的使用方式发生了变化。
As the department’s priorities shifted toward counterterrorism, agents came under much greater pressure to develop Muslim sources — any Muslim sources, regardless of how useful they might actually be.
随着该部门的重点转向反恐，特工们面临着更大的压力来开发穆斯林消息来源——任何穆斯林消息来源，无论它们实际上有多有用。
Now, he said, “Rather than use all their energy to focus on the very small number of terrorists, they try to find anybody that they have a lever over to compel them to be an informants.”
现在，他说，“他们不是把所有的精力都集中在极少数的恐怖分子身上，而是试图找到任何他们有影响力的人来迫使他们成为线人。”
The issue has arisen before.
这个问题以前就出现过。
A 2014 lawsuit filed by the Center for Constitutional Rights and a group at the City University of New York law school revealed that the FBI had been intimidating people on the no-fly list, saying they would never be removed unless they agreed to spy for the government.
宪法权利中心和纽约市立大学法学院的一个组织在 2014 年提起的诉讼显示，联邦调查局一直在恐吓禁飞名单上的人，称他们永远不会被除名，除非他们同意为政府从事间谍活动。
After 9/11, said a recently retired former FBI special agent who spoke to BuzzFeed News on the condition of anonymity, the shift toward counterterrorism increased the “importance of having a lot of sources, especially within the Middle Eastern community.
一位不愿透露姓名的最近退休的前联邦调查局特工在接受 BuzzFeed News 采访时表示，9/11 事件之后，反恐的转变增加了“拥有大量消息来源的重要性，尤其是在中东社区。”
Naturally, most of those folks were immigrants.”
当然，这些人大多数都是移民。”
Dennis G.
丹尼斯·G.
Fitzgerald, a former Drug Enforcement Agency agent with over 20 years of experience and the author of a book on informants and the law, concurred: “The leverage on an immigrant or an alien is unbelievable.
拥有 20 多年经验的前缉毒局特工、一本关于线人与法律的书的作者菲茨杰拉德表示同意：“对移民或外国人的影响力令人难以置信。
It’s all about having leverage on another human being, and using that leverage, that power, to persuade them, to squeeze them, into becoming an informant.
这一切都是为了对另一个人施加影响力，并利用这种影响力、这种力量来说服他们、挤压他们，让他们成为一名线人。
”
”
But however effective CARRP is as a recruitment tool for the FBI, there is little evidence that the arrangement has produced much usable intelligence.
但无论 CARRP 作为 FBI 的招募工具多么有效，几乎没有证据表明这种安排产生了很多可用的情报。
Critics have questioned the government’s reliance on counterterrorism informants with mental illness or criminal records, as well as the ease with which investigation can become entrapment.
批评者质疑政府对有精神疾病或犯罪记录的反恐线人的依赖，以及调查很容易陷入陷阱。
“Informants who are pressured,” the former special agent said, “will just tell you what they think you might want to hear, or tell you something that will get them in a better position for himself, like getting immigration assistance.”
“受到压力的线人，”这位前特工说，“只会告诉你他们认为你可能想听的事情，或者告诉你一些能让他们自己处于更好境地的事情，比如获得移民援助。”
He continued, “They will tell you something that can’t be verified, or they’ll tell you something that they might think you want to hear.
他继续说道，“他们会告诉你一些无法证实的事情，或者他们会告诉你一些他们可能认为你想听的事情。
They will tell you there’s something going on over here, or this person is planning this thing.
他们会告诉你这里正在发生一些事情，或者这个人正在计划这件事。
And they will tell you that because they think it will help them in their particular situation, and not because it’s really happening.” The more false leads the FBI has to chase after, the fewer agents there are to track down the real ones.
他们会告诉你这些，因为他们认为这会对他们的特殊情况有所帮助，而不是因为这确实发生了。”联邦调查局必须追踪的虚假线索越多，追踪真实线索的特工就越少。
Simple in dress and haircut, tall and slim, Osman (his middle name), a 38-year-old Somali refugee, blends in easily on the streets of America.
38 岁的索马里难民奥斯曼（Osman，他的中间名）穿着简单，发型简单，身材高挑，很容易融入美国街头。
He wears a pleasant smile for no reason at all.
他毫无理由地露出愉快的笑容。
Those who pass him might assume he’s just as ordinary as he looks.
那些经过他身边的人可能会认为他和他看起来一样普通。
But the path by which he came to this country is remarkable, and so is the threat that the federal government appears to believe he poses.
但他来到这个国家的道路是非凡的，联邦政府似乎认为他构成的威胁也是非凡的。
When Osman was 14, his father and two sisters were killed in the Somali Civil War.
奥斯曼 14 岁时，他的父亲和两个姐妹在索马里内战中丧生。
Osman made his way, by foot, to Kenya, along with hundreds of thousands of other refugees.
奥斯曼与数十万其他难民一起步行前往肯尼亚。
He landed in what would become the world’s largest refugee camp, where he spent 14 years before getting permission to come to America.
他降落在后来成为世界上最大的难民营，在那里度过了 14 年，然后才获准来到美国。
“I was so excited.
“我太兴奋了。
I was so happy.
我很高兴。
I used to watch movies about Las Vegas and Los Angeles, and I couldn’t believe I would ever live there,” he recalled.
我曾经看过有关拉斯维加斯和洛杉矶的电影，我不敢相信我会住在那里，”他回忆道。
Two years after arriving, in 2006, he decided to apply for a green card.
抵达两年后，即2006年，他决定申请绿卡。
According to Osman’s immigration file — obtained by the ACLU on his behalf — immigration authorities ran him through the FBI’s Name Check database and came up with a hit.
根据美国公民自由联盟 (ACLU) 代表奥斯曼获得的移民档案，移民当局对他进行了联邦调查局 (FBI) 姓名查询数据库的查询，结果发现了一条线索。
That meant Osman had been mentioned in some unspecified capacity in an FBI file.
这意味着联邦调查局的一份文件中以某种未指明的身份提到了奥斯曼。
Or perhaps it was someone else with a similar name, or a phonetic variation of his name.
或者也许是其他人有相似的名字，或者是他名字的语音变体。
Whatever the case, it was 2008, the year the CARRP program officially began.
不管怎样，2008 年是 CARRP 项目正式启动的一年。
His application ground to a halt.
他的申请陷入停滞。
Three years after he filed the papers, he visited the local office of the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services to inquire about his status.
提交文件三年后，他前往美国公民及移民服务局当地办公室询问自己的身份。
Then he returned to his apartment, and 15 minutes later, Osman says, two FBI agents knocked on his door.
然后他回到自己的公寓，15 分钟后，奥斯曼说，两名联邦调查局探员敲了他的门。
Over the next six months, the FBI agents repeatedly sought him out, asking him to identify photographs of men he told them he had never seen before or to talk about Ethiopian militants whom he tried to explain he knew nothing about.
在接下来的六个月里，联邦调查局特工多次找到他，要求他出示一些他告诉他们以前从未见过的人的照片，或者谈论他试图解释自己一无所知的埃塞俄比亚武装分子。
One of the agents told Osman they had a deal for him.
一名特工告诉奥斯曼，他们与他达成了一项协议。
A “good deal,” Osman recalled: The FBI could help him with his green card application and even help some of his family immigrate to the United States.
奥斯曼回忆道，这是一笔“很好的交易”：联邦调查局可以帮助他申请绿卡，甚至可以帮助他的一些家人移民到美国。
But something changed, he said, when she called and said, “I want to ask you where Osama Bin Laden is.”
但当她打电话说：“我想问你奥萨马·本·拉登在哪里时，事情发生了变化。”
“That was when I got shocked,” he recalled.
“当时我很震惊，”他回忆道。
“I was really scared, and I was not feeling comfortable.
“我真的很害怕，而且感觉不舒服。
She was giving me so much pressure.
她给了我很大的压力。
I think she was trying to scare me.” But he did not dare tell anyone in his community, lest someone think he was cooperating.
我认为她是想吓唬我。”但他不敢告诉社区里的任何人，以免有人认为他在合作。
Immigration records indicate that right around that time, and again in March and May of 2010, the Joint Terrorism Task Force — a partnership of law enforcement agencies led by the FBI — requested information about Osman’s immigration files from USCIS.
移民记录显示，就在那时，以及 2010 年 3 月和 5 月，联合恐怖主义特别工作组（联邦调查局领导的执法机构合作伙伴）要求美国公民及移民服务局提供有关奥斯曼移民档案的信息。
In March 2011, Osman was informed that his claim to be a member of Somalia’s persecuted Tuni clan “may have” been false.
2011 年 3 月，奥斯曼被告知，他声称自己是索马里受迫害的图尼部族成员“可能”是错误的。
He tried to fight the charge, but lost.
他试图对抗指控，但失败了。
First his refugee status was revoked.
首先，他的难民身份被取消。
Then, six years after filing an application for a green card, Osman finally got an answer: No.
然后，在提交绿卡申请六年后，奥斯曼终于得到了答案：不。
An immigration lawyer did eventually get him in front of a judge, who ruled that the government had acted improperly.
一名移民律师最终把他带到了法官面前，法官裁定政府行为不当。
Osman’s refugee status was reinstated, and he even got a green card.
奥斯曼的难民身份得到恢复，甚至还获得了绿卡。
But when, encouraged by those developments, he applied to become a full citizen, he ran into the very same kinds of delays.
但当他受到这些事态发展的鼓舞，申请成为正式公民时，却遇到了同样的延误。
FBI agents don’t show up at his door anymore, but he worries that he might still find himself searching for a country to call home.
联邦调查局特工不再出现在他家门口，但他担心自己可能仍在寻找一个可以称之为家的国家。
“I believe I’m already an American,” Osman said one recent night, sitting in a hotel lobby.
“我相信我已经是一名美国人了，”最近的一个晚上，奥斯曼坐在酒店大堂说道。
“I mean, I am an American!” he exclaimed, with his hands in the air.
“我的意思是，我是美国人！”他举起双手大声喊道。
“This is my home.
“这是我的家。
They might believe something else, but of course I am.”
他们可能相信别的东西，但我当然相信。”
America is no longer home for A.M., the software programmer from Pakistan who was told by the FBI agent to get out of the United States.
美国不再是 A.M. 的家，这位来自巴基斯坦的软件程序员被联邦调查局特工告知离开美国。
Speaking with BuzzFeed News from the country where he and his family now reside — he asked that the country not be named, out of fear for relatives still living in America — he said he missed the place where he lived for 17 years.
在他和家人现在居住的国家接受 BuzzFeed 新闻采访时（出于对仍居住在美国的亲戚的恐惧，他要求不要透露该国家的名称），他说他想念他居住了 17 年的地方。
“We had a home there,” he recently wrote, “with close family friends, strong ties with the Muslim community, a vibrant life at the local mosque, and a stable job.
“我们在那里有一个家，”他最近写道，“有亲密的家人朋友，与穆斯林社区的密切联系，当地清真寺充满活力的生活，以及稳定的工作。
Our lives were turned upside down when the Feds visited us on June 4th, 2014 7:45AM.
当联邦调查局于 2014 年 6 月 4 日上午 7:45 拜访我们时，我们的生活发生了翻天覆地的变化。
Everything that was precious to us was in one way or another impacted by their unjustified and ruthless acts.”
对我们来说珍贵的一切都在某种程度上受到他们不公正和无情行为的影响。”
He tried every possible way to resolve the suspicion of the government, he said.
他说，他想尽一切办法消除政府的怀疑。
Nothing worked.
什么都没起作用。
When asked whether A.M.
当被问及 A.M. 是否
would have had a better chance of success if he were not a Muslim, from a Muslim-majority country, Claudia Slovinsky, the immigration lawyer, laughed.
移民律师克劳迪娅·斯洛文斯基 (Claudia Slovinsky) 笑道，如果他不是来自穆斯林占多数的国家的穆斯林，他会有更好的成功机会。
“He would be a citizen by now,” she said.
“他现在已经成为公民了，”她说。