Katja Hoyer on Weimar, the GDR, and the German Character (Ep. 279)
Hello, everyone, and welcome back to Conversations with Tyler.
大家好,欢迎回到《与泰勒对话》。
Today I’m chatting with Katja Hoyer.
今天我正在与 Katja Hoyer 聊天。
She just published a new and very interesting book called Weimar: Life on the Edge of Catastrophe.
她刚刚出版了一本非常有趣的新书,名为《魏玛:灾难边缘的生活》。
She’s well known for her history of East Germany called Beyond the Wall and a broader book on earlier German history called Blood and Iron: The Rise and Fall of the German Empire.
她因所著的东德历史《墙外》和一本关于早期德国历史的更广泛的书《血与铁:德意志帝国的兴衰》而闻名。
Katja, welcome.
卡佳,欢迎。
Thank you.
谢谢。
Let me start with East Germany more generally.
让我从更广泛的意义上讲东德。
Why was it that communism seems to have made the Poles and Romanians more anti-communist, but it made the East Germans overall more communist?
为什么共产主义似乎让波兰人和罗马尼亚人更加反共,但却让东德人整体更加共产主义?
Do you refer to the time afterwards or during the time that the GDR was going?
你指的是事后还是东德时期?
Both, actually.
实际上两者都是。
Poland really had rebelled against communist ideals, and it was pretty unpopular at the time.
波兰确实反抗了共产主义理想,而且当时相当不受欢迎。
In, say, the 1970s and ’80s, the DDR had a reputation of being relatively loyal within the Soviet Empire.
比如说,在 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代,民主德国在苏联帝国内享有相对忠诚的声誉。
There’s a lot of residual communist or sometimes fascist sympathies there today, so both.
今天,那里还残留着很多共产主义或有时是法西斯主义的同情心,所以两者都有。
Yes.
是的。
I think during the time there was certainly, I wouldn’t say rumor, but certainly the story was going around that this was a very German thing.
我想那段时间肯定有,我不会说谣言,但肯定有这样的故事流传:这是一件非常德国的事情。
Basically, this compliance with the state that if there’s a rule, you stick to it.
基本上,这种遵守状态是,如果有规则,你就必须遵守它。
That was something that was so instilled in the German mindset already because of the previous forms of autocratic regimes that people had gone through, particularly the 12 years of Nazism, and then coming out of that into another form of dictatorship.
这种观念已经深深地灌输在德国人的思维中,因为人们经历过以前的独裁政权形式,特别是12年的纳粹主义,然后又摆脱了这种独裁政权,进入了另一种形式的独裁政权。
There wasn’t really a time in between where people were used to a more democratic way of thinking.
在此期间,人们并没有真正习惯更民主的思维方式。
There is a line of thinking that says that this was instilled in generations of Germans already at that point, without any break.
有一种观点认为,这一点在那时就已经被灌输给几代德国人,没有任何中断。
I think also if you look more widely at German culture, there’s a really strong adherence to rules and order and discipline.
我还认为,如果你更广泛地审视德国文化,就会发现德国文化对规则、秩序和纪律的遵守非常严格。
That sounds like a bit of a cliché, but I think there’s something to that.
这听起来有点陈词滥调,但我认为这是有道理的。
Yes, you’re right.
是的,你说得对。
When I talk to people from other former satellite states, people from the Soviet Union or from Poland or from Hungary, they always said that there was the stereotype about East Germans being the most hardcore communist state, because there wasn’t a layer underneath the state where people just went on and did their own thing.
当我与来自其他前卫星国家、来自苏联、波兰或匈牙利的人交谈时,他们总是说,人们普遍认为东德是最铁杆的共产主义国家,因为在国家下面没有一层人可以继续做自己的事情。
There’s a long tradition of that, for example, in Poland, where they have this conspiratia concept, where basically society has another layer underneath the state, and that just doesn’t exist in Germany.
这有一个悠久的传统,例如,在波兰,他们有这种阴谋概念,基本上社会在国家之下还有另一层,而这在德国并不存在。
Before the Wall came down, how happy or unhappy do you think East Germans were?
在柏林墙倒塌之前,您认为东德人有多幸福或多不幸?
I think it completely depends who you ask.
我认为这完全取决于你问谁。
I interviewed lots of people for my book.
我为我的书采访了很多人。
I also was just about born in East Germany myself in 1985.
1985 年,我自己也刚刚出生在东德。
Talking to family members, to friends over the years.
多年来与家人、朋友交谈。
I think so long as you were happy to live a reasonably quiet, humble life, as it were—you were happy and content to have your job, go on holiday, get married, live your family life—you did have a reasonable quality of life because just the living standards were higher than in all of the other communist states.
我认为,只要你乐于过上相当安静、谦虚的生活——你快乐并满足于工作、度假、结婚、过你的家庭生活——你就确实拥有合理的生活质量,因为生活水平比所有其他共产主义国家都高。
People didn’t starve.
人们没有挨饿。
They didn’t lack things as such.
他们并不缺少这样的东西。
The moment you tried to diverge from the path that was dictated to you, that’s when you really, very quickly discovered that you did live in a dictatorship and there wasn’t a way out of that.
当你试图偏离指定的道路的那一刻,你很快就会发现,你确实生活在一个独裁统治下,而且没有任何出路。
The Stasi, the secret police in particular, had means of making your life absolute hell.
斯塔西,特别是秘密警察,有办法让你的生活变得绝对地狱。
There was even a concept they called this Zersetzung, which means to almost dissolve your life, where they would really attack even your social structures, your relationships, and everything.
他们甚至有一个概念,称为Zersetzung,意思是几乎溶解你的生活,他们甚至会真正攻击你的社会结构、你的人际关系和一切。
Depending on who you ask, basically, you get very different stories about what it was like to live there, even right up to the fall of the Berlin Wall.
基本上,根据你问的是谁,你会得到关于在那里生活的不同故事,甚至直到柏林墙倒塌。
I was in East Berlin for a day, only a single day in 1984.
我在东柏林呆了一天,1984 年只有一天。
It seemed to me, as a naive distant observer, that everyone was incredibly stressed and fearful.
在我看来,作为一个天真的远程观察者,每个人都承受着难以置信的压力和恐惧。
No one would talk to me.
没有人愿意和我说话。
Old ladies would yell at me in the street in German.
老太太会在街上用德语对我大喊大叫。
There was nothing in the stores that I could spend my 35 marks on.
商店里没有什么东西可以花我的 35 马克。
I had to change money.
我不得不换钱。
Was that a mistaken impression?
这是一个错误的印象吗?
What’s the other side that I didn’t see, or is that correct, and the other side is also correct?
我没看到的另一面是什么,或者那是正确的,而另一面也是正确的?
I think they are probably all correct in the sense that, as I was just saying, you will find people in East Germany who will confirm that view and who will say, “Yes, that’s exactly what it was like.” I think partially the issue is that I presume you went to East Berlin rather than—
我认为他们可能都是正确的,因为正如我刚才所说,你会发现东德的人们会证实这种观点,并且会说:“是的,事实就是这样。”我认为部分问题在于我认为你去了东柏林而不是——
Sure, yes.
当然,是的。
—venturing further.
——进一步冒险。
That’s always part of the story.
这始终是故事的一部分。
People say it was so gray, and it was always concrete and nothing going on.
人们说它是如此的灰色,而且总是具体的,什么也没有发生。
I think if you’d gone to, say, a village or a town somewhere where people lived a different life, that would have given you a slightly different impression as such.
我认为,如果你去了一个村庄或城镇,那里的人们过着不同的生活,那会给你留下稍微不同的印象。
Of course, there were shortages, and people do talk about having to make do.
当然,也有短缺的情况,人们确实谈论过要凑合着过日子。
Say, if your car broke down and you needed a replacement part for something, you needed connections to try and get that.
比如说,如果你的车坏了,你需要更换某个零件,你就需要连接来尝试获得它。
You needed to find a way of getting hold of things.
你需要找到一种方法来掌握事物。
Nonetheless, you wouldn’t have gone, say, to the Baltic Sea to see people on holiday, or to a factory and see people working in there with their colleagues, or to observe a football match or whatever.
尽管如此,你不会去波罗的海看人们度假,或者去工厂看人们与同事一起工作,或者观看足球比赛或其他什么。
These day-to-day things that made people’s lives—filled them basically with life, with friendship, with colleagues, and so on.
这些日常事物构成了人们的生活——基本上让他们充满了生活、友谊、同事等等。
I think there is a bit more nuance than that to it.
我认为还有一些细微差别。
On East German artistic creations
论东德艺术创作
What was the best literary creation from East Germany?
东德最好的文学创作是什么?
I wouldn’t necessarily point to one single thing.
我不一定会指出一件事。
I was quite struck when I was researching this that artists did take a fair amount of freedom from the state back and basically did write literature.
当我研究这个问题时,我感到非常震惊,艺术家确实从国家那里获得了相当多的自由,并且基本上写了文学。
Even those that seemed quite close to the state, that was quite critical.
即使是那些看起来与国家关系非常密切的人,这也是非常关键的。
If you take Christa Wolf, for example, who wrote a famous book called Divided Heaven, which was also translated and also a huge bestseller in West Germany, that’s highly critical of the Berlin Wall, of the way that lives were quite often ruined or split by this, yet it became a bestseller in the GDR as well.
以克里斯塔·沃尔夫(Christa Wolf)为例,他写了一本著名的书《分裂的天堂》(Divided Heaven),这本书也被翻译成了西德的畅销书,书中对柏林墙以及人们的生活经常因此而被毁坏或分裂的方式提出了高度批评,但它在东德也成为了畅销书。
I would say, overall, the corpus of literature is well worth looking at because people lived in a dictatorship in a different world and tried to find ways of expressing that, even though the censorship was in place.
我想说,总的来说,文学语料库非常值得一看,因为人们生活在不同世界的独裁统治下,并试图找到表达这一点的方式,即使审查制度已经到位。
I would say rather than reading one specific work, to try and read maybe four or five different things and get a cross-section of what was going on at the time.
我想说,与其阅读一本具体的著作,不如尝试阅读四到五本不同的书,并对当时发生的事情有一个横断面的了解。
Christa Wolf, being one of them, although she’s a difficult read as well, it’s not something to easily get through.
克里斯塔·沃尔夫(Christa Wolf)就是其中之一,虽然她也很难读,但并不是一件容易读懂的事情。
Brigitte Reimann is a very good read, I find.
我发现布丽吉特·雷曼(Brigitte Reimann)读得非常好。
Her books, again, they are openly critical of the state, but at the same time, she was also somebody who did well for herself in the GDR.
她的书再次公开批评国家,但与此同时,她也是在东德为自己做事的人。
That nuance, again, is coming through quite well there.
再次,这种细微差别在那里得到了很好的体现。
Uwe Johnson is good.
乌韦·约翰逊很好。
Speculations About Jakob.
关于雅各布的猜测。
I haven’t read that, to be honest, so I can’t comment.
老实说,我还没有读过,所以我无法发表评论。
That’s a great book, yes.
是的,那是一本很棒的书。
The movie Good Bye, Lenin!—it’s very famous in the United States as a portrayal of East Germany.
电影《再见,列宁!》作为东德的写照在美国非常有名。
How accurate is it?
它有多准确?
I think it toys with the idea of nostalgia quite well.
我认为它很好地体现了怀旧的想法。
This idea that people struggled with the transition from one system to the other.
人们在从一种制度向另一种制度的过渡中挣扎的想法。
Just briefly, for those who haven’t seen it, the premise is that you have a mother falling into a coma just before the fall of the Berlin Wall, and then she’s not to be disturbed afterwards.
简而言之,对于那些没有看过的人来说,前提是你有一位母亲在柏林墙倒塌之前陷入昏迷,然后她就不会被打扰。
The doctors are worried.
医生们很担心。
Her son basically tries to recreate this illusion that the Berlin Wall hadn’t actually fallen.
她的儿子基本上试图重现柏林墙实际上并未倒塌的错觉。
That is done in a tragic, comical way that I think encapsulated the experience quite well.
这是以一种悲惨又滑稽的方式完成的,我认为这很好地概括了这段经历。
Most people were happy.
大多数人都很高兴。
They were euphoric.
他们欣喜若狂。
They wanted reunification, but they were also worried about losing their entire way of life, the world around them, and especially that insecurity of not knowing what was coming next.
他们想要统一,但他们也担心失去整个生活方式、周围的世界,尤其是不知道接下来会发生什么的不安全感。
I think that really describes the zeitgeist of the era quite well.
我认为这确实很好地描述了那个时代的时代精神。
I think it’s done a decent job in encapsulating that.
我认为它在封装这一点方面做得很好。
Is it an accident that the painters Richter and Polke came from the East, or were there undercurrents of creativity there, where it’s, in retrospect, not at all surprising that they came from East Germany?
画家里希特和波尔克来自东方是偶然,还是那里蕴藏着创造力,回想起来,他们来自东德一点也不奇怪?
No, I don’t think it is surprising.
不,我认为这并不令人惊讶。
You do have a system where, when you speak to artists, again, you get very different views.
你确实有一个系统,当你再次与艺术家交谈时,你会得到非常不同的观点。
Some people say it was absolutely oppressive, and they had to get out.
有人说这绝对是一种压迫,他们必须离开。
That’s often creatives who will tell you that because by definition, they were the most exposed trying to do their own thing to censorship and to state oppression.
通常是创意人士会告诉你,因为根据定义,他们是最容易受到审查和国家压迫的人。
At the same time, the state also spent a lot of money on arts and literature, culture, and film, and things like that.
与此同时,国家也在文学艺术、文化、电影等方面投入了大量的资金。
There were also artists who said, that there was a degree of freedom in being given the means to do these things, to not have to worry about the day-to-day financial concerns that artists are often exposed to.
也有艺术家表示,获得做这些事情的手段有一定程度的自由,不必担心艺术家经常面临的日常财务问题。
That in itself set the economic parameters for some people to work relatively freely, particularly in theater.
这本身就为一些人相对自由地工作设定了经济参数,特别是在剧院。
You hear that a lot, that because of the amount of money that was spent by the state that that gave a degree of freedom.
你经常听到这样的说法,因为国家花费了大量的金钱才给予了一定程度的自由。
I also think just the sheer experience of living in a dictatorship, of being surrounded by the constraints of that, by having to work around censorship, you have to find quite clever ways of expressing yourself in a different way, I think, than people do in freer societies.
我还认为,生活在独裁统治下的纯粹经历,被独裁统治的限制所包围,必须绕过审查制度,我认为,你必须找到一种非常聪明的方式,以一种与自由社会中的人们不同的方式表达自己。
I don’t think it is surprising as such that you get a different type of creativity coming from those sorts of systems.
我认为从这些类型的系统中获得不同类型的创造力并不令人惊讶。
The nudity cult from East Germany, FKK, why is that so strong?
来自东德的裸体邪教FKK,为何如此强大?
It catches on, but there’s also this extreme prudishness to communism.
它流行起来,但共产主义也有这种极端的拘谨。
How did that picture fit together?
那张照片是如何组合在一起的?
Yes, that’s a very good question.
是的,这是一个非常好的问题。
I’ve been pondering that myself for quite some time.
我自己也思考这个问题有一段时间了。
The whole FKK, the free body culture, I don’t know how it’s actually translated into English, but this nudist culture is actually much older than East Germany.
整个FKK,自由身体文化,我不知道它实际上是如何翻译成英文的,但这种裸体主义文化实际上比东德古老得多。
It’s something that came out of the 19th century.
这是 19 世纪出现的东西。
Again, you could ask the same question there.
同样,您可以在那里问同样的问题。
You have a very prudish, conservative society that develops this kind of culture.
一个非常拘谨、保守的社会孕育了这种文化。
I think, in part, it is a counter culture to that.
我认为,在某种程度上,这是一种反文化。
The idea that this comes out of the people themselves and is an expression of people’s freedom, this feeling of just jumping into the ocean naked, being surrounded by nature, being together with others.
这种想法来自于人们本身,是人们自由的表达,这种赤身裸体跳入大海、被大自然包围、与他人在一起的感觉。
That stripping of clothes means stripping of class boundaries, of politics, of culture, in a way, and everyone looks and is the same.
在某种程度上,脱掉衣服意味着阶级界限、政治、文化的剥离,每个人看起来都是一样的。
I think that’s partially the appeal of that particularly there.
我认为这部分是它的吸引力,尤其是在那里。
On top of that, it’s just the pragmatic reason, but the Baltic Sea was in the East largely, most of it.
最重要的是,这只是务实的原因,但波罗的海大部分位于东部。
The nicer stretch of Germany’s coastline, just in terms of developing any beach culture, really, was in the former GDR.
事实上,就发展海滩文化而言,德国海岸线最好的一段是在前东德。
Therefore, you naturally have the landscape that lends itself to that.
因此,您自然会拥有适合于此的景观。
There’s a bit of that in the West as well.
西方也有一些这样的情况。
When you go to certain areas, say, for instance, the English Garden in Munich is quite famous even today.
当你去某些地区时,例如,慕尼黑的英国花园即使在今天也相当有名。
Sometimes you see people sunbathing in the nude or topless there because there are pockets of that, but it’s never that mass movement that it is in the East.
有时你会看到人们裸体或赤裸上身在那里晒日光浴,因为那里也有这样的地方,但这从来不是东方那样的群众运动。
I think that comes out of those two factors that I just explained.
我认为这是我刚才解释的两个因素造成的。
On Angela Merkel's East German background
论安吉拉·默克尔的东德背景
If you were to make the case that the rule of Angela Merkel was in some significant way influenced by her East German background, do you think that’s true?
如果你要证明安格拉·默克尔的统治在某种程度上受到她的东德背景的影响,你认为这是真的吗?
Is there a case to be made there?
那里有案子可以做吗?
If so, what is it?
如果是这样,那是什么?
She tried very hard for that not to be the case.
她非常努力地不让这种情况发生。
She was asked after her 16 years in power, why weren’t you a more East German type of chancellor?
有人问她,在执政 16 年后,你为什么不是一位更具东德风格的总理?
Why weren’t you overtly East German?
为什么你不是公开的东德人?
She initially always said, “Well, I want to be the chancellor of all Germans.
她最初总是说:“好吧,我想成为所有德国人的总理。
If I’d been overtly from the GDR, I would have lost people in Bavaria and other parts of Germany who would have felt culturally alienated by that.” She also admitted later on, after she retired, that there was an element there of people rolling their eyes and saying, “Why do you have to talk about the East,” or, “Why do you have to start talking about the East all the time?”
如果我公开脱离东德,我就会失去巴伐利亚和德国其他地区的人们,他们会因此感到文化上的疏远。”她后来也承认,在她退休后,有一种元素是人们翻白眼说:“你为什么要谈论东方”,或者“为什么你必须开始一直谈论东方?”
She tried to avoid that and was very conscious, I think, of not coming across like that.
她试图避免这种情况,而且我认为她非常有意识地避免给人留下这样的印象。
There was one speech, which I mentioned in the book as well, where, in 2021, it was her last big speech in office.
我在书中也提到了一次演讲,那是她在 2021 年任内的最后一次大型演讲。
She actually talked about her experiences in East Germany there and said people always described this as a dark past that she had to shrug off or get rid of, in a way, her time in the GDR.
她实际上谈到了她在东德的经历,并说人们总是将其描述为一段黑暗的过去,她必须耸耸肩或在某种程度上摆脱她在东德的时光。
She bristled against that and said, “Look, this was 35 years of my life.
她对此感到愤怒,并说道:“看,这就是我生命中的 35 年。
I had experience there.
我在那里有过经验。
It’s literally half of my life that you’re expecting me to forget or to somehow overcome.” I think it was there.
这实际上是我生命的一半,你希望我忘记或以某种方式克服。”我想它就在那里。
She always also claimed that this made it easier for her to deal with the Russians because she spoke Russian and had experienced the same system in her youth and knew what it was like.
她还总是声称,这让她更容易与俄罗斯人打交道,因为她会说俄语,并且在年轻时经历过同样的制度,知道那是什么样子。
There was always an argument there that she said, balancing out her very transatlantic outlook.
她说的总是有争论,平衡了她的跨大西洋观点。
She was a huge fan of German-American relations as well.
她也是德美关系的忠实粉丝。
Balancing that out with an eastern outlook, she said, was easier for her because of her background.
她说,由于她的背景,平衡这一点与东方观点对她来说更容易。
Lastly, if I may, I think the fact that she was the first female chancellor and to this date, the only one, that was easier for her because she’d already got used to working in a way.
最后,如果可以的话,我认为她是第一位女总理,也是迄今为止唯一一位女总理,这对她来说更容易,因为她已经习惯了以某种方式工作。
In East Germany, over 90 percent of women were in full-time employment, and they’d become a part of the workforce in a less obviously feminist way and a more obvious, normal, natural way.
在东德,超过 90% 的女性从事全职工作,她们以一种不那么明显的女权主义方式和一种更明显、正常、自然的方式成为劳动力的一部分。
Dealing with men in your work area, I think, was a more normal thing in the East than it was in the West at this point.
我认为,目前在东方,与工作区域的男性打交道比在西方更为正常。
For her to go into the still quite stuffy male environment in Bonn, in the West German capital, and deal with her new colleagues in politics, I think, was easier for her than it would have been for a woman for whom that hadn’t been already a normal way of working.
我认为,对于她来说,进入西德首都波恩仍然相当压抑的男性环境,并与政治上的新同事打交道,对她来说比对一个女性来说更容易,因为这对她来说还不是一种正常的工作方式。
Do you think she was too self-consciously aware of the need to be accepted by a largely West German establishment?
你是否认为她过于自觉地意识到需要被主要是西德的机构接受?
She was certainly aware of that.
她当然知道这一点。
She talks about that in her biography as well and in later interviews.
她在她的传记和后来的采访中也谈到了这一点。
It’s certainly something that was going around her mind.
这肯定是她脑子里一直在想的事情。
As I say, not in an obvious way in the way that, say, as a feminist, you’d go in, and you’d deliberately try and rail against what you would see as a male environment.
正如我所说,不是以一种明显的方式,比如说,作为一名女权主义者,你会进去,你会故意尝试并抱怨你所看到的男性环境。
I don’t think it was that she went in there as an East German and said, “I’m facing a West German establishment here.
我不认为她以东德人的身份进去并说:“我在这里面对的是西德机构。
I need to be particularly aware of this.” I think it was almost like she was trying to blend into that a bit more, to scale down her East Germaness and to try and basically adapt to the culture that she found, rather than providing an obvious counterpoint to that.
我需要特别注意这一点。”我认为这几乎就像她试图更多地融入其中,缩小她的东德风格,并尝试基本上适应她所发现的文化,而不是提供明显的对立。
On East German underrepresentation today
论当今东德代表性不足
There’s a common claim.
有一个共同的主张。
I don’t know how true it is, but that many East Germans still today are somewhat resentful or upset because they feel pushed out of leadership positions in business, in culture, in media, often in politics.
我不知道这有多真实,但许多东德人至今仍然有些怨恨或不安,因为他们觉得自己被赶出了商业、文化、媒体、通常是政治领域的领导职位。
Do you think that’s true?
你认为这是真的吗?
It’s not just subjective.
这不仅仅是主观的。
The figures point to that.
数字表明了这一点。
I haven’t got the exact figure in my mind now, but there was a book that came out at the same time as mine by Dirk Oschmann called Der Osten: eine westdeutsche Erfindung—The East is an Invention of the West, in which he brings out some really quite stark figures.
我现在脑子里还没有确切的数字,但德克·奥斯曼(Dirk Oschmann)与我同时出版了一本书,名为《Der Osten:eine westdeutsche Erfindung——东方是西方的发明》,他在书中提出了一些非常鲜明的数字。
One of them is something like 1.4 percent or so of leadership positions across the board—politics, economics, everything—are occupied by East Germans.
其中之一是大约 1.4% 左右的领导职位——政治、经济等等——都被东德人占据。
Given that East Germans make up about a fifth of the population, that’s astonishingly low.
鉴于东德人约占总人口的五分之一,这个比例低得惊人。
This isn’t just a subjective feeling that East Germans have.
这不仅仅是东德人的主观感受。
They are genuinely not part of the conversation in proportion to the amount of people that they provide in society.
与他们为社会提供的人数相比,他们确实没有参与对话。
Why is that?
这是为什么?
The schooling was very good in East Germany, right?
东德的教育很好,对吧?
Yes.
是的。
Take something like networking.
以网络之类的东西为例。
I didn’t realize that much later.
后来我并没有意识到这一点。
As I say, I was a child when the Berlin Wall fell.
正如我所说,柏林墙倒塌时我还是个孩子。
Then I went to university in the former East.
然后我就到了原东区上大学。
All of my professors were West German because, by that point, they’d purged the entire academic class, if you will.
我所有的教授都是西德人,因为到那时,如果你愿意的话,他们已经清洗了整个学术阶层。
I only went to university in the early 2000s.
我2000年代初才上大学。
You go there, and they bring their own staff with them.
你去那里,他们带着自己的工作人员。
They have a certain way of talking to students.
他们有一定的方式与学生交谈。
They expect you to know these things when you start networking yourself.
他们希望当你开始自己建立人际网络时就知道这些事情。
I didn’t even have a concept of networking in my mind because that type of careerism, of pushing, of ambition just didn’t exist in the culture that I grew up in.
我的脑海里甚至没有人际网络的概念,因为在我成长的文化中不存在那种事业心、进取心和野心。
You were just told what to do, really, and then climbing a certain ladder that was provided for you, but you had no idea how to do these things yourself.
实际上,你只是被告知要做什么,然后爬上为你提供的某个梯子,但你不知道自己如何做这些事情。
That means that things like scholarships, you have no idea how they work.
这意味着像奖学金这样的东西,你不知道它们是如何运作的。
You don’t really sound and look like the people that you’re trying to impress.
你的声音和外表都不像你想要打动的人。
Effectively, other people get given the positions that you didn’t even know vie or compete for.
实际上,其他人得到了你甚至不知道竞争或竞争的职位。
I think that’s a more subtle way of thinking about it.
我认为这是一种更微妙的思考方式。
The other thing I would say is because of over 40 years of socialism, you have a very working-class-oriented culture.
我要说的另一件事是,由于40多年的社会主义,你们有一种非常以工人阶级为导向的文化。
People don’t have wealth built up.
人们没有积累财富。
All of these figures exist as well.
所有这些数字也都存在。
Basically, East Germans are a lot less economically secure.
基本上,东德人的经济保障要差得多。
As a result of that, you take fewer risks as well.
因此,您承担的风险也更少。
If you’re sitting there wondering, should I do a PhD or not, for example, and you think that’s three years of not really having an income, I don’t really know how to do that, and you haven’t got a family that can back you up, you haven’t got a house to live in, no matter what, because it doesn’t belong to you—those kinds of things also mean that people tend to take the safe option and go with the easy way forward with earning an income if there’s any doubt over that.
例如,如果你坐在那里想知道,我是否应该读博士,而你认为三年没有真正的收入,我真的不知道该怎么做,而且你没有一个可以支持你的家庭,你没有房子可以住,无论如何,因为它不属于你——这些事情也意味着,如果有任何疑问,人们倾向于采取安全的选择,并选择简单的方法来赚取收入。那个。
All of these things, I think class differences and so on—I don’t think people were aware of what that would do to society.
所有这些事情,我认为阶级差异等等——我认为人们没有意识到这会对社会产生什么影响。
I don’t think there’s a deliberate conspiracy to keep East Germans out as such.
我不认为存在故意将东德人拒之门外的阴谋。
I think it’s just a question of those hidden structures underneath society still being there.
我认为这只是社会底层那些隐藏结构仍然存在的问题。
On East Germans vs. West Germans
关于东德人与西德人
Put aside accent, if you meet someone today, do you have a good sense of whether they’re East German or West German?
抛开口音不谈,如果你今天遇到某人,你能很好地判断出他是东德人还是西德人吗?
Some people, yes.
有些人,是的。
I certainly realize when I go back now—I’ve lived in Britain for quite a long time now, and so I’ve got a bit of distance—when I go back to East Germany, I immediately feel I know how to talk to people.
我当然意识到,当我现在回去时——我在英国生活了很长时间,所以我有一点距离——当我回到东德时,我立刻觉得我知道如何与人交谈。
You know the types of people that you encounter, even if it’s somebody that you’ve never met before, because you recognize from your own experience growing up in the East what these people are basically like, what types exist, and how to talk to them.
你知道你遇到的人是什么类型,即使是你以前从未见过的人,因为你从自己在东方成长的经历中认识到这些人基本上是什么样的,存在什么类型,以及如何与他们交谈。
Say, for example, talking in an accent or in a local dialect is still much more common, I would say, in the East because it wasn’t seen as a marker of your social standing.
举例来说,我想说,在东方,用口音或当地方言说话仍然更常见,因为它不被视为你社会地位的标志。
Quite the contrary, politicians would even speak with regional dialects and accents.
恰恰相反,政客甚至会用地方方言和口音说话。
Whilst in the West, it’s a marker of your middle- or upper-class status.
在西方,这是中产阶级或上层阶级地位的标志。
If you can switch to high German when required in formal situations, that marks you out as somebody who’s well educated, well read, and so on.
如果你能在正式场合需要时改用高地德语,那就表明你是受过良好教育、博览群书等的人。
It’s seen as something that you have to learn, whilst in the East, we never did.
它被视为你必须学习的东西,而在东方,我们从未这样做过。
I found that out again the hard way when you go to university.
当你上大学时,我再次发现了这一点。
I had a really broad Berlin accent when I grew up.
我长大后有很重的柏林口音。
Going to university somewhere else, quite far away—I studied in Jena, which is about two, three hours away from Berlin—suddenly, you’ve got these Bavarian professors who think it’s hilarious that you speak in a Berlin accent.
去其他地方上大学,很远的地方——我在耶拿学习,距离柏林大约两三个小时——突然间,你会遇到这些巴伐利亚教授,他们认为你用柏林口音说话很搞笑。
That wouldn’t have happened to a West Berliner who might have been able to switch to high German more easily.
对于一个西柏林人来说,这种事就不会发生,因为他可能更容易改用高地德语。
These differences still exist.
这些差异仍然存在。
Growing up, my parents both worked.
在我的成长过程中,我的父母都工作。
That was quite unusual in West Germany, still, that the mothers worked when they had young children.
不过,这在西德还是很不寻常的,因为母亲们带着孩子还要工作。
You grow up in a different way.
你以不同的方式成长。
You come home from school when you’re six, seven, cook your own food, do your own homework, go shopping, take over responsibility, that kind of thing, earlier.
当你六、七岁的时候,你从学校回家,自己做饭,做自己的作业,去购物,承担责任,诸如此类的事情,要早一些。
Culturally, there’s a difference still between East and West for those sorts of reasons as well.
在文化上,由于这些原因,东西方之间仍然存在差异。
I could give you 100 other examples, but there are still differences between East and West Germans in those subtle ways.
我可以举出 100 个其他例子,但东德人和西德人之间在这些微妙的方面仍然存在差异。
Why have so few mothers in West Germany worked over previous decades?
为什么过去几十年来西德工作的母亲如此之少?
If you compare it to the rest of Western Europe, it’s still often a marked difference.
如果将其与西欧其他地区进行比较,通常仍然存在显着差异。
Yes.
是的。
I think people often forget that, but it was a really, really, really conservative society.
我认为人们经常忘记这一点,但那是一个非常非常保守的社会。
That’s partially, I think, because Germany is a Protestant and Catholic country because of the way that the Reformation worked out.
我认为,部分原因是德国是一个新教和天主教国家,这是宗教改革的结果。
You got the northern part being Protestant largely, and the South Catholic.
北部地区主要信奉新教,南部地区则主要信奉天主教。
Then, suddenly, when you split Germany in the way that happened after the Second World War, you ended up with a 50-50 ratio of Catholics to Protestants in West Germany.
然后,突然之间,当德国像二战后那样分裂时,西德天主教徒与新教徒的比例为 50:50。
That’s much higher than any other Germany that’s ever existed in terms of the Catholic proportion.
就天主教徒比例而言,这比历史上任何其他德国都高得多。
They were socially more conservative and placed emphasis on things like family values, raising children at home in quite a conservative way.
他们在社会上更加保守,重视家庭价值观等事情,以相当保守的方式在家抚养孩子。
My mom said in the ’90s when she went on a further education course in the West, and then she said in the evening, “I just got to call home quickly and make sure that my children are okay.” They said, “Well, how old are they?” She said, “Well, one of them is a baby.
我妈妈在90年代去西方继续深造时说过,然后她在晚上说,“我只是要赶紧打电话回家,确保我的孩子们没事。”他们说:“那么,他们多大了?”她说:“嗯,其中一个是婴儿。
The other one’s five or six.” That was me, the five, six-year-old.
另一个有五六岁。”那就是我,五六岁的孩子。
There were these old West German professors, and they all looked at her aghast, like, why are you here, hundreds of miles away from home, when you’ve got two small children at home?
那些西德的老教授们都惊愕地看着她,就像,你为什么在离家数百英里之外的地方,当你家里有两个孩子的时候?
What are you like?”
你是什么样的人?
This difference there, I think, partially comes out of this West German society being socially very conservative for a long time and led by conservative leaders for most of their time as well, until you get Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt in the ’70s as more left-leaning, more progressive leaders who break up these structures a little bit.
我认为,这种差异部分源于西德社会长期以来在社会上非常保守,并且大部分时间都由保守派领导人领导,直到 70 年代的威利·勃兰特和赫尔穆特·施密特成为更左倾、更进步的领导人,他们稍微打破了这些结构。
On Goethe and Weimar's cultural heritage
论歌德和魏玛的文化遗产
Turning to Weimar, how much do West Germans today still care about Goethe and Weimar?
谈到魏玛,今天的西德人对歌德和魏玛还有多少关心?
Right after the Wall comes down, it’s a big thing to go visit the East, go around, see everything that was much harder to see before.
柏林墙倒塌后,去东部参观是一件大事,四处走走,看看以前很难看到的一切。
Is that still alive?
那还活着吗?
Is Goethe something in people’s minds that’s discussed or shared?
歌德是人们心中值得讨论或分享的东西吗?
Oh, yes, hugely.
哦,是的,非常大。
Goethe, I would say, is still the national poet.
我想说,歌德仍然是民族诗人。
I would say he’s comparable to the position that Shakespeare has in Britain.
我想说他的地位堪比莎士比亚在英国的地位。
He’s that figure.
他就是那个人物。
He’s the national poet, I would say, still.
我想说,他仍然是民族诗人。
At school, you have to recite his poetry, you analyze the ballads and his work, and Faust and all the rest of it.
在学校,你必须背诵他的诗歌,分析民谣和他的作品,以及《浮士德》和其他所有作品。
He is big on the literary horizon, I would say, of all Germans everywhere, because you do encounter him at school.
我想说,在所有德国人中,他在文学领域的影响力很大,因为你确实在学校遇到过他。
I find it very hard to imagine that anyone in Germany goes to their school education without being exposed to Goethe in some way.
我发现很难想象德国的任何人在接受学校教育时都没有以某种方式接触过歌德。
Then, if you’re in Weimar—I spent a lot of time there now researching for my latest book—you see the type of tourism is very different from other parts of Germany in that you do get a lot of people from West Germany there.
然后,如果你在魏玛——我现在花了很多时间在那里研究我的最新书——你会发现旅游业的类型与德国其他地区非常不同,因为那里确实有很多来自西德的人。
You can hear different accents.
你可以听到不同的口音。
You can hear people from Bavaria, Swabia, and from the Rhine region.
您可以听到来自巴伐利亚、施瓦本和莱茵河地区的人们的声音。
There is that tourism.
有这样的旅游业。
I think similar to Dresden as well, which has got a similar standing as an all-German culture place.
我认为德累斯顿也很相似,作为一个全德国文化的地方,德累斯顿也有类似的地位。
The same, I would say, applies to Weimar as well, where people still come to hail these literary heroes.
我想说,同样的情况也适用于魏玛,那里的人们仍然为这些文学英雄欢呼。
It’s not just Goethe.
不仅仅是歌德。
You’ve got Beethoven, Liszt, and Nietzsche.
你有贝多芬、李斯特和尼采。
You have Cranach, you have Bach, you have Nietzsche, you have Bauhaus, Marlene Dietrich.
你有克拉纳赫,你有巴赫,你有尼采,你有包豪斯,玛琳·黛德丽。
Wieland was there.
维兰德也在场。
It's a very small place
这是一个很小的地方
Yes.
是的。
It’s a very, very cultural place.
这是一个非常非常有文化的地方。
It’s not even 100,000 people.
连十万人都没有。
It looks fine, but it’s not especially beautiful.
看起来不错,但并不是特别漂亮。
Why is it attracting all these people, these incredible thinkers and creators?
为什么它吸引了所有这些人,这些令人难以置信的思想家和创造者?
It is a lovely place.
这是一个可爱的地方。
Imagine your typical idyllic German city, and it’s pretty much there.
想象一下典型的田园诗般的德国城市,它几乎就在那里。
It has got the timber-framed houses, the villas, and the cobbled streets and things.
它有木结构房屋、别墅、鹅卵石街道等等。
You’re right, that doesn’t explain why it’s had this elevated position in German culture.
你是对的,这并不能解释为什么它在德国文化中拥有如此崇高的地位。
Partially, it is because the University of Jena, where I studied as well, is one of the oldest German universities.
部分原因是我就读的耶拿大学是德国最古老的大学之一。
That’s not far from there.
那离那里并不远。
That’s almost next door in Jena itself, which is about a 15-minute or so train ride away.
它几乎就在耶拿 (Jena) 的隔壁,乘坐火车大约 15 分钟即可到达。
That attracted people like Schiller, for example, who was friends with Goethe and also a very famous German poet.
这吸引了像席勒这样的人,他是歌德的朋友,也是一位非常著名的德国诗人。
He was a professor at the University of Jena and then went and visited Goethe, who lived in Weimar.
他是耶拿大学的教授,后来拜访了住在魏玛的歌德。
It’s had that attraction of being nearby.
它有一种就在附近的吸引力。
Then it was also a royal residence of the dukes, basically, in different incarnations of it, because of Germany’s fragmented history.
由于德国支离破碎的历史,它基本上也是公爵的皇家住所,具有不同的化身。
Basically, it has a schloss—little palace—in Weimar and various gardens and pleasure gardens and that kind of thing as well, because it was always a royal residence town.
基本上,它在魏玛有一座城堡——小宫殿,还有各种花园和游乐花园之类的东西,因为它一直是皇家居住的城镇。
That gives the place the political importance as well over time, which means representative buildings are being built and so on.
随着时间的推移,这也赋予了这个地方政治重要性,这意味着正在建造具有代表性的建筑等等。
It becomes quite a prestigious place for that reason as well.
由于这个原因,它也成为一个相当有声望的地方。
When Goethe moved there, and then suddenly Goethe shot to fame as he did, he was the theater director there for a long time and then died in Weimar, it became a bit of a Goethe shrine.
当歌德搬到那里后,歌德突然声名鹊起,他在那里担任了很长一段时间的戏剧导演,然后去世于魏玛,这里变成了一个歌德圣地。
It elevated that even further, that status.
它进一步提升了这种地位。
How much of a spa town was it?
这是一个多大程度的温泉小镇?
I wouldn’t say it’s a classic spa town, but it is a town for wealthy cultural retirees.
我不会说这是一个经典的温泉小镇,但它是一个富裕的文化退休人员的小镇。
If you’re like an old general and you want to spend your last years somewhere prestigious, somewhere where there’s still a bit of culture going on, that’s more of a thing, I would say.
如果你像一位老将军一样,你想在一个有声望的地方度过你的最后几年,在一个仍然有一点文化的地方,我会说,这更重要。
Conferences have always taken place, like meetings.
会议总是在举行,就像会议一样。
If you wanted a more prestigious place, if you wanted to say we’re discussing something important here, then Weimar was always a place where people would meet.
如果你想要一个更有声望的地方,如果你想说我们正在这里讨论一些重要的事情,那么魏玛总是一个人们会面的地方。
It’s also central.
这也是中心。
It’s right in the heart of Germany.
它位于德国的中心地带。
Again, whichever incarnation of Germany you look at, it always ends up being pretty much right in the middle.
再说一次,无论你看到德国的哪一个化身,它最终总是处于中间位置。
It’s about halfway between Munich and Hamburg.
它大约位于慕尼黑和汉堡之间。
For that reason alone, it ended up being quite a popular place for people to go to visit, to meet up.
仅出于这个原因,它最终成为人们参观、聚会的热门场所。
Accumulatively, I would say that gave Weimar quite a large standing on the firmament of German culture.
总的来说,我想说这让魏玛在德国文化的天空中占据了相当大的地位。
Why were relatively few Jews attracted to Weimar over the years?
为什么这些年来魏玛吸引的犹太人相对较少?
Again, pre-Nazi time, of course.
当然,还是前纳粹时代。
Yes.
是的。
When I lived in Jena, and then you travel abroad, and people say, “Where in Germany do you live?” There’s no other reference point.
当我住在耶拿,然后出国旅行时,人们会问:“你住在德国哪里?”没有其他参考点。
There are no urban centers, basically.
基本上没有城市中心。
You have to say what I just said, “Oh, about halfway between Munich and Hamburg.” Same with Frankfurt.
你必须说我刚才说的,“哦,大约在慕尼黑和汉堡之间。”和法兰克福一样。
There are no urban centers because the vast majority of German Jews lived in urban regions, particularly, of course, Berlin, but also Frankfurt, Hamburg, Munich, and so on.
没有城市中心,因为绝大多数德国犹太人居住在城市地区,当然特别是柏林,还有法兰克福、汉堡、慕尼黑等。
There just isn’t a large urban conglomeration anywhere nearby.
附近没有大型城市群。
It just doesn’t have the traditional areas that German Jews were involved with, things like culture, banking, finances, that kind of thing, the higher middle class.
它只是没有德国犹太人参与的传统领域,比如文化、银行、金融之类的东西,上层中产阶级。
The professions.
职业。
There just wasn’t much along those lines in Weimar.
魏玛并没有太多类似的东西。
The time that I’m looking at in my book, between the two world wars, you have about 100 Jews in a town of about 35,000 people.
我在书中看到的那段时期,是在两次世界大战之间,一个大约有 35,000 人的小镇里有大约 100 名犹太人。
It’s a tiny population.
这是一个很小的人口。
They’re largely people like shopkeepers.
他们大多是像店主这样的人。
One runs a department store, one family in Weimar, that kind of thing.
一个人经营一家百货公司,一个人在魏玛,诸如此类。
It is a small town.
这是一个小镇。
That’s, I think, partially why that’s the case.
我认为,这就是造成这种情况的部分原因。
If you’re trying to talk an American into visiting Weimar, say they don’t know German, they don’t have German heritage, is there a case you would make, or are they just not going to grasp what’s going on there?
如果你试图说服一个美国人访问魏玛,说他们不懂德语,他们没有德国传统,你会举出一个例子,还是他们只是不明白那里发生了什么?
I would definitely make a case.
我肯定会提出一个案例。
As I say, I just spent a whole year basically researching this because it is so crucial to understanding Germany, I think.
正如我所说,我花了整整一年的时间来研究这个问题,因为我认为这对于了解德国至关重要。
You get a good handle on what Germany is if you go to Weimar that’s across different centuries.
如果您前往跨越不同世纪的魏玛,您就能很好地了解德国。
You do have this cultural legacy we just discussed.
你们确实拥有我们刚才讨论过的文化遗产。
That really isn’t just at the time when Goethe’s there, but because Goethe’s legacy lasts for so long, he gets reinterpreted by every incarnation of Germany that comes after.
这确实不仅仅是在歌德在那里的时候,而是因为歌德的遗产持续了很长时间,他被后来的每一个德国化身重新诠释。
Even today, still, he’s more seen as a humanist or someone who’s into the European idea.
即使在今天,他仍然更多地被视为人文主义者或认同欧洲理念的人。
Every generation of Germans takes something new out of Goethe.
每一代德国人都从歌德身上汲取了新的东西。
To understand that, again, it makes sense to go there.
再次理解这一点,去那里是有意义的。
Then, of course, it was where the Weimar Republic was founded.
当然,这里就是魏玛共和国的建立地。
In terms of the 20th century and understanding that, there’s a very good case—this is why I chose to place my book there as well—there’s a very good case of going to Weimar to see both the ambitions of the nation and where they unfolded after the First World War, as well as the fall of those ideals, because you have the Buchenwald concentration camp just on its doorstep as well.
就20世纪并理解这一点而言,有一个很好的例子——这也是我选择把我的书放在那里的原因——有一个很好的例子可以去魏玛看看这个国家的雄心壮志和它们在第一次世界大战后展开的地方,以及这些理想的破灭,因为布痕瓦尔德集中营就在它的家门口。
To see that side by side, I think, is really quite enlightening in lots of ways to see the high ambition of the era, as well as the fall of those ideals.
我认为,并肩看到这一点,在很多方面确实很有启发性,可以看到这个时代的远大抱负,以及这些理想的衰落。
On what Weimar knew about Buchenwald
魏玛对布痕瓦尔德集中营的了解
During the Holocaust, how much were citizens of Weimar aware of what was going on at Buchenwald?
大屠杀期间,魏玛公民对布痕瓦尔德集中营发生的事情了解多少?
They would have seen the smoke come up, right?
他们会看到烟雾升起,对吗?
There were all kinds of provisions and supply contracts for something.
有各种各样的规定和供应合同。
Yes, that’s absolutely right.
是的,这是绝对正确的。
This is one of the questions that really occupied my mind whilst I was researching this as well, because it’s so close.
这也是我在研究这个问题时真正占据我头脑的问题之一,因为它是如此接近。
People still walked up there.
人们仍然往上走。
My main guy, who I use as a bit of a protagonist in the book, he’s a shopkeeper.
我的主要人物,我在书中用他作为主角,他是一位店主。
He has a stationery shop right in the town center.
他在市中心有一家文具店。
He still goes up the hill where the concentration camp is to go hiking and sledging, because it was a popular forest area before the concentration camp was put there.
他仍然会去集中营所在的山上徒步旅行和滑雪橇,因为在建立集中营之前,这里是一个很受欢迎的森林地区。
People carry on, and he even writes in his diary at one point, “Oh, I can’t even go hiking properly anymore because of the stupid concentration camp,” because some of the walking routes were cut off because there were fences and things now.
人们继续前进,他甚至一度在日记中写道,“哦,由于愚蠢的集中营,我什至无法再正常徒步旅行了”,因为现在有栅栏和其他东西,一些步行路线被切断了。
People definitely know it’s there.
人们肯定知道它的存在。
The prisoners never get their own train station.
囚犯们从来没有拥有自己的火车站。
The prisoners who get taken there arrive at Weimar train station, very public place with a huge square in front of it.
被带到那里的囚犯抵达魏玛火车站,这是一个非常公共的地方,前面有一个巨大的广场。
They are gathered there and then put onto lorries to be taken up the hill to the camp, so people can see them rounded up.
他们被聚集在那里,然后被装上卡车,运到山上的营地,这样人们就可以看到他们被围捕。
I found various testimonies where people said there was always this excitement when a new “Jew transport,” as people called it, arrived, and they would all rush to the station to see that and just to observe it and to gawp effectively.
我找到了各种证词,人们说,当人们称之为新的“犹太人交通工具”到达时,总是会感到兴奋,他们都会冲到车站去看看,只是为了观察它并有效地凝视它。
People did know what it was and what it did.
人们确实知道它是什么以及它做了什么。
I don’t think that meant they understood the actual horrors that were going on there.
我认为这并不意味着他们了解那里正在发生的实际恐怖。
They did realize obviously that people were dying there, and it initially didn’t have its own crematorium, so the bodies were transported down the hill again and into the Weimar crematorium, which is in the town center.
他们显然意识到那里有人正在死去,而且最初没有自己的火葬场,所以尸体又被运下山,进入位于市中心的魏玛火葬场。
People did know that there was a large amount of deaths going on there as well, but I don’t think that meant really visualizing the absolute sheer horror, the torture, the imprisonment, that kind of stuff, because Weimarers do get taken there when the Americans occupy Weimar at the end of the war, and they decide to show the population what they’d tolerated, what they’d stood by and watched happen.
人们确实知道那里也发生了大量死亡,但我认为这并不意味着真正想象出绝对纯粹的恐怖、酷刑、监禁之类的东西,因为当美国人在战争结束时占领魏玛时,魏玛人确实被带到了那里,他们决定向人们展示他们所容忍的事情,他们所袖手旁观并目睹发生的事情。
There’s genuine shock there when they go up, and they see the actual reality of what was going on there because I don’t think the human mind was even capable of visualizing that if you hadn’t actually seen it.
当他们上升时,他们会感到真正的震惊,他们会看到那里正在发生的事情的真实情况,因为我认为,如果你没有真正看到的话,人类的思维甚至无法想象这一点。
The people who worked there didn’t talk, or they told a false story, or they were self-deceiving.
在那里工作的人不说话,或者他们讲了虚假的故事,或者他们在自欺欺人。
What do you think?
你觉得怎么样?
Well, a lot of them actually lived on site, so they had barracks built for the SS.
嗯,他们中的很多人实际上就住在现场,所以他们为党卫军建造了营房。
Yes, they did come into town to drink and to shop and so on, but they didn’t actually live in Weimar, a lot of them, and I think that helped keep that a secret.
是的,他们确实进城喝酒、购物等,但他们中的很多人实际上并不住在魏玛,我认为这有助于保守秘密。
The other thing is that quite often the Nazis were quite open about this.
另一件事是,纳粹经常对此持开放态度。
They wanted the terror of this to really seep into German society.
他们希望这种恐惧真正渗透到德国社会。
They had tours, for example.
例如,他们有旅行团。
There’s one instance that I found where a German-American group who’d come over to see Nazi and tour Nazi Germany.
我发现有一个例子,有一个德裔美国人团体过来观看纳粹并游览纳粹德国。
They were taken up to Buchenwald and shown around.
他们被带到布痕瓦尔德集中营并被带去参观。
They would tidy up the camp.
他们会收拾营地。
They’d only show them certain bits of it.
他们只会向他们展示其中的某些部分。
I think it was always a gray area between allowing some of this horror to dissipate so that it would work as terror, and it would work in subduing the population, but never enough to really create some public outrage, or a demonstration, or anything like that.
我认为,这始终是一个灰色地带,介于允许这种恐怖消散以使其发挥恐怖作用,以及抑制民众,但又不足以真正引起公众的愤怒、示威或类似的事情。
It’s a bit of a gray area there in terms of the actual details that people know, but they certainly do know what this camp is and what it’s for, not least because it’s so closely tied to the town as well.
就人们所知的实际细节而言,这是一个灰色地带,但他们确实知道这个营地是什么以及它的用途,尤其是因为它也与城镇紧密相连。
For example, later on when the crematorium actually breaks because they put too many bodies in there—the bodies are emaciated, it doesn’t work properly—the Weimar town council sits down and decides to buy a new crematorium, and they’re discussing why the old one is broken with the engineers.
例如,后来当火葬场因为放了太多尸体而实际上坏了时——尸体都瘦弱了,无法正常工作——魏玛市议会坐下来决定购买一个新的火葬场,他们正在与工程师讨论为什么旧的火葬场坏了。
They tell them it’s because the bodies are unusually emaciated.
他们告诉他们,这是因为尸体异常消瘦。
It’s because it’s not supposed to function at the high rate that you’re using it.
这是因为它不应该以您使用它的高速率运行。
They’re very well aware of what they’re discussing there.
他们非常清楚他们在那里讨论的内容。
These are Weimar civilian politicians who are basically sitting in the town council deciding to buy a new crematorium oven because the old one can’t cope with the amount of bodies that they’re putting through it.
这些是魏玛的文职政客,他们基本上坐在镇议会中,决定购买一台新的火葬场烤箱,因为旧的火葬场无法应付他们要放入的尸体数量。
On why the Weimar Constitution failed
魏玛宪法为何失败
Why did the Weimar Constitution fail?
魏玛宪法为何失败?
How much time have I got?
我还有多少时间?
Americans typically think it’s that the proportional representation system allowed too many small parties to enter into government.
美国人通常认为比例代表制允许太多小党派进入政府。
That’s one factor, but what else is there?
这是一方面因素,但还有什么因素呢?
There are plenty of factors, I think.
我认为有很多因素。
Some of these are inbuilt flaws, like the proportional representation that you just mentioned.
其中一些是内在的缺陷,比如你刚才提到的比例代表制。
Another one that’s often referred to as Article 48, which was a kind of emergency article that was in the constitution that allowed the president to bypass parliament and the other democratic structures in time of emergency.
另一条通常被称为第 48 条,这是宪法中的一种紧急条款,允许总统在紧急情况下绕过议会和其他民主机构。
If you just follow down this route, then the fall of the Weimar Republic becomes inevitable.
如果顺着这条路走下去,魏玛共和国的垮台就不可避免了。
If you’re just assuming that there were all these flaws in the constitution already, so therefore it was bound to fail, I don’t think that is the case because when you study this closely, you do see all these kinds of forks in the road as to where things could have gone differently.
如果你只是假设宪法中已经存在所有这些缺陷,那么它必然会失败,我认为情况并非如此,因为当你仔细研究这一点时,你确实会看到所有这些岔路口,事情可能会以不同的方式发展。
I don’t think the system was set up to fail.
我不认为这个系统是为了失败而设计的。
I think these things contributed to the brittle nature of this.
我认为这些事情导致了这个问题的脆弱性。
I think there was perhaps a degree of naivety there in 1919 to think that you could have this ultra-democratic system without any guardrails.
我认为,在 1919 年,认为可以拥有这种没有任何护栏的超民主制度的想法可能有些天真。
When you think how long it took the American Founding Fathers to sit there and really work out every angle, and “What if we got a mad president, what do we put in there to try and protect against that?” Those sorts of things.
当你想到美国开国元勋们花了多长时间坐在那里真正解决各个角度的问题时,“如果我们有一位疯狂的总统怎么办,我们该放什么来试图防止这种情况发生?”诸如此类的事情。
That process is so rushed in 1919 that they just put an ultra-liberal democracy in place, which allows extremists to hijack it.
1919 年的这一过程是如此仓促,以至于他们只是建立了一个极端自由的民主国家,而这却让极端分子可以劫持它。
That is part of the reason.
这是部分原因。
I think the other group of reasons is the circumstances under which the system is born.
我认为另一组原因是制度诞生的环境。
It’s basically born into crisis.
它基本上是在危机中诞生的。
It comes on the back of the First World War and then runs into economic trouble very quickly.
它发生在第一次世界大战之后,然后很快就陷入了经济困境。
That never really goes away despite the so-called gilded years in the middle.
尽管中间有所谓的镀金岁月,但这种感觉永远不会真正消失。
All of that’s propped up by American money, even the stability years of the middle 1920s.
所有这一切都是由美国资金支撑的,即使是 20 年代中期的稳定时期也是如此。
The moment that falls because of the Wall Street crash, you basically get the very economic foundation taken away again.
当华尔街崩盘而崩溃的那一刻,你基本上就会再次失去经济基础。
The subtitle I chose for the book, Life on the Edge of Catastrophe, I’m trying to hint at the fact that that’s how a lot of people felt.
我为这本书选择的副标题是“灾难边缘的生活”,我试图暗示这样一个事实,那就是很多人的感受。
They were literally balancing constantly for this entire time, really, after 1919, on the edge of their own personal catastrophes.
实际上,在 1919 年之后,他们一直在自己个人灾难的边缘不断保持平衡。
It was always unemployment, hyperinflation, trying to get enough food.
总是失业、恶性通货膨胀、试图获得足够的食物。
People were dying of diseases.
人们死于疾病。
There’s the Spanish flu.
有西班牙流感。
There’s tuberculosis.
有结核病。
It’s always something or other.
它总是这样或那样。
People don’t feel that the system is giving them stability.
人们不觉得这个系统给了他们稳定性。
I don’t think there ever really is a feeling that this can really work long term.
我认为从来没有人真正感觉到这可以真正长期发挥作用。
People do, at the slightest whim, think, “Oh, maybe we just need to go back to a system where someone makes the decisions.” The Weimar Republic actually dies in 1930, three years before Hitler comes into power, as a democracy.
人们确实会一时兴起地想,“哦,也许我们只需要回到一个由某人做出决定的系统。”魏玛共和国作为民主国家实际上于 1930 年灭亡,即希特勒上台三年前。
He takes over a system, I think, that’s already given up on being a democracy, even at that point.
我认为,他接管了一个已经放弃民主的制度,即使在那时。
As I say, I could talk about this for two days and still be lining up factors.
正如我所说,我可以谈论这个问题两天,同时仍在整理因素。
It is complex.
这很复杂。
The army is interfering in politics quite early and pretty frequently.
军队很早就并且非常频繁地干预政治。
Yes.
是的。
They still think that because of the nature of the Prussian system previously, it’s often been said that “Prussia wasn’t a state with an army, but it was an army with a state.” That intrinsic self-confidence, if you want to call it that, of the army, that they are really calling the shots, that doesn’t really go away.
他们仍然认为,由于之前普鲁士制度的性质,人们常说“普鲁士不是一个有军队的国家,而是一支有国家的军队”。军队那种内在的自信,如果你想这么称呼的话,他们真正发号施令,这种自信并没有真正消失。
People also often forget that in the First World War, you have the so-called silent dictatorship, which is basically the army running absolutely everything under Hindenburg’s system, from the economy and culture to newspaper output and everything else.
人们也经常忘记,在第一次世界大战中,有所谓的沉默独裁,基本上是军队在兴登堡的体系下管理一切,从经济和文化到报纸产量和其他一切。
Again, that they don’t just suddenly turn that off in 1919.
再次强调,他们不会在 1919 年突然将其关闭。
They do try and make their influence heard ongoingly.
他们确实努力让他们的影响力不断被人们听到。
Then the young Weimar Republic has to make a pact with the military because they defend them effectively against communists and also right-wing Putschers.
然后,年轻的魏玛共和国必须与军队达成协议,因为他们有效地保护军队免受共产党人和右翼政变者的侵害。
They depend on the military in that way as well for security.
他们也以这种方式依赖军队来保证安全。
They do try and build up a new military, but they never go Stalin-style and purge everybody who was there previously.
他们确实尝试建立一支新的军队,但他们从来没有像斯大林那样清除以前在那里的所有人。
They keep the existing elites largely in place, so they inherit an army that isn’t loyal to them, that’s still loyal to the old system.
他们基本上保留了现有的精英,因此他们继承了一支不忠于他们、仍然忠于旧制度的军队。
On Prussia, Bavaria, and where Nazism took root
关于普鲁士、巴伐利亚和纳粹主义扎根的地方
As you mentioned, there’s this cliché that Prussia has been especially militaristic.
正如你所提到的,有一种陈词滥调说普鲁士特别是军国主义。
There’s also the observation that Hitler often had his strongest support in South Germany.
还有观察表明,希特勒经常在南德获得最强有力的支持。
How does all that fit together?
所有这些如何结合在一起?
Both the North and the South are especially militaristic?
北方和南方都特别军国主义?
Yes.
是的。
Coming from that part of Germany myself, that was the Prussian heartlands—I grew up just outside of Berlin—that often annoys me that people still think, well, if only Prussia hadn’t been there, then you would have had some lovely Catholic-dominated, more civilian-type Germany.
我自己就来自德国的那个地区,那是普鲁士的中心地带——我在柏林郊外长大——这常常让我恼火,因为人们仍然认为,好吧,如果普鲁士不在那里,那么就会有一些可爱的天主教主导的、更加平民化的德国。
I think that fails to acknowledge the fact that Prussia also was quite liberal.
我认为这没有承认普鲁士也相当自由的事实。
It’s a real hub of social democracy, actually, in the Weimar Republic, which is the reason why the first time it gets abolished, it’s by the Nazis.
实际上,在魏玛共和国,它是社会民主主义的真正中心,这就是为什么它第一次被纳粹废除的原因。
They get rid of Prussia, if you will, because the idea was that it was so left-leaning and so dominated by social democracy that they have to get rid of it.
如果你愿意的话,他们要摆脱普鲁士,因为他们的想法是,普鲁士如此左倾,又如此受社会民主主义统治,所以他们必须摆脱它。
It gets even more complicated than northern Prussian militarism, and then the South comes in with its cultural contributions to Nazism.
它变得比北方普鲁士军国主义更加复杂,然后南方也加入了对纳粹主义的文化贡献。
I think the other thing is that you do have such a splintered system that it allows the Nazis to build little islands of support, and the central state can’t do very much about that.
我认为另一件事是,你确实有一个如此分裂的体系,它允许纳粹建立小支持岛,而中央政府对此无能为力。
If the Bavarian state decides that, actually, they want to allow, say, the Nazi party to reform after Hitler comes out of prison, and they want to allow him to speak again, or even in 1923, it’s partially the Bavarian elites who are plotting against the central state in Berlin as well, then the authority is just not there from Berlin to try and impose anything else on Bavaria.
如果巴伐利亚政府决定,实际上,他们想要允许纳粹党在希特勒出狱后进行改革,并且他们想要允许他再次发言,或者甚至在1923年,部分巴伐利亚精英也在密谋反对柏林的中央政府,那么柏林的权威就不会试图将任何其他东西强加给巴伐利亚。
There’s separatism everywhere.
到处都有分裂主义。
Even when Hitler tries a coup in 1923, and then everywhere the Nazi party gets banned, individual states and regions slowly start lifting those bans again, and the central government can’t do much about that.
即使希特勒在 1923 年试图发动政变,然后纳粹党在各地都被禁止,个别州和地区又慢慢开始解除这些禁令,而中央政府对此也无能为力。
That’s partially the reason why in Weimar, the Nazis also relaunched their movement, because the Thuringian government—the state around Weimar is Thuringia—they also allow the Nazis basically to rebuild from there, because there’s local sympathy for that.
这也是纳粹在魏玛重新发起运动的部分原因,因为图林根政府(魏玛周边的州就是图林根州)也允许纳粹从那里开始重建,因为当地人对此表示同情。
I think it’s that fractured nature of the German state that is the answer, I suppose, to your question, that all the parts contribute to the Nazis being able to build their movement.
我认为德国国家的分裂本质就是你问题的答案,所有这些部分都有助于纳粹能够建立他们的运动。
What about the towns on the sea?
那些海边的小镇呢?
Königsberg, Rostock, Wismar, smaller places, but were they more cosmopolitan or not really?
柯尼斯堡、罗斯托克、维斯马,这些地方较小,但它们是否更国际化?
No, certainly not the East Prussian ones.
不,当然不是东普鲁士的。
Königsberg and that entire region along the Baltic coast, that was where some of the staunchest support for Nazism was.
柯尼斯堡和波罗的海沿岸的整个地区是纳粹主义最坚定支持的地方。
They had grievances because of the settlement after the First World War, where Poland is founded as an independent state after the First World War.
他们因第一次世界大战后的解决而心怀不满,波兰在第一次世界大战后建立为独立国家。
It’s given access to the sea.
它可以通往大海。
You end up with a part of Germany, East Prussia, being split off from the rest of Germany.
最终德国的一部分东普鲁士与德国其他地区分开。
That creates a lot of grievance and very staunch support for Hitler there, when Hitler basically promises to undo all of that and reunite all of these parts of Germany into one block state again.
这给希特勒带来了很多不满和非常坚定的支持,希特勒基本上承诺撤销所有这些,并将德国所有这些地区再次统一为一个区块国家。
They’re not, as such, averse to Nazism at all.
因此,他们根本不反对纳粹主义。
They basically think that Hitler’s restoring the old Germany as was before the First World War.
他们基本上认为希特勒正在恢复第一次世界大战之前的旧德国。
On rewriting the Treaty of Versailles
论重写凡尔赛条约
If you had written the Treaty of Versailles, what would you have done differently?
如果《凡尔赛条约》是你写的,你会采取什么不同的做法?
As always, in hindsight, I think it’s always a bit much to sit there as a kind of armchair politician and say, “This is what I would have done differently.” I think it’s the worst of both worlds.
与往常一样,事后看来,我认为作为一个纸上谈兵的政客坐在那里说“这就是我会采取的不同做法”总是有点过分。我认为这是两全其美的情况。
It’s harsh enough to give Germany grievance, to make it feel like it’s punished alone for the First World War, particularly Article 231 that gives it the war blame, basically, and says, “It’s your fault and your fault alone.” This is something that unites, bizarrely, all of these fractured political movements in Germany.
它的严厉程度足以让德国感到不满,让它感觉自己因为第一次世界大战而受到了单独的惩罚,特别是第 231 条,它基本上将战争归咎于德国,并说:“这是你的错,而且只是你的错。”奇怪的是,正是这一点将德国所有这些支离破碎的政治运动团结在一起。
Even Social Democrats find that unfair.
甚至社会民主党也认为这不公平。
That, I think, builds grievance.
我认为这会引起不满。
On the other side, it wasn’t harsh enough to subdue Germany.
另一方面,它的严厉程度还不足以征服德国。
It wasn’t split up.
它没有被分割。
It was still a whole state.
它仍然是一个完整的状态。
It was still powerful enough to do something with that grievance.
带着那股委屈,它还是有足够的力量做点什么的。
I think, in a way, it would have made more sense to go either way or the other, either make it even harsher and basically create a weak Germany in Central Europe, or go the other way and rebuild from the beginning, as was the strategy after the Second World War.
我认为,在某种程度上,无论走哪条路都更有意义,要么更加严厉,基本上在中欧建立一个软弱的德国,要么走另一条路,从头开始重建,就像第二次世界大战后的战略一样。
This is interesting.
这很有趣。
The lesson that they draw from that is after the Second World War, there is no reparation.
他们从中吸取的教训是,第二次世界大战后,没有任何赔偿。
Some, as such, are slapped onto Germany.
一些国家因此被强加到了德国身上。
They basically say, let’s just take out what’s actually there and then start rebuilding Germany because of the Cold War.
他们基本上说,让我们把实际存在的东西拿出来,然后开始重建德国,因为冷战。
This means that there’s now this quite close relationship between Western parts of Germany and the US and Britain and France, in particular because they very quickly began to see them as allies.
这意味着德国西部地区与美国、英国和法国之间现在存在着相当密切的关系,特别是因为他们很快就开始将它们视为盟友。
I would say a decision just had to be made either way.
我想说,无论哪种方式都必须做出决定。
This compromise treaty, I think, is part of the problem.
我认为,这个妥协条约是问题的一部分。
On historical antisemitism in Germany
论德国历史上的反犹太主义
Why, in your view, does antisemitism so take off in Germany?
在您看来,为什么反犹太主义在德国如此盛行?
Because earlier in history, sometimes Jews would go to Germany for a better life, or it was not obviously worse than many other places, though there was always plenty of antisemitism there.
因为在历史早期,有时犹太人会去德国寻求更好的生活,或者说那里并不比许多其他地方明显糟糕,尽管那里总是有很多反犹太主义。
How and why did it explode?
它是如何以及为何爆炸的?
That’s a very good question because you do see it across Europe.
这是一个非常好的问题,因为你在整个欧洲都看到了这种情况。
Even in the 1920s, you still get an influx of Jews to Germany from the East because they find much harsher conditions there in many states.
即使在 20 年代,仍然有大量犹太人从东部涌入德国,因为他们发现德国许多州的条件要恶劣得多。
For example, I saw that there were lots of people at Munich University who were complaining that suddenly lots of Hungarian Jews would turn up and enroll at the university because they introduced a quota for Jewish Hungarians at their universities.
例如,我看到慕尼黑大学有很多人抱怨突然有很多匈牙利犹太人出现并入读该大学,因为他们在大学中引入了犹太匈牙利人的配额。
Even then, there’s still a degree of tolerance there.
即便如此,仍然存在一定程度的宽容。
I think partially it’s because antisemitism tends to always be a symptom of a society in crisis; the worse it gets, the worse antisemitism gets.
我认为部分原因是反犹太主义往往是社会陷入危机的症状。情况越糟糕,反犹太主义就越严重。
That’s partially, I think, an explanation for that is that particularly because it’s economic grievances, people then look for scapegoats for the Great Depression, but also hyperinflation.
我认为,部分原因是,特别是因为经济不满,人们会为大萧条和恶性通货膨胀寻找替罪羊。
They see that the Jewish Germans who are largely in middle-class and upper-class social environments, that they’re still doing reasonably well for themselves.
他们看到,犹太德国人主要生活在中产阶级和上层阶级的社会环境中,他们自己的生活仍然相当不错。
This narrative of they’re exploiting the poverty of the others is particularly easy to exploit in a situation like that.
在这种情况下,他们利用他人贫困的说法尤其容易被利用。
A journalist put it quite well recently on a different reason, but he said, “To be German means to walk down every cul-de-sac to the end.” The idea that there’s antisemitism already latent in society, then it becomes Hitler’s own obsession.
一位记者最近以不同的理由说得很好,但他说:“作为德国人就意味着要走每条死胡同到底。”社会中已经潜伏着反犹太主义的想法,然后就成为希特勒自己的痴迷。
People are working toward the Führer, as Ian Kershaw, the historian, puts it.
正如历史学家伊恩·克肖(Ian Kershaw)所说,人们正在向元首努力。
They’re finding more and more extreme ways of dealing with things that are already latent in society, and the system that Hitler sets up allows this to happen.
他们正在寻找越来越多的极端方式来处理社会中已经潜伏的事物,而希特勒建立的体系允许这种情况发生。
Rather than saying, you sit there with your antisemitic grievances and prejudices in your head, or you talk about it in the pub, somebody will say, “Why don’t we do something about it?” because that’s what Hitler wants.
有人会说:“我们为什么不对此采取行动呢?”因为这就是希特勒想要的。
Then they need to be heard amongst the field of competitors, and they find the most radical and the most extreme solution and take that forward.
然后他们需要在竞争对手领域中被听到,他们找到最激进和最极端的解决方案并向前推进。
This is something that spirals very quickly out of control.
这是一种很快就会失控的事情。
Most historians now agree that there wasn’t a master plan that led to Auschwitz, basically, in the 1920s within the Nazi movement, despite the rhetoric that you see there.
大多数历史学家现在都同意,基本上,在 1920 年代的纳粹运动中,并没有一个导致奥斯维辛集中营的总体计划,尽管你在那里看到了一些言论。
It’s bit by bit, the escalation that you see is due to the radicalism of the Nazi movement and the way that people follow orders and go along with it.
你看到的事态升级是一点一滴的,是由于纳粹运动的激进主义以及人们听从命令和服从的方式造成的。
On Hitler's citizenship problem
关于希特勒的公民身份问题
To what extent did people think it was weird that you had a highly nationalistic movement, but it’s led by an Austrian with a very bizarre accent?
人们在多大程度上认为你们有一个高度民族主义的运动,但它是由一个口音非常奇怪的奥地利人领导的?
Yes, that is certainly an aspect of this.
是的,这确实是其中的一个方面。
I describe that a bit in my book as well because Hitler didn’t even have German citizenship.
我在书中也对此进行了一些描述,因为希特勒甚至没有德国公民身份。
When he wanted to become president in 1932, he stood for the election then against Hindenburg.
1932年,当他想成为总统时,他参加了当时的选举,反对兴登堡。
He actually needed to become a German citizen very quickly so that he could even exercise his passive electoral rights.
他实际上需要很快成为德国公民,这样他才能行使被动的选举权。
That was a problem.
这是一个问题。
All the Nazi leaders were falling over themselves to try and find a way of giving him citizenship, but certainly not something that’s automatically there.
所有的纳粹领导人都在竭尽全力地试图找到一种给予他公民身份的方法,但肯定不是自动存在的东西。
He himself always argued that he always felt German.
他本人总是辩称,他总是感觉自己是德国人。
He was from the far Western part of Austria by the German border, where he was born and where he grew up, in Braunau am Inn, which is literally just the other side of the border.
他来自奥地利最西部靠近德国边境的地方,他出生和长大的地方是因河畔布劳瑙,实际上就在边境的另一边。
He argued that actually his accent is Bavarian.
他辩称实际上他的口音是巴伐利亚口音。
It does have that because it is so close to the German borders.
它确实有这一点,因为它非常靠近德国边境。
It’s that sort of being Catholic, being Alpine, being from that region.
这就是天主教徒、阿尔卑斯山人、来自那个地区的感觉。
It’s not an obvious distinction, I would say, in the way that people think of it now.
我想说,按照人们现在的想法,这并不是一个明显的区别。
Then people also forget that in Austria there was a huge movement in the 1920s because Austria, basically after the First World War, was split from its own empire.
然后人们也忘记了奥地利在 1920 年代发生了一场巨大的运动,因为奥地利基本上在第一次世界大战后从自己的帝国中分裂出来。
It became the small German-Austrian rump state, and it suddenly feared for its own existence and survival because it was so small, having previously been an empire.
它成为德奥残余小国,突然对自己的存在和生存感到担忧,因为它太小了,以前是一个帝国。
There’s a huge movement, even from left-leaning and progressive Austrians, toward a unification process with Germany in the 1920s, which is forbidden in the Treaty of Versailles.
20 年代,即使是左倾和进步的奥地利人,也掀起了一场巨大的运动,要求与德国进行统一进程,而这是《凡尔赛条约》所禁止的。
They’re not allowed to do that, but the movement exists.
他们不被允许这样做,但运动确实存在。
It’s not an unnatural position for Hitler to say, or he’s certainly not alone in that, for Hitler to say, “Actually, I’m German.
对于希特勒来说,这并不是一个不自然的立场,或者他肯定不是唯一一个这样说的人,希特勒说:“实际上,我是德国人。
We’re all Germans because we’re Austrians, and we should be part of this.” Look at the 19th century, when there were debates about a greater Germany that included Austria at that point.
我们都是德国人,因为我们是奥地利人,我们应该成为其中的一部分。”看看19世纪,当时存在关于建立一个包括奥地利在内的大德国的争论。
He’s harking back to that, and he’s saying, “Actually, we shouldn’t be in two separate countries.” This works for many Germans.
他回想起这一点,他说:“实际上,我们不应该生活在两个不同的国家。”这对许多德国人来说都是有效的。
You actually see a much higher than average proportion of Austrians serving in concentration camps as well as guards, which is an interesting development.
实际上,你会发现在集中营和看守中服役的奥地利人的比例远高于平均水平,这是一个有趣的发展。
There’s almost a more fervent, more extremist type of Nazism going on in Austria.
奥地利正在上演一种更狂热、更极端的纳粹主义。
They almost feel like they have a point to prove that they want to be part of the same system.
他们几乎觉得自己有理由证明自己想成为同一系统的一部分。
You see the same with Kristallnacht, with the pogroms against Jews in 1938.
1938 年水晶之夜针对犹太人的大屠杀也是如此。
They take a much more violent turn in Austria where, in Germany, it’s mostly shops and synagogues and so on that are being attacked, although people also die and get murdered and arrested.
他们在奥地利采取了更加暴力的转变,在德国,主要是商店和犹太教堂等受到袭击,尽管也有人死亡、被谋杀和逮捕。
In Austria, it’s very much targeted at the people themselves, at Jews, because of this emotionality of wanting to prove that you’re part of this.
在奥地利,它主要针对人民本身,针对犹太人,因为这种想要证明自己是其中一部分的情感。
It’s not as odd as it looks today when we’re looking at two very distinct states there, basically.
基本上,当我们看到那里的两个截然不同的状态时,这并不像今天看起来那么奇怪。
That isn’t really the case in the 1920s where there’s still arguments about some form of unification of Germany and Austria, which Hitler, of course, ends up doing.
20 年代的情况并非如此,当时仍然存在关于德国和奥地利某种形式统一的争论,当然,希特勒最终还是这么做了。
On Weimar's best cultural creations
论魏玛最好的文化创作
To the extent you have fondness or nostalgia for cultural creations of the Weimar era, what is it for?
如果说您对魏玛时代的文化创作有喜爱或怀念的话,那是为了什么?
I wouldn’t say I’m personally nostalgic in that sense.
我不会说我个人在这个意义上怀旧。
As a historian, it’s my job to analyze what happened in the past rather than to crave something from there, if that makes sense in an emotional sense.
作为一名历史学家,我的工作是分析过去发生的事情,而不是渴望从那里得到一些东西,如果这在情感上有意义的话。
There’s Rilke, Thomas Mann.
有里尔克、托马斯·曼。
There’s incredible cinema.
这里有令人难以置信的电影院。
No, no, absolutely.
不,不,绝对。
Amazing music.
令人惊叹的音乐。
I do appreciate that, and especially the creativity of the 1920s.
我确实很欣赏这一点,尤其是 20 年代的创造力。
There’s something about the utter devastation of the First World War that creates this absolute creativity and creative freedom that you see and the willingness to experiment in the 1920s.
第一次世界大战的彻底破坏创造了你所看到的绝对的创造力和创作自由,以及 1920 年代尝试的意愿。
When you look at films like Metropolis or M, they’re so innovative.
当你看《大都会》或《M》这样的电影时,你会发现它们非常有创意。
The whole idea of the vampire movie, the arch vampire movie in the 1920s with Nosferatu, that’s a German creation because they’re looking at these really dark, twisted horror themes as well.
吸血鬼电影的整体理念,即 1920 年代的吸血鬼电影《诺斯费拉图》,是德国人的创作,因为他们也在关注这些真正黑暗、扭曲的恐怖主题。
I think that’s certainly something about the 1920s that’s incredibly precious, this willingness to just break the boundaries, try again, start from scratch, because the world that people had come from and that they knew had gone.
我认为这在 20 年代确实是非常珍贵的,这种打破界限、再次尝试、从头开始的意愿,因为人们来自的、他们所知道的世界已经消失了。
They knew that the First World War was an absolute turning point.
他们知道第一次世界大战是一个绝对的转折点。
It wiped the slate clean, and you could start again.
它把一切都擦干净了,你可以重新开始。
Because of hyperinflation and all those things, people also felt they had nothing to lose.
由于恶性通货膨胀和所有这些事情,人们也觉得自己没有什么可失去的。
There wasn’t this fear now when you think, “Oh, can I really say this?
现在当你想:“哦,我真的可以这么说吗?
Can I really do this?
我真的可以这样做吗?
Will I get canceled?
我会被取消吗?
What will it do to my career?” People were almost hedonistic in a way.
这会对我的职业生涯产生什么影响?”人们在某种程度上几乎是享乐主义的。
They would just go out and try things because of this absolute dizzying state where there are no certainties, where there’s nothing to cling on to.
他们只是出去尝试一些事情,因为这种绝对令人眼花缭乱的状态,没有确定性,没有什么可以坚持的。
That’s unique, I would say, to that time period.
我想说,这对于那个时期来说是独一无二的。
It created this absolutely dazzling cultural scene that you see in the 1920s, particularly in Berlin, of course.
它创造了你在 20 年代看到的绝对令人眼花缭乱的文化景观,当然,尤其是在柏林。
On the most underrated German thinker
关于最被低估的德国思想家
Who is the great underrated German thinker or writer?
谁是被低估的伟大德国思想家或作家?
In the 1920s?
20 世纪 20 年代?
Anytime.
任何时候。
Oh, an underrated one.
哦,被低估的一个。
Now I have to really think because rather than coming up with the obvious answers.
现在我必须认真思考,因为而不是想出显而易见的答案。
For me, it’s von Humboldt, but I’m an American classical liberal, right?
对我来说,是冯·洪堡,但我是美国古典自由主义者,对吧?
Yes, and I wouldn’t really put him as underrated.
是的,我不会真的认为他被低估了。
He’s one of the stars, I would say, of the German self-image and self-appreciation in lots of ways, both of them, the Humboldt brothers.
我想说,在很多方面,他都是德国自我形象和自我欣赏的明星之一,他们都是洪堡兄弟。
He’s identified with building up state education, right?
他认同建立国家教育,对吗?
In that sense, he’s underrated because he did other important things.
从这个意义上说,他被低估了,因为他做了其他重要的事情。
No, that’s very true.
不,这是真的。
The impact, certainly the long-term impact, perhaps isn’t quite as well understood.
其影响,当然是长期影响,可能还没有得到很好的理解。
Of course, he does feature larger in Germany, and you do have things named after him and people referring to him in that essential way as part of the central strand of German culture that comes through.
当然,他在德国的影响力确实更大,并且确实有以他命名的东西,人们也以这种基本方式提及他,作为德国文化核心的一部分。
Because my brain’s permanently stuck in the 19th and 20th century, I’m going to pick someone from there.
因为我的大脑永远停留在 19 世纪和 20 世纪,所以我要从那里挑选一个人。
I think Gustav Stresemann, who was the foreign minister in the Weimar Republic.
我认为古斯塔夫·施特雷泽曼(Gustav Stresemann)是魏玛共和国的外交部长。
As such, he was more than just a politician.
因此,他不仅仅是一名政治家。
He really had a big idea as to where he would take Germany, how he would tackle the problems.
他对于将德国带向何方以及如何解决这些问题确实有一个伟大的想法。
I think he got a long way with that.
我认为他在这方面还有很长的路要走。
In the 1920s, he was really rehabilitating Germany and the world.
1920年代,他真正在复兴德国和世界。
He was presenting an image of a country that was recovering, restoring its morality.
他展示了一个正在复苏、正在恢复道德的国家的形象。
People believed him.
人们相信他。
He did rebuild Germany’s position in international treaties and so on.
他确实重建了德国在国际条约等中的地位。
He had an idea as to how to take the economy forward.
他有一个关于如何推动经济发展的想法。
Then he died just before the Wall Street crash happened.
然后他就在华尔街崩盘发生前去世了。
Forever, in my head, there’s been this what-if moment.
在我的脑海里,永远存在着这个假设时刻。
How would he have dealt with that?
他会如何处理这个问题呢?
Because he had solved seemingly unsolvable problems before in terms of dealing with hyperinflation and those kinds of things.
因为他之前在应对恶性通货膨胀之类的问题上解决过一些看似无法解决的问题。
To me, it’s this idea of he almost saved Germany, and therefore Europe and the world, from this catastrophe that was befalling it later on.
对我来说,正是这个想法让他几乎拯救了德国,从而拯救了欧洲和世界,使其免遭后来降临的这场灾难。
That tantalizing moment of, had he not died there and then, could he have done something about it, perhaps makes him underrated because he never got the opportunity to.
那个诱人的时刻,如果他没有死在那里,然后他是否可以做点什么,也许会让他被低估,因为他从来没有机会这样做。
We might be living in a completely different world today if he had survived.
如果他幸存下来,我们今天可能生活在一个完全不同的世界。
On improving Weimar
论改进魏玛
Let’s say you’re mayor of Weimar today.
假设您今天是魏玛市长。
You have more or less absolute power.
你或多或少拥有绝对的权力。
How would you improve the city?
您将如何改善这座城市?
What would you do?
你会怎么办?
What should they be doing better?
他们应该在哪些方面做得更好?
Maybe that’s because I’m a historian rather than a mayor.
也许那是因为我是一名历史学家而不是市长。
I think there is a lot of focus in Weimar, or obsession almost, still with the things it’s always been obsessed with—it’s culture, it’s Schloss, it’s Goethe.
我认为魏玛有很多焦点,或者说几乎是痴迷,仍然是它一直痴迷的东西——它是文化,它是城堡,它是歌德。
You go there, and it’s basically impossible to escape these things.
你去了那里,基本上就不可能逃脱这些东西。
There’s very little emphasis on its role, actually, in the 20th century, because there’s almost an uncomfortable notion there that if we go there, we have to deal with this legacy as well.
事实上,在 20 世纪,人们很少强调它的作用,因为那里几乎有一种令人不安的观念,即如果我们去那里,我们也必须处理这一遗产。
I would be a bit braver with that and try and show visitors, of whom there are still many that come to Weimar, a town that is comfortable with its own history and goes back not just to these cultural stars that it’s harbored and fostered, but actually a more nuanced picture across the board.
我会更勇敢一点,尝试向游客展示,其中仍然有很多人来到魏玛,这座小镇对自己的历史感到满意,不仅可以追溯到它所庇护和培养的文化明星,而且实际上是一幅更细致的图画。
Trying to show the people who come there basically Weimar across the ages, rather than just focusing on its glory days, on the golden years of what people call the classical Weimar, basically because it’s a very artificial place in many ways.
试图向来到这里的人们展示魏玛的各个时代,而不是仅仅关注它的辉煌岁月,关注人们所谓的古典魏玛的黄金岁月,主要是因为它在很多方面都是一个非常人造的地方。
You go there, it’s super neat, super clean.
你去那里,超级整洁,超级干净。
It looks after itself.
它照顾自己。
It’s very confident about these visitors coming in and out because it’s been so used to that, but it shows the world a very narrow image of itself, namely that of the so-called classical era when Goethe and Schiller lived and worked there.
它对这些进出的游客非常有信心,因为它已经习惯了,但它向世界展示了一个非常狭隘的自身形象,即歌德和席勒在那里生活和工作的所谓古典时代。
AfD is relatively weak there.
另类选择党在那里相对较弱。
Is that correct compared to the rest of East Germany?
与东德其他地区相比,这是正确的吗?
Comparatively, but it’s still there.
相对而言,但它仍然存在。
People also vote for the far-lefty Linke in higher numbers as well.
人们也有更多的人投票给极左翼林克。
It’s still a place, if you look at it across the board, where the numbers are still relatively high, but not as high as the rest of the state of Thuringia around them.
如果你全面观察的话,这里的人口数量仍然相对较高,但不如周围图林根州的其他地区那么高。
I think that’s because it’s always been socially different from its environment.
我认为这是因为它的社会与环境总是不同的。
Thuringia itself is quite working class, lower middle class.
图林根州本身就是工人阶级、中下层阶级。
It’s got lots of small businesses.
它有很多小企业。
Things like garden gnomes, for example, famously come from there.
例如,像花园侏儒之类的东西就出自那里。
You have these small craft industries.
你有这些小型手工业。
That means that people tend to go with whatever the working classes are doing.
这意味着人们倾向于跟随工人阶级所做的任何事情。
They’re currently voting for AfD, so does Thuringia.
他们目前投票给德国选择党,图林根州也是如此。
Weimar itself is very middle-class.
魏玛本身就是非常中产阶级的。
Not just middle class, but a particular branch of the middle class.
不仅仅是中产阶级,而是中产阶级的一个特定分支。
It’s the educated, the professorial types, the intellectuals who move there.
搬到那里的是受过教育的教授型知识分子。
You end up with quite a small-C conservative culture there that sets it out a little bit from the rest of the region there.
最终你会发现那里有一种相当小C的保守文化,与该地区的其他地方有一点不同。
The numbers are a little bit lower.
数字有点低。
Putting aside both tourists and student populations, who are the immigrants who move into Weimar?
抛开游客和学生群体,谁是移居魏玛的移民?
There are actually fewer, a lot fewer than you would expect, given Germany’s overall population.
考虑到德国的总人口,实际上数量比你想象的要少得多。
When you walk through Weimar, you see a few foreign students, particularly at the Bauhaus University, which is modeling itself on that tradition and therefore attracts some.
当你漫步在魏玛时,你会看到一些外国学生,特别是包豪斯大学的学生,该大学正在效仿这一传统,因此吸引了一些学生。
Largely, it’s the people who run the kebab shops, who run the takeaways, who drive the taxi into town, that part of the population.
很大程度上,是开烤肉店、开外卖店、开出租车进城的人,这部分人。
It’s not huge.
它并不大。
It’s just a few people, basically much, much smaller than in lots of other places.
这里只有几个人,基本上比其他很多地方要小得多。
What’s the biggest issue in purely local politics there?
纯粹地方政治中最大的问题是什么?
Immigration, not AfD, not the European Union, but locally?
移民,不是德国选择党,不是欧盟,而是当地?
Most people, when I go there and speak to people, most people are very concerned with the state of the economy and with the interference they feel is coming from the state without it being helpful.
大多数人,当我去那里与人们交谈时,大多数人都非常关心经济状况,以及他们认为来自国家的干预,但没有任何帮助。
They feel that there’s too much regulation.
他们觉得监管太多。
It’s still a place that’s dominated by lots of small independent places, like little shops and that kind of thing.
它仍然是一个由许多小型独立场所主导的地方,比如小商店之类的。
People feel that their own personal progress is being hampered by the way that the state, Berlin in particular, which seems very far away from Weimar, is setting the parameters for their economic activity.
人们感到,国家(尤其是距离魏玛很远的柏林)为他们的经济活动设定参数的方式阻碍了他们个人的进步。
That was certainly the biggest issue that I heard a lot, is that people were grumbling about that, about the regulation, the taxes, and so on.
这当然是我经常听到的最大问题,人们对此、监管、税收等等都在抱怨。
On Germany's economic malaise
论德国经济低迷
Now, there’s a common sense that the German Mittelstand, you would call it, is disappearing, that there’s more competition from China, and general employment in manufacturing is going down.
现在,人们普遍认为德国中小型企业正在消失,来自中国的竞争更加激烈,制造业的总体就业率正在下降。
A lot of German sectors, such as automobiles, don’t seem well poised to do well over the next 10 years.
德国的许多行业,比如汽车行业,似乎并没有做好在未来十年表现良好的准备。
How pessimistic are you about that?
你对此有多悲观?
It would be odd not to be pessimistic because all the experts are telling us to be pessimistic, as do the people in the field.
如果不悲观的话会很奇怪,因为所有专家都告诉我们要悲观,该领域的人们也是如此。
You do see entire industries breaking away at the moment.
目前你确实看到整个行业都在分裂。
There’s a huge issue, particularly with energy, that isn’t being addressed and isn’t being resolved.
有一个巨大的问题,特别是能源问题,尚未得到解决。
If you run a part of the economy that relies on stable and affordable energy, then there isn’t an obvious solution.
如果你经营的经济部分依赖于稳定且负担得起的能源,那么就没有明显的解决方案。
This isn’t a temporary crisis that you just have to sit out and hope that it’ll go away.
这不是一场暂时的危机,你只需袖手旁观并希望它会消失。
Actually, the structural things that are wrong with the German economy don’t seem to be going anywhere.
事实上,德国经济的结构性问题似乎并没有得到解决。
I’m quite pessimistic at this point, but I’m hopeful that the election results that are coming in thick and fast now, and you begin to really see that in politicians, that it’s beginning to sink in just how pessimistic other people are and how fed up they are, that this is now hopefully leading to some reforms.
在这一点上我相当悲观,但我希望选举结果很快就会出来,你开始真正在政治家身上看到这一点,他们开始明白其他人是多么悲观,他们是多么厌倦,这现在有望导致一些改革。
There’s certainly talk of that at the moment in Germany.
目前德国肯定有这样的讨论。
Say, at a deeper level, what do you think went wrong?
从更深层次来说,你认为哪里出了问题?
German trains, they used to almost always be on time.
德国火车过去几乎总是准时。
Now they’re quite typically fairly late.
现在他们通常都迟到了。
Things Germany for a long time was very good at seem to be fraying.
德国长期以来非常擅长的事情似乎正在磨损。
What’s the deepest structural model of what’s going on there?
那里发生的事情的最深层的结构模型是什么?
I think the biggest problem is complacency.
我认为最大的问题是自满。
I think people were so used to the idea of the system always going that way.
我认为人们已经习惯了系统总是这样发展的想法。
When you look at the whatever are the 20 largest German companies today, they’re all 19th century.
当你看看当今德国最大的 20 家公司时,你会发现它们都是 19 世纪的公司。
A lot of them are 19th-century companies like Siemens, Bosch, the big companies that you’d expect—chemical industry, electronic engineering, that kind of thing.
其中很多都是 19 世纪的公司,例如西门子、博世,以及您所期望的大公司——化学工业、电子工程等。
Because these things survived two world wars and the complete moral and economic destruction that the Second World War brought, and came back, bouncing back afterwards with the economic miracle in West Germany, I think people thought that they would always just carry on running, no matter what you do with them.
因为这些东西在两次世界大战以及第二次世界大战带来的彻底的道德和经济破坏中幸存下来,并且随着西德的经济奇迹而卷土重来,我认为人们认为它们总是会继续运行,无论你对它们做什么。
You don’t have to look after the system.
您不必照顾系统。
You don’t have to reform it.
你不必改革它。
You don’t have to modernize it.
您不必对其进行现代化改造。
As a result of that, I think people didn’t really think, “How do we get this or how do we adapt this thing to the 21st century?” When you look at things like startups, say, in Germany, the rate is much, much lower there than it is in comparable countries because the innovation is lacking.
因此,我认为人们并没有真正思考过,“我们如何得到这个,或者我们如何使这个东西适应 21 世纪?”当你观察像德国这样的初创企业时,你会发现那里的比率比同类国家低得多,因为缺乏创新。
People just thought, let’s run with the existing thing itself as well, without having the nimble-footedness that made the system great in the first place.
人们只是想,让我们也用现有的东西本身来运行吧,而不是首先拥有使系统变得伟大的敏捷性。
That innovation of the 19th century, that zeal, I think has gone to a large extent.
我认为 19 世纪的创新和热情已经在很大程度上消失了。
On living in Britain as a German historian
作为一名德国历史学家在英国生活
You’ve now lived in Britain for quite a while.
您现在已经在英国生活了一段时间。
How do you feel that shapes your interpretation of East German history and Germany in general?
您认为这如何影响了您对东德历史和整个德国的解释?
I always find it helps because you sit outside.
我总是觉得这很有帮助,因为你坐在外面。
I sometimes joke that I live in exile so you can observe your own country, perhaps in a slightly less cautious and fearful way.
我有时开玩笑说,我生活在流亡中,这样你就可以观察自己的国家,也许以一种稍微不那么谨慎和恐惧的方式。
I feel that people who live in Germany and their careers depend on what they say and what they write, they tend to be a bit more cautious than people who don’t.
我觉得生活在德国的人和他们的职业取决于他们所说和所写的,他们往往比不在德国生活的人更加谨慎。
Then, also, Germany has got a bit of a habit—I suppose like the US because it’s quite large, quite dominant for where it is—it tends to not look across its own borders.
此外,德国也有一个习惯——我想就像美国一样,因为它面积很大,在当地占据主导地位——它往往不会跨越自己的边界。
It tends to interpret its issues within its own ecosystem and thereby doesn’t see that other countries either have the same problems and have dealt with them in some way that might actually be useful to look at, or that the problem that they have is distinctly German.
它倾向于在自己的生态系统内解释其问题,因此没有看到其他国家也有同样的问题,并且以某种可能实际上有用的方式处理这些问题,或者他们所面临的问题显然是德国的。
Say, for example, when the AfD began to rise, the far-right party in Germany, people immediately said, “Oh, this is an East German problem,” because it’s much larger in the East than it is in the West.
举例来说,当德国极右翼政党选择党(AfD)开始崛起时,人们立即说,“哦,这是东德的问题”,因为这个问题在东方比在西方要严重得多。
They ignored it for a long time.
他们很长一段时间都忽略了它。
They basically looked at that and said, “Well, this is just East Germans not understanding how democracy works.
他们基本上看了之后说:“好吧,这只是东德人不理解民主是如何运作的。
Oh, well, they’re only a fifth of the population, doesn’t matter.”
哦,好吧,他们只占总人口的五分之一,没关系。”
Had they looked a little bit further, they could have seen what’s going on in France, in Britain, in Eastern Europe, in the US, and in other places.
如果他们看得更远一点,他们就能看到法国、英国、东欧、美国和其他地方正在发生的事情。
They could have seen that, actually, the patterns there are not dissimilar.
他们本来可以看到,实际上,那里的图案并没有什么不同。
You have basically a working-class population that is deeply unhappy about things and is trying to find a way of expressing that.
基本上,工人阶级人口对事情深感不满,并试图找到一种表达这种不满的方式。
They could have addressed it, perhaps a little bit earlier, and actually taken it seriously.
他们本可以早点解决这个问题,并且认真对待它。
That, I feel, living outside of Germany, but still close enough and having relatives and friends and people there, and I go there a lot as well.
我觉得,虽然住在德国境外,但仍然足够近,那里有亲戚、朋友和人们,而且我也经常去那里。
I have enough of a foot in there to follow events, but I feel I’m far enough away as well to have an outsider’s perspective on these things.
我有足够的脚踏实地去跟踪事件,但我觉得我也距离足够远,可以从局外人的角度来看待这些事情。
Let’s say someone pays you a good stipend so you can live where you want.
假设有人付给你一笔丰厚的津贴,这样你就可以住在你想要的地方。
Put aside work commitments, family commitments, where in Germany would you actually want to live?
抛开工作承诺、家庭承诺,您真正想住在德国的哪里?
That was what you had to do to get the stipend.
这就是你获得津贴所必须做的。
Where would you pick?
你会选择哪里?
If I had to live in Germany, which I would really rather avoid—I’m very happy in Britain; that would be my first choice.
如果我必须住在德国,我真的宁愿避免——我在英国很开心;那将是我的第一选择。
If I had to live in Germany, it would definitely be somewhere northern rather than in the south because that is the second people always think of Germany, when they think of Germany in East-West terms.
如果我必须住在德国,那肯定是北方的某个地方,而不是南方,因为当人们从东西方角度思考德国时,那是人们第二次想到德国。
Actually, the North-South divide is much older and much deeper, I would say.
事实上,我想说,南北分歧由来已久,也根深蒂固。
For someone like me to go to Bavaria, say, it feels like you’re in a foreign country.
对于像我这样的人来说,去巴伐利亚,感觉就像在异国他乡。
You don’t really know the social conventions.
你根本不了解社会习俗。
They’re very conservative, very Catholic still, a very different culture compared to the northern half.
他们非常保守,仍然非常天主教徒,与北半部相比,他们的文化非常不同。
Definitely in the north, I always feel more comfortable the further north I get.
绝对是在北方,越往北我总是感觉更舒服。
I like being in Hamburg, for example.
例如,我喜欢待在汉堡。
I like being by the coast.
我喜欢在海边。
People are very calm and often a bit aloof as well, but I quite like that.
人们都很冷静,也常常有点冷漠,但我很喜欢这样。
A very calm, to me, quite polite, cautious way of being, rather than the sort of brash culture that is associated with other parts of Germany.
对我来说,这是一种非常平静、非常有礼貌、谨慎的生活方式,而不是德国其他地区那种傲慢的文化。
I’d probably end up somewhere along the coast.
我可能最终会去沿海的某个地方。
Hamburg, to me, is the most British part of Germany, of course.
当然,对我来说,汉堡是德国最具英国特色的地区。
Yes, people say that.
是的,人们就是这么说的。
Yes, they say it’s the most British city in Germany.
是的,他们说这是德国最英国化的城市。
That’s maybe part of the reason.
这也许是部分原因。
For you on the map, where does North Germany stop and South Germany begin?
对于地图上的您来说,德国北部在哪里停止,德国南部在哪里开始?
People joke that there’s a Weißwurstäquator, a sausage equator, basically south of which they eat this white sausage that is famous at the Oktoberfest.
人们开玩笑说有一个“Weißwurstäquator”,即香肠赤道,基本上在它的南边,他们就吃这种在慕尼黑啤酒节上很有名的白香肠。
It’s like a squishy sausage that you have to cook and boil and then suck out of its skin.
它就像一根粘糊糊的香肠,你必须煮熟、煮沸,然后从它的皮肤中吸出来。
If you like that, you tend to live in the south.
如果你喜欢这样,你倾向于住在南方。
If you don’t, you live in the north.
如果你不这样做,那你就住在北方。
That is usually along the river Main, which crosses Germany horizontally about a third or so.
通常是沿着美因河,这条河水平穿过德国约三分之一左右。
It’s south of it, and two-thirds is north.
它在它的南边,三分之二在北边。
That tends to be about right, I would say.
我想说,这往往是正确的。
It’s also, in terms of the geography, if you look at it, the north is quite flat.
而且从地理上看,北方还是很平坦的。
Then, once you get to Thuringia and Hesse and areas like that in the center of Germany, it becomes more mountainous, which is also associated with different types of cultures.
然后到了图林根州、黑森州等德国中部的地区,山地就多了,这也和不同类型的文化有关。
It’s that foresty, mountainous image that people have of Germany that starts about halfway down and then becomes more pronounced the further south you get until you get to the Alps as well.
人们对德国的印象就是森林多山,从半山腰开始,越往南越明显,直到到达阿尔卑斯山。
I would say, yes, probably the top half to two-thirds.
我想说,是的,可能是上半部分到三分之二。
It’s a bit larger than half, I would say, in the top.
我想说,它比顶部的一半大一点。
Yes.
是的。
Before my final question, just to plug your book again, Katja Hoyer, Weimar: Life on the Edge of Catastrophe.
在我提出最后一个问题之前,我想再次插入你的书,Katja Hoyer,《魏玛:灾难边缘的生活》。
Finally, what will you do next?
最后,你接下来要做什么?
I haven’t really quite decided yet.
我还没有真正决定。
I think I want to really delve down into one particular story or case or individual, something really quite distinct and specific.
我想我想真正深入研究一个特定的故事、案例或个人,一些非常独特和具体的东西。
I’ve looked at the bigger picture for so long now, telling these big stories that happened over decades, that I think just looking at one particular issue might be an interesting thing to do.
我已经关注更大的图景很长时间了,讲述了几十年来发生的这些大故事,我认为仅仅关注一个特定的问题可能是一件有趣的事情。
I’m bouncing around different ideas there at the moment.
我现在正在思考不同的想法。
Sorry to be a bit guarded still about that.
抱歉,对此我还是有点谨慎。
It’s just that whilst I’m still having these ideas swirling around, the moment you say anything, people come back and say, “Yes, do that,” or “Don’t do that.” You end up being influenced by that.
只是当我仍然有这些想法时,当你说什么的那一刻,人们会回来说,“是的,这样做”或“不要那样做”。你最终会受到它的影响。
I tend to make a decision at some point and then release it.
我倾向于在某个时刻做出决定,然后发布它。
Great.
伟大的。
Katja Hoyer, thank you very much.
卡佳·霍耶,非常感谢你。
Thank you.
谢谢。