Cass Sunstein on Liberalism and Rights in the Age of AI (Ep. 262)
Hello, everyone, and welcome back to Conversations with Tyler.
大家好,欢迎回到《与泰勒对话》。
Today, I’m sitting at Harvard Law School, talking with Cass Sunstein.
今天,我坐在哈佛法学院,与卡斯·桑斯坦交谈。
Cass is the most widely cited legal scholar of all time, among his other achievements.
除了他的其他成就外,卡斯还是有史以来被引用最广泛的法律学者。
Congratulations for that.
对此表示祝贺。
This year, he has, I believe, five — maybe more — books out.
我相信,今年他已经出版了五本——或许更多——的书。
Some of them he’s been working on for a long time, so it’s a little misleading, but he has On Liberalism: In Defense of Freedom, which, if anything, will be our focus, a new book on manipulation, a book called Imperfect Oracle on the strengths and limits of AI, a co-authored book, Algorithmic Harm, and also Climate Justice.
其中一些他已经研究了很长时间,所以有点误导,但他有《论自由主义:捍卫自由》,如果有的话,这将是我们的焦点,一本关于操纵的新书,一本关于人工智能的优势和局限性的名为《不完美的预言》的书,一本合着的书《算法危害》,还有《气候正义》。
Have I left anything out?
我遗漏了什么吗?
I really hope that’s the entire list.
我真的希望这就是整个列表。
In February, there’s one coming on Separation of Powers.
二月份,《三权分立》即将上映。
Cass Sunstein, welcome.
卡斯桑斯坦,欢迎。
A pleasure and an honor to be here.
很高兴也很荣幸来到这里。
Now, your new book on liberalism is primarily a defense of the liberal concept, but if someone asks you, what’s the most likely scenario for liberalism being self-undermining, what’s your worry?
现在,你关于自由主义的新书主要是对自由主义概念的辩护,但如果有人问你,自由主义最有可能自我破坏的情况是什么,你担心什么?
Low probability.
低概率。
The likelihood is that we’ll be undermined by anti-liberal and illiberal forces, not self-undermining.
我们很可能会受到反自由和反自由势力的破坏,而不是自我破坏。
I think it’s fair to say or to worry that liberalism doesn’t create the conditions for its own self-perpetuation, so it’s not as if it’s self-undermining, but it doesn’t necessarily maintain itself.
我认为可以公平地说或担心自由主义没有为自己的自我延续创造条件,所以它并不是自我破坏,但它不一定能维持自己。
The reason is that a society that is flourishing needs a lot of stuff in it, including norms of cooperation, norms of charity, norms of mutual support.
因为一个繁荣的社会需要很多东西,包括合作的规范、慈善的规范、相互支持的规范。
Liberalism, in my view, doesn’t undermine those things, but other forces can undermine them, and it’s not clear liberalism has the resources to respond.
在我看来,自由主义不会破坏这些东西,但其他力量可以破坏它们,而且尚不清楚自由主义是否有资源来应对。
When you say other forces, do you mean hostile foreign powers?
当你说其他势力时,你指的是外国敌对势力吗?
Or there’s something illiberal in societies that is not sufficiently driven out by liberalism?
或者社会中存在一些不自由的东西没有被自由主义充分驱除?
I think there’s something illiberal in the human heart.
我认为人的内心深处都有一些不自由的东西。
I recently reread Orwell’s 1984, and what staggered me about it is that Orwell’s of two minds, and that’s the power of the book.
我最近重读了奥威尔的《1984》,令我震惊的是奥威尔的两种思想,这就是这本书的力量。
Reading it the first three times I did, I thought this is a liberal book about the horrors of illiberal tyranny, but Orwell is into illiberal tyranny.
我读了前三遍,以为这是一本关于非自由暴政的恐怖的自由主义书籍,但奥威尔却热衷于非自由暴政。
He almost has an erotic connection to it, and that comes through in the book.
他几乎与它有一种色情联系,这在书中得到了体现。
That’s part of the power of the book.
这就是这本书的力量的一部分。
In the human soul, the idea of cruelty or suppression — or maybe, in gentler form, an insistence on order — that’s just there, and it occasionally triumphs.
在人类的灵魂中,残酷或镇压的观念——或者以更温和的形式,对秩序的坚持——就在那里,而且偶尔会取得胜利。
Liberalism is struggling.
自由主义正在挣扎。
You can say the better angels of our nature.
你可以说是我们本性中更好的天使。
That’s probably a little too simple, but certainly, the forces of freedom are combating other forces, which sometimes involve fear, sometimes involve security, and these can override liberal commitments.
这可能有点太简单了,但可以肯定的是,自由的力量正在与其他力量作斗争,这些力量有时涉及恐惧,有时涉及安全,而这些可能会凌驾于自由主义的承诺之上。
Is there anything in your view to the Freudian critique of liberalism, that repression is inevitable, and it comes out in illiberal ways, and it’s hard to avoid and keep civilization?
您对弗洛伊德对自由主义的批评有什么看法,即镇压是不可避免的,而且它以不自由的方式出现,而且很难避免和保持文明?
I have on my door a quotation from Danny Kahneman, who, in an interview, kept saying, “I don’t know.” The interviewer started getting frustrated and said, “Well, when you say, “I don’t know,” what do you think?” Kahneman finally said, “It’s an empirical question, and I don’t have the evidence.
我的门上挂着丹尼·卡尼曼的一句话,他在接受采访时一直说:“我不知道。”面试官开始感到沮丧,说道:“好吧,当你说‘我不知道’时,你怎么想?”卡尼曼最后说道:“这是一个经验问题,我没有证据。
It’s not a matter of thinking.” So, on the Freudian — I think Freud was a great kind of novelist.
这不是思考的问题。”所以,关于弗洛伊德——我认为弗洛伊德是一位伟大的小说家。
He had a great literary sensibility.
他有很强的文学敏感性。
Whether this is an empirical truth about repression, let’s say the three beautiful words: “I don’t know.”
这是否是关于镇压的经验真理,让我们说三个美丽的词:“我不知道”。
You may say those words again, but do you worry about the fertility crisis within the context of liberalism?
你可能会再说一遍,但你担心自由主义背景下的生育危机吗?
What if we just all disappear?
如果我们都消失了怎么办?
Yes, I do worry about that.
是的,我确实担心这一点。
That’s a problem for things other than liberalism, but one of the things it’s a problem for is liberalism, so I do worry about fertility.
这对自由主义以外的事物来说都是一个问题,但它的问题之一就是自由主义,所以我确实担心生育率。
Maybe it just means everything is self-undermining, right?
也许这只是意味着一切都是自我破坏,对吧?
Might be.
可能是。
I do feel optimistic about long-term.
我确实对长期感到乐观。
That’s a character trait, so fertility — I think it’s going to be okay, but that’s more an article of faith than an empirical certainty.
这是一种性格特征,所以生育能力 ——我认为这会没问题,但这更多的是一种信仰,而不是经验上的确定性。
On liberal tensions around immigration
关于围绕移民的自由主义紧张局势
Some of my friends on the right think that Islamic immigration is a major threat to European freedoms, and that is the result of a fairly liberal immigration policy.
我的一些右翼朋友认为伊斯兰移民是对欧洲自由的主要威胁,这是相当自由的移民政策的结果。
Do you agree, disagree?
你同意、不同意吗?
I don’t agree.
我不同意。
I do think that whether immigration is, broadly speaking, an excellent thing or a risk is something that it’s reasonable to have divergent views about.
我确实认为,从广义上讲,移民是一件好事还是一种风险,有不同的看法是合理的。
Some liberals are very open to immigration.
一些自由主义者对移民非常开放。
That tends to be the liberal tendency, but some people who believe in freedom and in the rule of law and in pluralism worry that excessive immigration can start undermining those things, partly because it might make pluralism not self-sustaining.
这往往是自由主义倾向,但一些相信自由、法治和多元化的人担心,过多的移民可能会开始破坏这些东西,部分原因是这可能会使多元化无法自我维持。
Some liberals worry partly because it might mean there are illiberal forces in society.
一些自由主义者担心的部分原因是这可能意味着社会上存在非自由势力。
Partly it might mean that people are just really mad at each other, and that’s ultimately going to undermine freedom.
在一定程度上,这可能意味着人们真的彼此生气,而这最终会破坏自由。
I think the risk of being concerned about certain kinds of immigration is that it’s inflected by, let’s say, forces of hostility and stereotyping, and that liberals aren’t excited about those forces.
我认为担心某些类型的移民的风险在于,它会受到敌意和成见力量的影响,而自由主义者对这些力量并不感到兴奋。
But say some of the stereotypes are true.
但要说一些刻板印象是正确的。
There is a lot of cousin marriage in England, for instance.
例如,在英国有很多表亲婚姻。
Sharia law can mean different things, but to some extent, that’s in England as well.
伊斯兰教法可以有不同的含义,但在某种程度上,这在英格兰也是如此。
There’re anecdotes about rape, which seems to be somewhat widespread within Pakistani, Muslim, Bangladeshi communities.
关于强奸的轶事似乎在巴基斯坦、穆斯林、孟加拉国社区中普遍存在。
Those individuals seem to exercise some power through the vote, influencing Labour on Middle Eastern policy.
这些人似乎通过投票行使了一些权力,影响工党的中东政策。
Aren’t those real worries?
这些不是真正的担忧吗?
They could be.
他们可能是。
Now, there are cultures in which horrible things are happening, whether those are rightly attributed to anything other than an assortment of current forces, and whether they’re rightly attributed to something intrinsic to the culture.
现在,有些文化中正在发生可怕的事情,无论这些事情是否正确地归因于当前各种力量之外的其他因素,以及它们是否正确地归因于该文化固有的某些东西。
The liberal suspicion is the former, not the latter.
自由派的怀疑是前者,而不是后者。
To allow people in who are producing terrible things is not a good idea, and so, screens on immigration — those are a good idea.
让那些制造可怕事物的人进来并不是一个好主意,因此,对移民进行屏幕 ——这些是一个好主意。
Whether the screen should be defined in terms of individual characteristics or of nation or religion, I would favor individual characteristics, but it can’t be the case that the widespread concerns currently in Europe and the United States about immigration are rightly dismissed as a product of hostility or bad nationalism.
无论屏幕应该根据个人特征还是民族或宗教来定义,我都倾向于个人特征,但不可能将目前欧洲和美国对移民的广泛担忧视为敌意或不良民族主义的产物而正确地予以驳回。
There’s clearly something that’s fair in those concerns.
这些担忧显然是公平的。
If I think about how immigration restrictions are enforced, I sometimes worry that liberal societies ultimately, at some margin, have to use illiberal means to keep out or deport immigrants.
如果我考虑如何执行移民限制,我有时会担心自由社会最终在某种程度上必须使用非自由手段来阻止或驱逐移民。
I’m for more immigration — high-skilled, low-skilled.
我支持更多移民 ——高技能移民,低技能移民。
I’m very pro-immigration, but I’m not for open borders altogether.
我非常支持移民,但我并不完全赞成开放边界。
It seems there’s always some margin where, really, a lot of people want to come to the US, the UK, a lot of other countries, and you’re keeping them out, ultimately using violence, or you’re pushing them back out again in ways where you’re dealing with actual human bodies.
似乎总是有一些余地,实际上,很多人想来美国、英国和许多其他国家,而你将他们拒之门外,最终使用暴力,或者你以处理真实人体的方式再次将他们赶回来。
It’s not just regulatory.
这不仅仅是监管。
You’re physically doing something to real people.
你正在对真实的人做一些实际的事情。
It can be children.
可以是孩子。
It can be babies.
它可以是婴儿。
Typically, a lot will be vulnerable people.
通常,很多人都是弱势群体。
What does that look like under liberalism?
在自由主义下这是什么样子的?
There’s Kantian liberalism, which says people should be treated as ends, not as means, and that everyone has dignity.
有康德自由主义,它认为人们应该被视为目的,而不是手段,并且每个人都有尊严。
That’s bedrock.
这是基岩。
What it specifically entails for immigration policy is to be determined, but that’s a central liberal foundation.
移民政策的具体内容有待确定,但这是自由主义的核心基础。
Then there’s Mill’s more, let’s say, romanticized utilitarian form of liberalism.
然后还有密尔的更为浪漫化的功利主义形式的自由主义。
That doesn’t have the Kantian bedrock, but the well-being of the people who are, let’s say, being deported is something that is not a matter of indifference.
这没有康德主义的基石,但被驱逐出境的人们的福祉并不是一个漠不关心的问题。
These abstract foundations for liberalism don’t entail concrete policies, so maybe I’ll tell a story if I may.
这些自由主义的抽象基础并不需要具体的政策,所以如果可以的话,也许我会讲一个故事。
Tell a story, yes.
讲个故事,是的。
I worked in the Department of Homeland Security, most of the time as a special government employee, for a year full-time under the Biden administration.
我在国土安全部工作了一年,大部分时间是作为一名特殊政府雇员,在拜登政府期间全职工作了一年。
My role involved weather-related resilience and simplification processes, and also regulatory policy with an emphasis — because of my background — on making sure things were legal.
我的职责涉及与天气相关的恢复力和简化流程,以及监管政策,重点是“由于我的背景”,确保一切合法。
I didn’t have a policy lead by any means.
我无论如何都没有政策引导。
But since I had some role in regulatory policy, I went down to the southern border and I spent significant time there.
但由于我在监管政策方面发挥了一些作用,所以我去了南部边境,并在那里度过了很长一段时间。
It’s really hot.
真的很热。
I saw a line of people who wanted to come into the country.
我看到一排想要入境的人。
It wasn’t a chaotic, crazy line, but I saw a line of people.
这不是一条混乱、疯狂的队伍,但我看到了一排人。
I asked the civil servants who were running the border who they were.
我问管理边境的公务员是谁。
They pointed to two people in front of the line who were Russian.
They pointed to two people in front of the line who were Russian.
I said, “Can I talk to them?” They said, “No, you work in Washington.
我说:“我可以和他们谈谈吗?”他们说:“不,你在华盛顿工作。
You’re not allowed to talk in their line.” I said, “Can I acknowledge that they’re there and ask them, are they okay?” They said, “Yes, you can do that, but keep it really short.”
你不可以按照他们的方式说话。”我说:“我可以承认他们在那里并问他们还好吗?”他们说:“是的,你可以这样做,但要保持简短。”
I saw two Russian men in their, I think, young 40s, strong, exhausted.
I saw two Russian men in their, I think, young 40s, strong, exhausted.
I asked them how they were.
我问他们怎么样。
It was a tiny conversation.
这是一次小小的谈话。
You could see an unforgettable expression in their face of gratitude that someone was asking them how they were, a slight smile at humanity.
You could see an unforgettable expression in their face of gratitude that someone was asking them how they were, a slight smile at humanity.
I had a phrase go through my head that I haven’t heard that in my head unbidden.
我的脑海中浮现出一句话,但我并没有在脑海中不自觉地听到过这句话。
There but for the grace of God, go I.” That, I think, is a liberal thought that, with a little twist of fate or maybe Rawls’ veil of ignorance, any one of us could be that.
如果没有上帝的恩典,我就去那里。”我认为,这是一种自由主义思想,只要命运稍有转折,或者罗尔斯的无知之幕,我们中的任何一个人都可能成为那样的人。
That doesn’t mean that everyone gets a right to a full hearing before they get deported, but it does mean that recognition of the, let’s say, moral equivalence of everyone on the planet is something that should ground our immigration policies, even if they are very aggressive at preventing unlawful entry — and I favor that — and appropriately aggressive, let’s say, in deporting people who are unlawfully here, which is a completely reasonable policy.
这并不意味着每个人在被驱逐出境之前都有权获得充分的听证会,但这确实意味着承认地球上每个人的道德平等应该成为我们移民政策的基础,即使他们在防止非法入境方面非常积极——我赞成这一点——并且在驱逐非法居留的人方面也采取了适当的积极态度,这是一项完全合理的政策。
Let’s say we look at relatively liberal Western Europe, which has been a great place for a long time.
假设我们看看相对自由的西欧,它长期以来一直是一个好地方。
Almost every country I look at — there’s a right populist party, either in power or number one in the polls.
几乎我所考察的每个国家都有一个右翼民粹主义政党,要么执政,要么在民意调查中排名第一。
There’s even a recent poll — AfD is number one in Germany, Le Pen, possibly number one in France.
甚至最近有一项民意调查 ——选择党在德国排名第一,勒庞可能在法国排名第一。
To me, they have a lot of bad policies, not just on immigration.
To me, they have a lot of bad policies, not just on immigration.
If I ask myself, how brutal does immigration policy have to get in the bulldozer kind of sense to stop that from happening.
If I ask myself, how brutal does immigration policy have to get in the bulldozer kind of sense to stop that from happening.
What is your answer?
你的答案是什么?
I worked with Republicans a bit in Washington, and the sentence that we agreed was the right one was “lawful pathways.” That has one implication, which is, if people want to come in and do work — let’s start with waiters, seafood processing in Alaska, various forms of construction work — and they want to come in, and there aren’t American workers there who will do the jobs, this is a fantastic thing.
I worked with Republicans a bit in Washington, and the sentence that we agreed was the right one was “lawful pathways.”这有一个含义,那就是,如果人们想进来工作 ——让我们从服务员、阿拉斯加的海鲜加工、各种形式的建筑工作开始—— 他们想进来,但那里没有美国工人来做这些工作,这是一件了不起的事情。
It’s a fantastic thing for America, and it’s a fantastic thing for those people.
这对美国来说是一件很棒的事情,对那些人来说也是一件很棒的事情。
We actually have a program called H-2B, which both the right and the left have been enthusiastic about, maybe more the right than the left.
We actually have a program called H-2B, which both the right and the left have been enthusiastic about, maybe more the right than the left.
The Biden administration went big on H-2B.
拜登政府在 H-2B 问题上大手笔。
It’s not perfect.
这并不完美。
It’s a good program.
这是一个很好的计划。
It’s a lawful pathway.
这是一条合法的途径。
There are ones that I think you were particularly interested in getting skilled people in who are completely amazing and can make our country more prosperous and ultimately lots more well-being — let them in.
我认为你们对引进技术人员特别感兴趣,他们非常出色,可以让我们的国家更加繁荣,并最终带来更多福祉 ——让他们进来。
That’s lawful pathways.
这是合法的途径。
Then, what you’re focusing on is brutality with respect to unlawful pathways.
Then, what you’re focusing on is brutality with respect to unlawful pathways.
When I was down at the southern border, I saw a Trump wall, I saw a Biden wall, and I saw an Obama wall.
When I was down at the southern border, I saw a Trump wall, I saw a Biden wall, and I saw an Obama wall.
Now, I knew some things, but I had no idea that there were three walls, and I liked the walls.
Now, I knew some things, but I had no idea that there were three walls, and I liked the walls.
I liked the walls a lot.
我非常喜欢墙壁。
I thought President Trump was right to say, “Let’s build a wall,” just seeing it there.
I thought President Trump was right to say, “Let’s build a wall,” just seeing it there.
I said to the people who were running the border, “Walls are good, right?
I said to the people who were running the border, “Walls are good, right?
They look great.” They said, “Yes, we need walls,” but they said, “We need three things.
他们看起来很棒。”他们说,“是的,我们需要墙,”但他们说,“我们需要三件事。
We need infrastructure, we need technology, and we need people.” What was meant was, they can scale walls, even if the walls were pretty high.
We need infrastructure, we need technology, and we need people.” What was meant was, they can scale walls, even if the walls were pretty high.
The Trump one was a little higher than the Biden one, and I said, “The Biden one’s too short, isn’t it?” They said, “No.” I said, “Well, what do you mean?
特朗普的比拜登的高一点,我说:“拜登的太短了,不是吗?”他们说:“不。”我说:“好吧,你什么意思?
It looks short.” They said, “Look over there.” Over there, there was space between the walls.
看起来很短。”他们说:“看那边。”那边,墙壁之间有空间。
They said, “They’re not going to scale the walls if they can just go there.” They said they need people and technology.
They said, “They’re not going to scale the walls if they can just go there.”他们说他们需要人才和技术。
Now, does that need to be brutal?
现在,这需要残酷吗?
No!
不!
If you have a technology and a set of people and a wall that makes it very hard for people to get in illegally, then if I can’t get over a wall, there’s no brutality, I’m just stuck.
如果你拥有一项技术、一群人以及一堵墙,让人们很难非法进入,那么如果我无法翻过墙,那么就不存在残暴,我只是被困住了。
The idea of deporting people who don’t deserve to be here — there’s nothing necessarily savage about that.
驱逐不值得留在这里的人的想法——这并不一定是野蛮的。
It’s unpleasant for the people, but it has two good features.
这对人们来说是不愉快的,但它有两个好的特点。
One is that it deters future illegality, and the other is that it ensures that people aren’t here who don’t have a lawful right to be here.
One is that it deters future illegality, and the other is that it ensures that people aren’t here who don’t have a lawful right to be here.
Now, if you’re here and you don’t have a lawful right to be here, it may be, for one or another reason, it’s okay to keep you here.
Now, if you’re here and you don’t have a lawful right to be here, it may be, for one or another reason, it’s okay to keep you here.
It might be that there are other people who are, let’s say, Americans who depend on you.
It might be that there are other people who are, let’s say, Americans who depend on you.
It might be that your kids or spouse are here.
您的孩子或配偶可能在这里。
It might be that your employer needs you, and then there are things to be done, maybe.
也许你的雇主需要你,然后也许有事情要做。
But brutality isn’t intrinsic to the notion of no unlawful pathways and of punishing people who take unlawful pathways.
但残酷并不是禁止非法途径和惩罚非法途径的概念所固有的。
I think there’s a way of doing it that is more in sadness than in anger, though if people are committing crimes, of course, some anger isn’t a bad idea.
我认为有一种方法可以更多地通过悲伤而不是愤怒来做到这一点,尽管如果人们犯了罪,当然,一些愤怒并不是一个坏主意。
If we give out visas — which we should — to many, many people for all sorts of legitimate reasons, and people just overstay the visas, which they do in great numbers, as you know, to get them out, aren’t we back to brutality?
如果我们出于各种正当理由向许许多多的人发放签证——我们应该这样做——而人们却逾期居留,正如你所知,为了让他们离开,他们大量这样做,我们不是又回到了暴行吗?
Depends on how we define brutality.
取决于我们如何定义残酷。
There’s punching people in the nose.
有人打人的鼻子。
That’s harsh.
这太严酷了。
There’s inflicting physical suffering on people, which could be excessive and savage.
There’s inflicting physical suffering on people, which could be excessive and savage.
Or there could be just arresting people.
或者可能只是逮捕人。
You need to define brutality, but there are —
你需要定义残暴,但是有 ——
But our prison system is pretty bad, right?
但我们的监狱系统很糟糕,对吗?
Yes.
是的。
You’re there for a while.
你在那里呆了一段时间。
The courts are overclogged.
法院人满为患。
The people who work for the immigration service are not always the highest quality government employees.
为移民服务工作的人并不总是最优质的政府雇员。
If it’s Europe, there’s maybe in the future an electronic fence.
如果是欧洲,将来可能会有电子围栏。
You’re in a very cheap boat; you might drown.
你乘坐的是一艘非常便宜的船;你可能会淹死。
It still seems you end up with a lot of unintended brutality.
看来你最终还是遭遇了很多意想不到的暴行。
I’m writing a book now about animal welfare, and there are trade-offs to be made between the well-being of nonhuman animals and human beings.
我现在正在写一本关于动物福利的书,在非人类动物和人类的福祉之间需要做出权衡。
Those trade-offs are less searing, the better our innovation.
我们的创新越好,这些权衡越不那么激烈。
As we innovate so as to be able to house, let’s say, chickens in less cruel ways, the trade-off gets better.
当我们进行创新以便能够以不那么残酷的方式饲养鸡时,权衡就会变得更好。
As we innovate to have Impossible Burgers — which I like — or other meat-free alternatives, then the option of overcoming the trade-off grows.
当我们创新推出“不可能的汉堡”——“我喜欢的”——或其他无肉替代品时,克服这种权衡的选择就会增加。
I’m hopeful that in the era of immigration, where walls and technology are just one example, and the wall isn’t especially Silicon Valley — it’s old-style technology — I’m hopeful that technology will make these trade-offs less difficult.
我希望在移民时代,围墙和技术只是一个例子,而且围墙并不是特别是硅谷——“它是老式技术”——我希望技术将使这些权衡变得不那么困难。
Of course, you’re right that there are forms of unpleasantness and worse that are essential for deterring and responding to unlawful entry.
当然,你是对的,有些形式的不愉快甚至更糟糕的情况对于阻止和应对非法进入至关重要。
I think the liberal view is — this is something that some liberal thinkers, including Martha Nussbaum, have written about — there’s tragedy, and to recognize that tragedy is inevitable is a way of keeping an incentive to reduce the number and ferocity.
我认为自由主义观点是:“这是包括玛莎·努斯鲍姆在内的一些自由主义思想家所写的内容”——“悲剧是存在的,而认识到悲剧是不可避免的,是保持减少悲剧数量和残暴行为的动力的一种方式。”
On new generations of liberal thinkers
关于新一代自由主义思想家
Now, there was a tweet you had today or yesterday, where you mentioned some liberal thinkers, where you’re going to be talking about them at some other event.
现在,你今天或昨天发布了一条推文,其中提到了一些自由主义思想家,你将在其他活动中谈论他们。
I think it was Joseph Raz, Ullmann-Margalit, John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Jeremy Waldron, right?
I think it was Joseph Raz, Ullmann-Margalit, John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Jeremy Waldron, right?
Great people.
伟大的人们。
They’ve passed away, or they’re much older.
他们已经去世了,或者他们已经老了。
If you look at people, say, below the age of 50, 45 — you pick the number — is liberal thought replenishing itself where there’s a new generation that will be comparable to them, to you, to many others?
如果你观察一下 50 岁以下、45 岁以下的人——你选择这个数字——自由主义思想是否会自我补充,出现可以与他们、与你、与许多其他人相媲美的新一代?
Or is it like an over-60 kind of thing?
还是像60岁以上的人那样?
It’s a great question.
这是一个很好的问题。
If you look at Philosophy & Public Affairs, which is a journal, which for a while, was setting the standard for philosophical work on liberalism, it was full of Rawls and Rawls criticism, and some of the work was fantastically good.
如果你看一下《哲学与公共事务》,这是一本期刊,它曾一度为自由主义哲学著作设定了标准,它充满了罗尔斯和罗尔斯的批评,其中一些工作非常好。
Thomas Nagel was a frequent contributor.
托马斯·内格尔 (Thomas Nagel) 是一名经常撰稿人。
I think the great liberal thinkers now who are younger may be in the social sciences.
我认为现在更年轻的伟大自由主义思想家可能是在社会科学领域。
Ed Glaeser isn’t particularly young.
埃德·格莱泽并不是特别年轻。
I consider him a great —
我认为他是一位伟大的——
He’s great.
他很棒。
I had dinner with him last night, but he’s not that young.
昨晚我和他一起吃了晚饭,但他不那么年轻了。
He is young at heart.
他心地年轻。
We’re young at heart.
我们内心年轻。
He’s a liberal thinker.
他是一位自由主义思想家。
John List is a liberal thinker —
约翰·李斯特是一位自由主义思想家 —
Younger.
更年轻。
— and a great liberal thinker.
——也是一位伟大的自由主义思想家。
Esther Duflo is a great liberal thinker.
埃丝特·迪弗洛是一位伟大的自由主义思想家。
She just moved to Zurich, I think, from MIT.
我想她刚刚从麻省理工学院搬到苏黎世。
There is a set of economists who are insistent on freedom of choice and are liberal thinkers.
There is a set of economists who are insistent on freedom of choice and are liberal thinkers.
Mark Pennington in the UK —
马克·彭宁顿在英国 —
Yes, he’s good.
是的,他很好。
— likes Foucault and likes Hayek.
—— 喜欢福柯,也喜欢哈耶克。
He’s younger, and he’s not an economist.
他更年轻,而且不是经济学家。
We’re not seeing a flowering of engagement with liberal thought.
We’re not seeing a flowering of engagement with liberal thought.
That’s for sure true.
这肯定是真的。
We are seeing a lot of work on agency and its limits.
We are seeing a lot of work on agency and its limits.
Sendhil Mullainathan, who is one of my favorite current thinkers — he’s not philosophically focused, but he’s just writing a paper now on behavioral economics, where agency is moving to the fore.
Sendhil Mullainathan,他是我最喜欢的当前思想家之一——他并不专注于哲学,但他现在正在写一篇关于行为经济学的论文,在行为经济学中,代理正在脱颖而出。
It’s behavioral economics and AI, and the idea is that this is going to empower human agency, which is central for him.
It’s behavioral economics and AI, and the idea is that this is going to empower human agency, which is central for him.
I think he’s a great liberal thinker.
我认为他是一位伟大的自由主义思想家。
The book, Scarcity by Mullainathan and Shafir, neither of them old, is, I think, a path-breaking liberal book.
我认为,穆莱纳森和沙菲尔的《稀缺性》这本书,他们都不老了,但却是一本开创性的自由主义书籍。
It takes a while for people to write things that have a certain magnitude.
It takes a while for people to write things that have a certain magnitude.
They’re 25-something and 30-somethings who are going to be in the pantheon in a little while.
They’re 25-something and 30-somethings who are going to be in the pantheon in a little while.
Why do you think it is that it’s we economists who are holding the line, at least for the time being?
Why do you think it is that it’s we economists who are holding the line, at least for the time being?
It’s a great question.
这是一个很好的问题。
I’m thinking, are the philosophers now at a stage when they’re thinking about things other than liberalism?
我在想,哲学家们现在是否已经到了思考自由主义以外的东西的阶段了?
Is liberalism a previous generation’s focus?
自由主义是上一代人的焦点吗?
That might be the truth of the matter.
这或许就是事情的真相。
Robert Goodin is a great liberal thinker who’s not young, though he’s doing fantastic work.
Robert Goodin is a great liberal thinker who’s not young, though he’s doing fantastic work.
He has a new journal called Political Philosophy.
他有一本新期刊,名为《政治哲学》。
I think if it’s challenging for you and me to come to a long list of philosophers rather than economists, it might be just that their early career and what they’re going to look like when they’re mid-career is obscure.
我认为,如果对你我来说,列出一长串哲学家而不是经济学家的名单是有挑战性的,那可能只是因为他们的早期职业生涯以及他们在职业生涯中期的样子是模糊的。
Rawls did some work on utilitarianism when he was young, and who would have thought he’s going to be Rawls?
Rawls did some work on utilitarianism when he was young, and who would have thought he’s going to be Rawls?
Probably not.
可能不会。
It was good work on utilitarianism, but a theory of justice came not when he was terribly young, and political liberalism came a lot later.
这是一本关于功利主义的好著作,但正义理论并不是在他非常年轻的时候出现的,政治自由主义的出现要晚得多。
But we knew about you when you were young.
但我们在你年轻的时候就认识你了。
Not just young at heart.
不仅仅是内心年轻。
That’s because, I guess, I scribbled so much, people thought, whether or not it’s good, there’s a lot of it.
That’s because, I guess, I scribbled so much, people thought, whether or not it’s good, there’s a lot of it.
Jeremy Waldron was pretty well known as a liberal when he was reasonably young.
杰里米·沃尔德伦(Jeremy Waldron)年轻时就以自由派而闻名。
I’m thinking that philosophers rise to prominence less regularly than economists, and I’m not sure why that is.
我认为哲学家不像经济学家那样经常出名,我不确定这是为什么。
Probably true.
也许是真的。
It may be that economists often have an empirical finding or an insight that’s a little startling.
It may be that economists often have an empirical finding or an insight that’s a little startling.
It might be that Harvard’s Philosophy Department, like the Oxford Philosophy Department, just had something like what some cities have had, which have had just a flowering of people who are engaging with one another, a little like the Chicago School.
哈佛哲学系可能和牛津哲学系一样,也有一些像某些城市那样的东西,那里的人们相互交流如花,有点像芝加哥学派。
When Parfit and Sen and Dworkin were all together, and Raz was in the vicinity, that was like a powder keg of thinking, and that’s hard to assemble.
当帕菲特、森和德沃金都在一起,而拉兹就在附近时,这就像是思想的火药桶,很难组装起来。
Whether we would have had the flowering of liberalism, Bernard Williams — not a liberal — was there, but he was very much engaged with them.
无论我们是否会迎来自由主义的繁荣,伯纳德·威廉姆斯(Bernard Williams)——“不是自由主义者”——都在那里,但他非常热衷于他们。
That’s a little bit serendipity that we get a collection.
That’s a little bit serendipity that we get a collection.
On Parfit, Mises, and Hayek
论帕菲特、米塞斯和哈耶克
Do you think of Parfit as a liberal?
您认为帕菲特是自由主义者吗?
Because I think I don’t, as much as I liked him.
因为我想我不喜欢他,尽管我很喜欢他。
I do, because his what matters argument about contractarianism and utilitarianism and Kantianism all coming to the same sets of conclusions — I think this is a profoundly liberal view, both in his embrace of contractarianism — so Scanlon is a hero of his work — and in his search for multiple foundations for the same set of commitments, which is a liberal inclination.
我这样做,因为他关于契约主义、功利主义和康德主义的重要论点都得出了相同的结论——“我认为这是一种深刻的自由主义观点,无论是在他对契约主义的拥护中”——“所以斯坎伦是他作品中的英雄”——还是在他为同一组承诺寻找多重基础时,这是一种自由主义倾向。
It’s like Rawls’s idea of the overlapping consensus.
这就像罗尔斯的重叠共识的想法。
I have enthusiasm for incompletely theorized agreements where people can say, “I like free speech because I’m a Kantian,” or “I like it because it’s the best way of discovering truth,” or “I like it because I’m a utilitarian and it’s going to maximize utility.” Lots of stools for freedom of speech.
我对不完全理论化的协议充满热情,人们可以说,“我喜欢言论自由,因为我是康德主义者”,或者“我喜欢它,因为它是发现真理的最佳方式”,或者“我喜欢它,因为我是一个功利主义者,它将实现效用最大化。”有很多言论自由的凳子。
Parfit was, I think, a very enthusiastic and committed searcher for the commonalities among three very different sets of philosophical commitments.
我认为,帕菲特是一位非常热情和坚定的探索者,他致力于寻找三套截然不同的哲学承诺之间的共性。
I think of him as weak on individualism and autonomy and the notion of the self and that he ended up in a fairly extreme version of effective altruism that Bernard Williams was always pushing back against.
我认为他在个人主义、自主性和自我概念方面很软弱,他最终陷入了一种相当极端的有效利他主义,而伯纳德·威廉姆斯一直反对这种利他主义。
He thought the notion of desert had no meaning, and it was important to convince people of that.
他认为应得的概念没有任何意义,让人们相信这一点很重要。
Those are not exactly liberal views.
这些并不完全是自由主义观点。
He was pro-free speech, but that can lead you in a lot of different places, some of which concern me.
他支持言论自由,但这可能会把你带到很多不同的地方,其中一些让我担心。
That’s fair.
这很公平。
I think Parfit’s later work on the three foundations and their commonalities is extremely interesting and quite liberal and not really convincing, though amazing.
我认为帕菲特后来对这三个基金会及其共性的研究非常有趣,而且相当自由,虽然令人惊叹,但并不真正令人信服。
The work that you’re concerned about is a form of philosophical thinking that isn’t my favorite.
你所关心的工作是一种哲学思考的形式,这不是我最喜欢的。
It involves designing exotic cases and then seeing what our intuitions are about those cases and giving them authority.
它涉及设计奇异的案例,然后了解我们对这些案例的直觉并赋予它们权威。
Our intuitions about exotic cases, we know, with respect to multiple things, are unreliable with respect to predictive judgments or factual judgments.
我们知道,我们对奇异案例的直觉在很多事情上对于预测判断或事实判断都是不可靠的。
In the moral domain, I think it’s the same.
在道德领域,我认为也是一样的。
Parfit — some of the anti-individualist and anti-identity and self stuff, the stuff that looks illiberal and also looks brilliant but peculiar — I think he’s replicating the early research agenda of Kahneman and Tversky, coming up with very exotic cases and then asking himself what he and others think about them and then giving those things authority.
帕菲特——一些反个人主义、反身份和自我的东西,这些东西看起来不自由,也看起来很聪明,但很奇特——我认为他正在复制卡尼曼和特沃斯基的早期研究议程,提出非常奇特的案例,然后问自己和其他人对它们的看法,然后赋予这些东西权威。
We know from Kahneman and Tversky’s work that the domain of predictive judgments or factual judgments — that’s not very sensible because the intuitions people have about exotic cases are self-contradictory or violate elementary logic.
我们从卡尼曼和特沃斯基的工作中知道,预测判断或事实判断的领域——这不是很明智,因为人们对奇异案例的直觉是自相矛盾的或违反基本逻辑的。
That’s not a bad thing about people.
这对人们来说并不是一件坏事。
It’s that our automatic judgments, or our intuitions aren’t suited for exotic or unfamiliar cases.
这是因为我们的自动判断或直觉不适合奇异或不熟悉的情况。
Why should they be?
为什么他们应该这样?
Parfit seems to me, in his, let’s say, ambiguously liberal or illiberal conclusions, pursuing that less than fully promising research agenda.
在我看来,帕菲特在他的,比方说,模棱两可的自由主义或非自由主义结论中,追求的是不太有希望的研究议程。
Now one of the most interesting features of your liberalism book is you have a fair amount of sympathy for Ludwig Mises, which is unusual these days.
现在,您的自由主义著作中最有趣的特点之一是您对路德维希·米塞斯(Ludwig Mises)有相当多的同情,这在当今是不寻常的。
Even a lot of people on the right don’t.
甚至很多右翼人士也不这么认为。
What do you find most interesting in Mises?
您觉得米塞斯最有趣的是什么?
His kind of cranky, ill-tempered, elbows-out enthusiasm for freedom.
他的脾气暴躁,脾气暴躁,对自由充满热情。
He doesn’t have the measured, I think, systematic quality of Hayek, but he has some of the central insights, and he had them earlier.
我认为,他不具备哈耶克那样的审慎、系统的品质,但他有一些核心见解,而且他很早就有了。
When he talks about why people don’t like capitalism — he has some essays on that later in his career — there’s something — it has a little of the not wonderful flavor of Ayn Rand.
当他谈到为什么人们不喜欢资本主义时——“他在职业生涯后期写了一些关于这个问题的文章”——“有一些东西”——它有一点安·兰德的味道。
A little, but it’s not as brutal, and it has curiosity as well as fervor, and there’s truth in it.
有一点,但没那么残酷,既有好奇心,也有热情,而且有道理。
His excitement about capitalism and what it generates for people — it has a humanistic quality, notwithstanding the elbows.
他对资本主义及其为人们带来的东西感到兴奋——尽管有肘部,但它具有人文品质。
If we take Hayek — other than the fact that on economics, he would be more laissez-faire than you probably would be, but at a more conceptual level, what’s your greatest reservation about the thought of Hayek?
如果我们以哈耶克为例——除了在经济学上他可能比你更加自由放任之外,但在更概念的层面上,你对哈耶克的思想最大的保留是什么?
I think the fundamental argument of The Road to Serfdom isn’t true.
我认为《通往奴役之路》的基本论点并不正确。
I think it’s one of the greatest books in the last 200 years, but the thesis that if the government starts regulating economic matters à la Roosevelt, then we’re on the road to something like Stalin or Hitler — that’s not true.
我认为这是过去 200 年来最伟大的书之一,但如果政府开始像罗斯福那样监管经济事务,那么我们就会走上斯大林或希特勒那样的道路——这是不正确的。
It doesn’t have to be Stalin or Hitler, but if we look at Trump — he’s taking shares in the lithium companies and Intel, rare earths companies.
不一定是斯大林或希特勒,但如果我们看看特朗普——他正在持有锂公司和英特尔、稀土公司的股份。
It’s not going to be Stalin or Hitler, but won’t it be uncomfortably state capitalist and corrupt, and if not fascistic, just a place we don’t want to go, and some milder version of Hayek, maybe with a 70-year lag or 90-year lag is, in fact, correct?
它不会是斯大林或希特勒,但它不会是令人不安的国家资本主义和腐败,如果不是法西斯主义,只是一个我们不想去的地方,而一些温和版本的哈耶克,也许滞后70年或90年实际上是正确的?
A road to someplace we don’t want to go is a less riveting title than The Road to Serfdom, but I agree with that, and I agree with what you said about the Trump initiatives, the control of private companies.
通往我们不想去的地方的道路不像《通往奴役之路》那样引人入胜,但我同意这一点,我也同意你所说的特朗普倡议,即对私营公司的控制。
This is not a good thing, except maybe very temporary in emergency circumstances, so I agree with that.
这不是一件好事,除非在紧急情况下可能是暂时的,所以我同意这一点。
But the individual claims of The Road to Serfdom are convincing — most of them — and beautifully put.
但《通往奴役之路》中的个人主张是令人信服的——“其中大部分”——而且表述得很优美。
But the idea that if you do something like what, let’s say, the United States has been doing since Roosevelt or what the UK has been doing for a long, long time, that we’re going to end up in a place that is not merely risky to economic growth and freedom, but horrifying — that which I think Hayek thought — that’s not true.
但是,如果你做一些事情,比方说,美国自罗斯福以来一直在做的事情,或者英国长期以来一直在做的事情,那么我们最终将陷入一个不仅对经济增长和自由构成风险,而且令人恐惧的地方——“我认为哈耶克是这么想的”——这是不正确的。
On Mill and liberal wokeness
论穆勒和自由主义觉醒
Now, feel free to challenge the premise of this question, but how did some aspects of our liberalism — mostly on the left — evolve into a kind of anti-liberal wokeism and intolerance?
现在,请随意挑战这个问题的前提,但是我们的自由主义的某些方面——“主要是左派”——是如何演变成一种反自由主义的唤醒主义和不宽容的?
What, conceptually, went on there?
从概念上讲,那里发生了什么?
That’s great.
那太棒了。
I think that the form of liberalism that is the origin of woke is Mill’s book on the subjection of women, which is one of the great liberal texts.
我认为自由主义的形式是《觉醒》的起源,是密尔关于妇女从属地位的书,这是最伟大的自由主义文本之一。
Very best books of all time, right?
有史以来最好的书,对吧?
I think it’s great.
我认为这很棒。
It is phenomenal.
这是惊人的。
It has a picture, which I think is an accurate picture, of the subordination of one group to another.
它描绘了一个群体对另一个群体的从属关系,我认为这是一幅准确的图景。
It has clarity on what that does for the preferences and values of both groups.
它清楚地说明了这对两个群体的偏好和价值观有何影响。
It has the notion of adaptive preferences in it, which is potentially a liberal idea because it ceases to give authority to preferences.
它包含适应性偏好的概念,这可能是一个自由主义思想,因为它不再赋予偏好权威。
In Mill’s hands, I think it is a profoundly liberal idea.
在密尔的手中,我认为这是一个深刻的自由主义思想。
The idea of the subjection of — and then fill in the blank — permeates woke.
服从“——”然后填补空白“——”的想法渗透了出来。
It is a legitimate liberal insight and precept that this is a problem that needs to be fixed.
这是一个需要解决的问题,这是一个合理的自由主义见解和戒律。
Even to describe it in those terms is probably inadequate.
即使用这些术语来描述它也可能是不够的。
But it can lead to illiberalism in the form of failure to listen to people, dismissiveness of both the views of the people who are allegedly, or in fact, subordinated and the views of the people who are allegedly, or in fact, subordinating.
但它可能导致非自由主义,表现为不倾听人民的意见,对据称或实际上处于从属地位的人民的观点以及据称或实际上处于从属地位的人民的观点不屑一顾。
It can lead to a kind of arrogance of the social engineer, which is worse than that of the technocratic social engineer in the sense that it’s finger-wagging at people.
它可能会导致社会工程师的傲慢,这比技术官僚社会工程师更糟糕,因为它对人们指手画脚。
The word “finger-wagging” is too gentle.
“摇手指”这个词太温柔了。
It’s shaming people all the time.
它一直在羞辱人们。
One thing — I think I haven’t gotten this clear enough in my own mind — but one thing the woke left, let’s say, has gone wrong with — both in terms of strategy, but also in terms of how to be in the world — is a kind of arrogant — the word “shaming” is right — shaming of people who are deserving respect.
有一点 —— 我想我自己还没有弄清楚这一点 —— 但是有一点,我们可以说,觉醒的左派出了问题 —— 无论是在战略方面,还是在如何为人处世方面 —— 都是一种傲慢 —— “羞辱”这个词是对的 —— 羞辱那些值得的人尊重。
And that is ultimately going to undermine liberal commitments because you’re not showing respect for people.
这最终会破坏自由主义的承诺,因为你没有表现出对人的尊重。
Is this why Hayek turned against Mill?
这就是哈耶克反对米尔的原因吗?
Or you think there’s some other reason?
或者你认为还有其他原因?
He was too grumpy, too Viennese, too something?
他太脾气暴躁了,太维也纳人了,太什么东西了?
I think Hayek didn’t get Mill.
我认为哈耶克没有理解米尔。
I love Hayek’s book on Mill, and I think it’s enduringly mysterious.
我喜欢哈耶克关于密尔的书,我认为它永远是神秘的。
There’s a book to be written about Hayek’s book on Mill.
关于哈耶克关于密尔的书,有一本书要写。
Hayek’s book on Mill, I expected to be a book on Mill.
哈耶克关于密尔的书,我希望是一本关于密尔的书。
What does he think of On Liberty?
他对《论自由》有何看法?
I’ve learned from Hayek scholars that Hayek was very ambivalent about On Liberty.
我从哈耶克学者那里了解到,哈耶克对于《论自由》的态度非常矛盾。
He thought the harm to others was a license to regulate.
他认为对他人的伤害就是监管的许可。
That’s interesting, but he didn’t write that in his book on Mill.
这很有趣,但他并没有在他关于密尔的书中写到这一点。
Instead, he basically reported, after obsessive work — I think two years of work — on the correspondence between Mill and Taylor, and the correspondence is one of the closest things we have to the fictional correspondence in my favorite book, which is Byatt’s Possession, where the letters are ones of surpassing beauty.
相反,他基本上是在对米尔和泰勒之间的通信进行了痴迷的工作之后——“我想是两年的工作”——进行了报告,而这些通信是我们所拥有的与我最喜欢的书《拜厄特的占有》中虚构的通信最接近的东西之一,其中的信件非常美丽。
The ones Mill wrote Taylor, and particularly, Taylor wrote Mill, were out of this world in their grace and connection and delicacy.
米尔写给泰勒的那些人,特别是泰勒写给米尔的人,在优雅、联系和精致方面都是绝无仅有的。
They make delicacy into something that is not at all like a beautiful piece of silverware, something much more bloody than that.
他们把精致做成的东西根本不像一件漂亮的银器,而是比那更血腥的东西。
Hayek did that.
哈耶克就是这样做的。
Hayek did that.
哈耶克就是这样做的。
But in the end, he says Taylor wasn’t that great, and Mill was kind of feminine and wanted to subordinate himself to a strong woman.
但最后,他说泰勒并没有那么伟大,而米尔有点女性化,想要让自己服从一个坚强的女人。
I think, “Hayek, you don’t understand anything about Mill.” The book, On Liberty, is not about rationalism in the sense that Hayek didn’t like.
我想,“哈耶克,你对密尔一无所知。”这本书《论自由》并不是哈耶克不喜欢的理性主义。
It’s about liberty in the sense that Hayek should like.
这是哈耶克应该喜欢的意义上的自由。
It’s not about free markets, but it’s about finding a path.
这与自由市场无关,而是与寻找道路有关。
The path might be a love affair, or the path might be a passionate commitment to — and then fill it out.
这条道路可能是一段爱情,或者这条道路可能是对“——”的热情承诺,然后填写它。
There is something romantic about that, and Hayek didn’t get it.
这其中有一些浪漫的东西,但哈耶克不明白。
I find this super interesting because Hayek himself, around the time he did this book, was in the midst of an illicit romance of his own that had some overlap with Mill’s.
我觉得这非常有趣,因为哈耶克本人在写这本书的时候,正处于他自己的一段不正当的浪漫之中,这与米尔的有一些重叠。
It can’t be that that’s irrelevant, so how could Hayek not get it?
这不可能是无关紧要的事,哈耶克怎么会不明白呢?
I want to say to the revered Professor Hayek, “You aren’t a cold fish, are you?”
我想对受人尊敬的哈耶克教授说:“你不是一条冷漠的鱼,不是吗?”
If we look at second-term Trump-world America, do you sometimes think — especially when you’re on Twitter — well, the woke were right after all.
如果我们看看第二任期的特朗普世界的美国,你是否有时会认为 ——尤其是当你在推特上时—— 好吧,觉醒者毕竟是对的。
There were all these excesses.
存在所有这些过激行为。
They were bad.
他们很糟糕。
We shouldn’t cancel people, but when you see what things look like when they’re not so active, and maybe it’s a bit like some parts of Jewish law, that to stay kosher, you have to overreach and have these impossibly strict standards, which maybe don’t make sense, but if you don’t have those, no one follows anything at all.
我们不应该取消人员,但是当你看到事情不那么活跃时的样子时,也许这有点像犹太法律的某些部分,为了保持犹太洁食,你必须超越并制定这些不可能的严格标准,这可能没有意义,但如果你没有这些,就没有人遵循任何东西。
Do you ever have that thought, like the woke are now quite underrated?
你是否有过这样的想法,就像觉醒者现在被低估了一样?
Okay.
好的。
The woke are taking such a beating now that piling on seems not a very nice idea and also seems stupid.
醒来的人现在遭受了如此大的打击,堆积起来似乎不是一个很好的主意,而且看起来也很愚蠢。
On the other hand, it is true that those of us — and you’re probably among them — who receive woke stuff in the email, maybe from an institution, maybe from people who are colleagues, it seems a little like lazy cliches.
另一方面,确实,我们这些人 ——你可能就是其中之一——在电子邮件中收到唤醒信息的人,也许来自某个机构,也许来自同事,这似乎有点像懒惰的陈词滥调。
A story: a student came into my office a few years ago and said she wanted to write a paper on how the law constructs the body.
一个故事:几年前,一名学生来到我的办公室,说她想写一篇关于法律如何构建身体的论文。
She was obviously very smart.
显然她非常聪明。
I said, “What does that mean?” She looked at me very puzzled.
我说:“这是什么意思?”她很困惑地看着我。
Then I said, “What do you mean by that sentence?” She said, as if it was an amazing puzzle that I would ask, she said, “You mean the law doesn’t construct the body?” I said, “I don’t have a view on that yet.
然后我说:“你这句话是什么意思?”她说,好像我会问这是一个令人惊奇的难题,她说,“你的意思是法律不构建身体?”我说:“我对此还没有看法。
How would we know whether the law constructs the body?”
我们怎么知道法律是否构成了身体呢?”
The idea that the law constructs the body had become like a thrilling thing.
法律构建身体的想法已经变得令人兴奋。
She was very smart, so she could have —
她很聪明,所以她可以 ——
I don’t even know what that means.
我什至不知道这意味着什么。
I had no idea either.
我也不知道。
That was the problem with the proposed paper, the proposed thesis, the proposed book, that neither she nor I knew what it meant, but there are things like that all over.
这就是所提议的论文、所提议的论文、所提议的书的问题,她和我都不知道这意味着什么,但类似的事情到处都有。
Let’s call it the land of woke.
我们称其为“觉醒之地”吧。
I want to be really careful here because if what the land of woke is — we use that word, and it seems not very warm about what’s being said — if it’s things like the work of Catharine MacKinnon, which I greatly admire.
我在这里想非常小心,因为如果“觉醒之地”是什么——“我们使用这个词,而且所说的内容似乎不太热情”——如果它是像我非常钦佩的凯瑟琳·麦金农(Catharine MacKinnon)的作品那样的东西。
She wrote Sexual Harassment of Working Women, which is an amazingly important book.
她写了《职业女性的性骚扰》,这是一本非常重要的书。
She’s written material on pornography and on prostitution that is a very large step forward.
她撰写了有关色情和卖淫的材料,这是向前迈出的一大步。
To say that MacKinnon’s stuff is woke would be extremely foolish.
如果说麦金农的东西被唤醒了,那就太愚蠢了。
On the value of Popper, Humboldt, Dewey and other liberal thinkers
论波普尔、洪堡、杜威和其他自由主义思想家的价值
I’m going to name some liberal thinkers, and you tell me what you find of value in them.
我将列出一些自由主义思想家的名字,然后你告诉我你认为他们的价值是什么。
But if you don’t like them at all, that’s fine, just say.
但如果你根本不喜欢它们,也没关系,尽管说出来。
Karl Popper.
卡尔·波普尔.
Oh, he’s very good on how to figure out what’s true and what’s not true.
哦,他非常擅长辨别真假。
He’s also pretty good on freedom of inquiry.
他在调查自由方面也很擅长。
Any reservations about Popper?
对波普尔有保留吗?
He didn’t have much of a sense of humor.
他没有太多幽默感。
Wilhelm von Humboldt, the German thinker.
威廉·冯·洪堡,德国思想家。
I think I want to say I’ve read some, but I have no particular thing to say except that the breadth of his understanding of the human spirit is a nice addition to the liberal canon.
我想我想说我读过一些,但我没有什么特别要说的,除了他对人类精神的广泛理解是对自由主义经典的一个很好的补充。
John Dewey.
约翰·杜威.
Great, great, great, great, great.
太棒了,太棒了,太棒了,太棒了,太棒了。
He didn’t write like a dream, but he wrote a beautiful sentence, which is, “Be the evils what they may, the experiment is not played out,” speaking about the United States.
他写得不像做梦,但他写了一句美丽的句子,那就是,“无论他们如何作恶,实验都不会结束”,这是在谈论美国。
Edna Ullmann-Margalit.
埃德娜·乌尔曼-玛格丽特。
You knew her well, right?
你很了解她,对吧?
I did.
我做到了。
She was my co-author.
她是我的合著者。
I think she’s one of the great philosophers of the last decades, underappreciated.
我认为她是过去几十年最伟大的哲学家之一,但未被充分重视。
That’s because she did the best work there is on the invisible hand.
那是因为她在“看不见的手”方面做得最好。
She did the best work there is on norms.
她在规范方面做得最好。
She did the best work there is on presumptions, which is very important to life and to law.
她在推定方面做得最好,这对生活和法律都非常重要。
She did the best work there is on considerateness, which is what she did shortly before she died.
她在体贴方面做得最好,这就是她在去世前不久所做的。
The fundamental nature of considerateness to social life is something that had been unexplored.
对社会生活的体贴的基本本质尚未被探索过。
She did the best work there is on big decisions when calculation of the costs and benefits is super hard because our values are going to change.
当成本和收益的计算非常困难,因为我们的价值观将会改变时,她在重大决策方面做得最好。
Everything she wrote was like a diamond.
她写的一切都像钻石一样。
The New Zealander Jeremy Waldron on judicial review — do you buy any of it?
新西兰人 Jeremy Waldron 谈司法审查 ——你相信其中任何一个吗?
I don’t like it at all, but it pains me to say that because I really admire Waldron.
我一点也不喜欢,但这么说让我很痛苦,因为我真的很钦佩沃尔德伦。
I think he’s one of the greats.
我认为他是最伟大的人之一。
The reason I don’t like what he says about judicial review is there’s a contingent argument against judicial review, which depends on our judgments about the institutional capacities of judges, of the executive, of the legislature.
我之所以不喜欢他关于司法审查的说法,是因为存在反对司法审查的偶然论点,这取决于我们对法官、行政机关和立法机关的制度能力的判断。
It could be, if the judges are stinky and the legislatures are amazing and the executive is reliable, what’s the point of judicial review?
可能,如果法官很臭,立法机关很牛,行政机关又可靠,那司法审查还有什么意义呢?
But it seems to me the argument against judicial review can’t be, a priori, that there aren’t large-sounding claims about self-government that can make that claim work.
但在我看来,反对司法审查的论点不可能先验地认为,没有关于自治的冠冕堂皇的主张可以使这种主张发挥作用。
If the judges are exercising judicial review to make self-government better by protecting, let’s say, freedom of speech in the franchise, then hooray for judicial review on democratic grounds.
如果法官行使司法审查是为了通过保护选举权中的言论自由来改善自治,那么基于民主的司法审查就万岁了。
Waldron has done such great work on so many things, including homelessness in a very much underappreciated essay.
沃尔德伦在很多事情上都做了如此伟大的工作,包括在一篇非常被低估的文章中讨论无家可归问题。
This material is, sorry, Professor Waldron, not my favorite of your great work.
对不起,沃尔德伦教授,这份材料不是我最喜欢的你的伟大作品。
How do you think it’s gone in New Zealand, which now has more judicial review but historically has hardly had any?
你认为新西兰现在有更多的司法审查,但历史上几乎没有司法审查,你认为这种情况是如何消失的?
It seems fine.
看起来不错。
They have big problems, mostly related to their size and distance, but it’s a free country, right?
他们有很大的问题,主要与他们的面积和距离有关,但这是一个自由的国家,对吗?
It’s highly liberal.
这是高度自由的。
Completely.
完全地。
I’d want to know more about New Zealand before making a final judgment, or even an almost final judgment.
在做出最终判断,甚至几乎是最终判断之前,我想更多地了解新西兰。
The idea that judicial review is in tension with self-governance is a little like an argument by adjectives and nouns that if you have a judiciary that’s protecting certain rights that are essential to democracy itself, then judicial review is a friend of democracy.
司法审查与自治处于紧张关系的想法有点像形容词和名词的论证,即如果你有一个保护民主本身所必需的某些权利的司法机构,那么司法审查就是民主的朋友。
If you have a judiciary that’s protecting, let’s say, rights of person against intrusion or the rule of law, those things may not be part of democracy.
如果你有一个司法机构,比如说,保护人身权利免受侵犯或法治,那么这些东西可能不是民主的一部分。
They might be antithetical to it.
他们可能与之相反。
But the form of democracy we want, I say, is a liberal democracy, and if courts are protecting the liberal part bolded in the face of the democracy part — in this case, in small font — that’s okay.
但我说,我们想要的民主形式是自由民主,如果法院保护在民主部分面前加粗的自由部分——“在这种情况下,用小字体”——那没关系。
On indigenous rights and liberalism
关于土著权利和自由主义
Is there a great thinker of indigenous rights and liberalism?
有没有一位伟大的土著权利和自由主义思想家?
In the US, it’s so complicated.
在美国,情况非常复杂。
There’re tribal nations, there’s sovereign, but it’s all a mess, right?
有部落国家,有主权国家,但都是一团糟,对吗?
Who should we read to understand that conceptually?
我们应该读谁的书才能从概念上理解这一点?
That’s complicated.
这很复杂。
There’re Maori in New Zealand, right?
新西兰有毛利人,对吗?
Yes.
是的。
Canada, the whole world.
加拿大,全世界。
There’s a new book out called The Arrogant Ape by Christine Webb, which I greatly admire.
克里斯汀·韦伯(Christine Webb)出版了一本新书,名为《傲慢的猿》(The Arrogant Ape),我非常钦佩。
It’s about nonhuman animals and about human exceptionalism.
这是关于非人类动物和人类例外论的。
It’s an extremely powerful book.
这是一本非常强大的书。
She’s not a philosopher; she knows a lot of philosophy.
她不是哲学家;她是一位哲学家。她懂得很多哲学。
There are closing chapters on indigenous people and their attitude toward nonhuman animals.
最后几章介绍了土著人民及其对非人类动物的态度。
I’ve learned from it, and I find it an opening into thinking of, let’s say, an expansive form of liberalism.
我从中吸取了教训,并且发现这是一个思考自由主义的广阔形式的机会。
I worry that in some hands, the words “indigenous peoples” are surrounded by celestial music, and there’s a sentimentalizing, but in this book, at least, there’s a conception of the relationship between nature and persons that is interesting — nature meaning the whole thing, including living creatures.
我担心,在某些人的手中,“原住民”这个词被天籁之音所包围,有一种感伤的感觉,但在这本书里,至少有一个关于自然与人的关系的概念很有趣——“自然意味着一切,包括生物。”
Will Kymlicka has done some interesting work on this.
Will Kymlicka 在这方面做了一些有趣的工作。
Speaking of liberals who aren’t always in the canon, I think Kymlicka is very good.
说到不总是在正典中的自由主义者,我认为基姆利卡非常好。
Why is it so hard to blend those two topics?
为什么融合这两个主题如此困难?
Certainly, on the political right, you see almost nothing.
当然,在政治右翼,你几乎看不到任何东西。
Maybe there’s some amount of scorn for the issue, but not much that’s serious on the left.
也许有人对这个问题有一些蔑视,但左派并没有那么严重。
You mentioned some things, but you’re a bit halting as well.
你提到了一些事情,但你也有点犹豫。
Why is that?
这是为什么?
Well, I think first, you have to know things, and then you have to specify how what you know bears on the right conception of liberalism or vulnerabilities in liberalism.
嗯,我认为首先,你必须了解一些事情,然后你必须具体说明你所知道的内容与自由主义的正确概念或自由主义的弱点有何关系。
If it’s the case that indigenous persons X, Y, and Z are treating each other with respect and creating an economy that allows everyone to flourish, that may or may not turn out to be particularly interesting.
如果原住民 X、Y 和 Z 彼此尊重并创造一个让每个人都能繁荣发展的经济,那么这可能会或可能不会特别有趣。
So, it might be hugely important and something to celebrate, but it might not be particularly interesting in thinking about what a liberal society looks like.
因此,这可能非常重要并且值得庆祝,但在思考自由社会是什么样子时可能并不是特别有趣。
What would we have to learn from some society which isn’t familiar, such that we’d know something new about liberalism?
我们必须从一些不熟悉的社会中学到什么,才能对自由主义有新的了解?
There may be something there.
那里可能有什么东西。
We might learn that there’s some interest in norms and how they fulfill the function of law, and how people internalize norms in indigenous societies that make things stable and basically good.
我们可能会了解到,人们对规范以及它们如何履行法律功能,以及人们如何在土著社会中内化规范以使事物稳定并基本良好产生了一些兴趣。
I’m halting partly because of my own extremely limited knowledge of this material.
我之所以停下来,部分原因是我自己对这些材料的了解极其有限。
That’s endogenous, too, right?
这也是内生的,对吗?
Yes.
是的。
That is itself interesting.
这本身就很有趣。
I know much less about it as well.
我对此了解也少得多。
It would be interesting to learn more.
了解更多会很有趣。
Next project.
下一个项目。
On the First Amendment rights of AI
关于人工智能的第一修正案权利
I have some questions about AI and liberalism.
我有一些关于人工智能和自由主义的问题。
Now, as you well know, under US law, there’s a general right to be informed and told things.
现在,众所周知,根据美国法律,人们享有知情权和被告知权。
Does this mean that AIs should, in essence, have First Amendment freedom of speech rights?
这是否意味着人工智能本质上应该拥有第一修正案的言论自由权?
Let’s take it in the following ways.
我们可以从以下几个方面来看待。
A toaster doesn’t have free speech rights.
烤面包机没有言论自由权。
A vacuum cleaner lacks free speech rights.
吸尘器缺乏言论自由权。
I’m looking at a glass of water now, and though it’s very attractive and a little bit alluring, it lacks free speech rights.
我现在看着一杯水,虽然它很有吸引力,有点诱人,但它缺乏言论自由的权利。
But it’s not telling you anything.
但它并没有告诉你任何事情。
If it could tell you things —
如果它能告诉你一些事情 —
A toaster tells you things.
烤面包机会告诉你一些事情。
“Toast is ready.” A vacuum cleaner could certainly tell you things.
“吐司已经做好了。”真空吸尘器肯定可以告诉你一些事情。
“Almost done,” or “Why is your rug so messy?” and it wouldn’t have free speech rights.
“快完成了”或“为什么你的地毯这么乱?”而且它没有言论自由权。
Let’s say ChatGPT or Grok is a communicator, but they lack free speech rights.
假设 ChatGPT 或 Grok 是一个沟通者,但他们缺乏言论自由权。
You have the right to buy an alarm clock, correct?
您有权购买闹钟,对吗?
Not a constitutional right, probably.
可能不是宪法权利。
Really?
真的吗?
Yes.
是的。
It’ll tell you things like, “Time to get up.” Right?
它会告诉你诸如“该起床了”之类的信息。正确的?
If the government banned alarm clocks, it might be irrational, so struck down as such, but it wouldn’t be like a free-speech right.
如果政府禁止闹钟,这可能是不合理的,因此被取消,但这不像言论自由权。
But I’m going to get in the direction of a yes in a moment.
但我马上就会说“是”。
You’re right that there’s a right to receive information.
你是对的,人们有权接收信息。
There was a case where a communist was forbidden from coming into the United States.
曾经有一个共产党员被禁止进入美国的案例。
The Supreme Court said the foreign communist doesn’t have free speech rights, but the people who are trying to invite him to come here — they do have free speech rights.
最高法院说,外国共产党人没有言论自由权,但那些试图邀请他来这里的人——他们确实有言论自由权。
If you’re engaging with Grok and the government tells you you can’t ask Grok any question about Israel, that’s a violation of your free speech rights.
如果您与 Grok 合作,而政府告诉您不能向 Grok 询问任何有关以色列的问题,那就侵犯了您的言论自由权。
Now, partly because you have a right to receive information, and partly because you can’t receive information about Israel, that would be a content-based restriction, which would be forbidden so long as there’s a human interacting with that.
现在,部分是因为你有权接收信息,部分是因为你无法接收有关以色列的信息,这将是基于内容的限制,只要有人与之互动,这种限制就会被禁止。
Content-based restrictions are presumptively invalid under the First Amendment.
根据第一修正案,基于内容的限制被推定为无效。
Keep in mind what I’m saying now is not that AI has First Amendment rights.
请记住,我现在所说的并不是人工智能拥有第一修正案的权利。
It’s that people have First Amendment rights.
人们拥有第一修正案的权利。
People have First Amendment rights particularly in the face of viewpoint-based or content-based restrictions.
人们享有第一修正案的权利,特别是在面临基于观点或基于内容的限制时。
If the government said you can’t engage with Grok between the hours of 1:00 am and 5:00 am, that would be a content-neutral restriction.
如果政府规定您不能在凌晨 1:00 至 5:00 之间使用 Grok,这将是内容中立的限制。
It’s possible that there’d be a question to be raised whether that could be defended, but it’s going to be hard to defend that one because a content-neutral restriction needs a justification, and what’s the justification of that?
可能会提出一个问题,是否可以为这一点辩护,但很难为这一点辩护,因为内容中立的限制需要理由,而其理由是什么?
If it said that people can’t .
如果它说人们不能。
.
。
.
。
I tried, by the way, to get a large language model to libel someone — it refused — not to send it to all the world, just to send it to me.
顺便说一句,我试图建立一个大型语言模型来诽谤某人——“它拒绝”——“不是把它发送给全世界,只是把它发送给我。
This is self-protection.
这是自我保护。
But it’ll do it if you try hard enough.
但如果你足够努力的话它会做到的。
I didn’t try hard enough, I guess, but it wouldn’t libel people.
我想我还不够努力,但这不会诽谤别人。
I didn’t say to libel any particular person.
我没有说要诽谤任何特定的人。
I said, “Do a libel.” It said, “I won’t do that.” Then I asked it to do an advertisement suggesting that aspirin could prevent cancer, and it produced a really good advertisement.
我说:“诽谤。”它说:“我不会那样做。”然后我让它做一个广告,暗示阿司匹林可以预防癌症,它制作了一个非常好的广告。
That’s false advertising.
这就是虚假广告。
False advertising isn’t protected by the First Amendment.
虚假广告不受第一修正案的保护。
Certain forms of libel aren’t either.
某些形式的诽谤也不是。
So, now we’re building up a framework of where AI has First Amendment rights in the sense that government regulation of AI is subject to First Amendment restrictions.
因此,现在我们正在建立一个人工智能拥有第一修正案权利的框架,因为政府对人工智能的监管受到第一修正案的限制。
I think we should say that AI is like a vacuum cleaner or a toaster, let’s say a speaking one.
我认为我们应该说人工智能就像一台吸尘器或一台烤面包机,比如说一个会说话的机器。
It lacks those rights.
它缺乏这些权利。
But there are people in the situation who have rights, and the producers of AI have rights, just like the producers of movies have rights.
但在这种情况下,有些人拥有权利,人工智能的制片人也拥有权利,就像电影制片人拥有权利一样。
So, a technology that projects the movie doesn’t have rights, but if you suppress the movie, some human beings behind it have rights.
所以,放映电影的技术没有权利,但如果你压制电影,它背后的一些人就有权利。
The fact that AI, let’s say, is generating stuff on its own wouldn’t be a justification for ignoring the rights of the people who are behind the AI.
比如说,人工智能正在自行生成东西,这一事实并不能成为忽视人工智能背后的人的权利的理由。
As you know, there’re more and more co-authored outputs, human plus AI.
如您所知,人类与人工智能共同创作的成果越来越多。
Is that covered by the First Amendment?
第一修正案涵盖了这一点吗?
It depends.
这取决于。
Imperfect Oracle, my book, and Manipulation also have some quotations from AI.
我的书《不完美的预言》和《Manipulation》也引用了一些人工智能的内容。
If the government said these are censored, that would clearly raise a First Amendment problem which the government couldn’t overcome.
如果政府说这些内容受到审查,这显然会引发政府无法克服的第一修正案问题。
If the government said, “We’re going to ban the components of Imperfect Oracle that consists of text from AI,” that would be unacceptable also because it’s part of my own production.
如果政府说,“我们将禁止由人工智能文本组成的不完美预言的组件”,这也是不可接受的,因为它是我自己制作的一部分。
If the government, let’s say, in the face of the University of California system, said that students can’t do papers that are co-authored in whole or in part by AI, that’s acceptable, not because there isn’t a human speaker behind it, but because the government — here the university system, which is a public one — the government has an adequate reason to say, “We’re not going to allow that kind of plagiarism.”
比方说,如果政府面对加州大学系统说学生不能完成全部或部分由人工智能共同撰写的论文,这是可以接受的,不是因为背后没有人类发言人,而是因为政府 ——这里是大学系统,它是公立的——政府有充分的理由说,“我们不会允许这种抄袭行为。”
Yes, but it’s not a free speech issue.
是的,但这不是言论自由问题。
Just as a matter of speech, I would think co-authored outputs would be fully protected.
顺便说一句,我认为共同创作的成果将受到充分保护。
Well, I want to be careful here.
嗯,我想在这里小心点。
I’m giving the university example because, if the university system said students and professors can’t speak unfavorably about Israel in their papers, that would violate the First Amendment.
我举大学的例子是因为,如果大学系统规定学生和教授不能在论文中发表对以色列不利的言论,那就违反了第一修正案。
If they said you can’t use AI, that almost certainly wouldn’t be, though maybe in the fullness of time, it’ll be a real question.
如果他们说你不能使用人工智能,那几乎肯定不会,尽管也许在时间成熟时,这将是一个真正的问题。
The reason is speech is sometimes regulable if it falls into categories where there’s sufficient justification or a wholesale exclusion.
原因是,如果言论属于有充分理由或全面排除的类别,那么言论有时是可以受到监管的。
If it said that deepfakes can’t be used to sell food, where the deepfakes are a collaborative effort of AI and people, it’s not clear that regulation is forbidden by the First Amendment.
如果说深度伪造品不能用于销售食品,而深度伪造品是人工智能和人类共同努力的成果,那么尚不清楚第一修正案是否禁止监管。
It might be because it’s hard to see why they’re doing that, but this is just a way of saying that the collaborative effort might be regulable because, let’s say, the collaborative effort consists of commercial fraud.
这可能是因为很难理解他们为什么这样做,但这只是说协作努力可能受到监管的一种方式,因为,比方说,协作努力包含商业欺诈。
Collaborative effort might be criminal conspiracy.
串通一气可能构成犯罪共谋。
Those are just wholesale exclusions, but they’re hard-won exclusions.
这些只是大规模的排除,但它们是来之不易的排除。
That is, they’re argued for and the argument won.
也就是说,他们对这些观点进行了争论,并且争论获胜了。
If there’s a collaborative effort that isn’t within the domain of the currently regulable, we can probably imagine somewhere it would be hard to know whether it’s protected by the First Amendment.
如果存在不在当前监管范围内的协作努力,我们可能可以想象在某个地方很难知道它是否受到第一修正案的保护。
Basically, a collaborative effort by, let’s say, a presidential candidate and an AI to produce a speech — completely protected by the First Amendment.
基本上,比方说,总统候选人和人工智能共同努力发表演讲——完全受到第一修正案的保护。
A collaborative effort by you and AI, let’s say, to produce a book on the greatest psychologist of all time — that’s going to be protected by the First Amendment.
比方说,你和人工智能共同努力制作一本关于有史以来最伟大的心理学家的书——这将受到第一修正案的保护。
Can’t you imagine an AI company that generates AI answers, but a second before they’re released to the human interlocutor, they just have some other human who works for them modify the answer a bit.
你不能想象一家人工智能公司生成人工智能答案,但在将答案发布给人类对话者之前的一秒钟,他们只是让其他为他们工作的人稍微修改了答案。
Not materially, and maybe we don’t know how much, but they can truthfully say this is co-authored output.
不是实质性的,也许我们不知道有多少,但他们可以如实地说这是共同创作的输出。
Then they say it’s all protected by the First Amendment because it’s AI and humans, and de facto, you end up with complete AI First Amendment protection.
然后他们说这一切都受到第一修正案的保护,因为它是人工智能和人类,事实上,你最终得到了完整的人工智能第一修正案保护。
I think the way in is to get concrete on what the speech is and what the reason for regulating it is.
我认为解决方法是具体了解言论是什么以及对其进行监管的原因是什么。
If I am working with AI — let’s suppose I’m working for a political candidate, and it’s mostly AI, but a little bit me, and it ends up being the words of a presidential candidate — that can’t be regulated.
如果我与人工智能合作——假设我为一位政治候选人工作,大部分是人工智能,但也有一点我,最终会变成总统候选人的言论——这是无法监管的。
The idea that you can regulate a politician’s speech because AI played a significant role, or maybe the entire role — that’s very hard to defend.
因为人工智能发挥了重要作用,或者可能是整个作用,所以你可以监管政客的言论,这种想法很难辩护。
Now, we would have a frontiers issue, I guess, if there’s a law — it seems crazy, but a law — saying that no politician may give a speech which is entirely produced by AI.
现在,我想,如果有一条法律——“这似乎很疯狂,但有一条法律”——规定任何政治家都不能发表完全由人工智能产生的演讲,我们就会遇到一个边界问题。
That would be a new question.
这将是一个新问题。
It would probably come out unfavorably to the law.
这可能会对法律不利。
If, on the other hand, deepfakes are restricted on the ground that, and when, they give a misleading picture of some person in a way that is either libelous or libel adjacent, then it might well be regulable.
另一方面,如果深度假货受到限制,因为它们以诽谤或邻近诽谤的方式提供了某人的误导性图片,那么它很可能会受到监管。
If writing code is First Amendment-protected, and again, you can push back on that, but does open-source AI then just get off scot-free?
如果编写代码受到第一修正案的保护,那么你可以反驳这一点,但是开源人工智能就可以逍遥法外吗?
It isn’t First Amendment-protected, you mean?
你的意思是,它不受第一修正案的保护?
Well, I’m asking.
嗯,我问一下。
In some ways, it is, right?
从某些方面来说,确实如此,对吧?
It’s a form of speech.
这是一种言语形式。
Okay.
好的。
This is what’s cool about First Amendment law — I think it’s one reason it’s lovable — is that we need to know what the speech is and what the ground for regulation of it is.
这就是第一修正案的优点 —— 我认为这是它可爱的原因之一 —— 我们需要知道言论是什么以及对其进行监管的依据是什么。
If there’s open-source stuff that is regulated by the government, it’s communication among persons, so why was there ground for the regulation?
如果有政府监管的开源东西,那就是人与人之间的交流,那么为什么有监管的依据呢?
If it’s that open-source activity is producing a massive national security threat, then it’s probably okay to regulate it if there’s no other way to reduce the national security threat.
如果开源活动正在产生巨大的国家安全威胁,那么如果没有其他方法可以减少国家安全威胁,那么对其进行监管可能是可以的。
If it’s the government is trying to help the economic interests of competitors, that’s not an adequate justification.
如果政府试图帮助竞争对手的经济利益,那么这并不是一个充分的理由。
On manipulation, libel, and nudging
关于操纵、诽谤和怂恿
Circa 2025, which are the manipulations that pose the greatest danger to America?
到 2025 年左右,哪些操纵行为对美国构成最大的危险?
Well, probably political information that makes it hard for people to have a clear sense of what the world is actually like.
嗯,可能是政治信息让人们很难清楚地了解世界到底是什么样子。
Just outright false reports?
只是彻头彻尾的虚假报道?
Well, I want to distinguish between falsehood and manipulation just for the sake of tidiness.
好吧,我想区分虚假和操纵只是为了整洁。
If you say that climate change isn’t real, in my view, that’s false.
如果你说气候变化不真实,在我看来,那是错误的。
If you have no false statement, but you induce people not to use their reflective capacities, you trick them into thinking that climate change isn’t real — that would be an act of manipulation.
如果你没有虚假陈述,但你诱导人们不使用他们的反思能力,你就欺骗他们认为气候变化不是真实的——这将是一种操纵行为。
Legally, is there anything we should change?
从法律上讲,我们有什么需要改变的吗?
I think so.
我想是的。
I think we need a right not to be manipulated.
我认为我们需要一种不被操纵的权利。
We don’t have that.
我们没有那个。
At the turn of the 20th century, roughly, people started to get exercised about violations of the right to privacy, where the right to privacy was a pretty new idea — at least the umbrella — and then it started to get specified in various ways.
大约在 20 世纪之交,人们开始对侵犯隐私权的行为进行锻炼,当时隐私权是一个相当新的想法——至少是保护伞——然后它开始以各种方式得到具体化。
That was a big step forward for policy and also for legal theory, and we’re there in the world of a right to privacy.
这对于政策和法律理论来说都是一大进步,我们正处于隐私权的世界中。
Manipulation is like that now, so no legal system has a right not to be manipulated.
现在的操纵就是这样,所以任何法律制度都没有不被操纵的权利。
In Europe and the United States, there are incipient movements toward that.
在欧洲和美国,这方面的运动正在兴起。
I think our government said publicly there should be, a right not to be manipulated about a year or two ago.
我认为我们的政府在一两年前公开表示应该有不被操纵的权利。
How would it be specified?
又将如何具体规定呢?
I think we should start with egregious cases where people are losing money or time without getting adequate clarity on that’s what’s happening to them.
我认为我们应该从一些令人震惊的案例开始,在这些案例中,人们正在损失金钱或时间,却没有足够清楚地了解发生在他们身上的事情。
It might be, for example, through a hidden term which isn’t technically invisible.
例如,它可能是通过一个技术上不可见的隐藏术语。
It’s just hard to find.
只是很难找到。
The seller is getting you to buy something subject to terms and conditions which aren’t readily visible to you.
卖家让您根据您不易看到的条款和条件购买商品。
That’s almost like fraud, right?
这几乎就像欺诈,对吧?
There’s another way of taking care of that.
还有另一种方法可以解决这个问题。
Well put.
说得好。
It’s almost like fraud.
这几乎就像欺诈一样。
Yes, it is fraud.
是的,这是欺诈。
No, it’s almost like fraud.
不,这几乎就像欺诈。
It might be fraud.
这可能是欺诈。
If the term is there, no fraud, just manipulation.
如果有这个词,那么就没有欺诈,只有操纵。
What’s a tweet I should be able to sue someone for that I cannot sue them for today?
有哪些推文是我应该能够起诉某人但我今天却无法起诉他们的?
“Don’t buy Imperfect Oracle.”
“不要购买不完美的甲骨文。”
Okay, that’s not an example.
好吧,这不是一个例子。
I think we want to have a lot of room for free tweeting.
我认为我们希望有足够的空间来免费发推文。
I wouldn’t want to go far beyond our current categories of libel, fraud, criminal solicitation.
我不想超出我们目前的诽谤、欺诈、教唆犯罪的范畴。
If there’s a commercial actor who is manipulating you to buy something, where manipulation is a form of trickery that makes it very hard for people to exercise their deliberative capacities, that would be a big problem.
如果有一个商业演员在操纵你买东西,而操纵是一种欺骗形式,使人们很难发挥他们的深思熟虑的能力,那将是一个大问题。
If you enter into a transaction, let’s say, and you were told, but it’s not easy to see, that you are forming a long-term economic relationship in which you’re giving money every month, that should be something that you should be able to extricate yourself from.
比方说,如果你进行了一项交易,并且有人告诉你,你正在形成一种长期的经济关系,并且每个月都给钱,那么你应该能够摆脱这种关系,但这并不容易看出。
That commercial relationship.
那种商业关系。
Do you agree that, whether we like it or not, laws against libel have become much weaker?
你是否同意,无论我们喜欢与否,反对诽谤的法律已经变得更加薄弱?
Anonymous posting is easier.
匿名发帖更容易。
Postings are more international.
帖子更加国际化。
The Streisand effect is stronger.
史翠珊效应更强。
The incentive to complain — you say, “I’ll let it pass.
抱怨的动机——你说:“我会让这件事过去的。
If I complain, it will just be a big thing on social media.” If laws against libel de facto are much, much weaker than they used to be, is there some change we should make to adjust for that?
如果我抱怨,这就会在社交媒体上引起轰动。”如果事实上的反对诽谤的法律比以前弱得多,我们是否应该做出一些改变来适应这一点?
Or we simply have to let it happen?
或者我们只能让它发生?
I’ll take a risk here and tell a story.
我会在这里冒险讲一个故事。
There’s a book coming out on nudging, which is not a very upbeat book about nudging.
有一本关于助推的书即将出版,但这并不是一本关于助推的非常乐观的书。
Not by you.
不是你。
Not by me.
不是我做的。
I’m very upbeat about it.
我对此非常乐观。
So, there are books not by you.
所以,有些书不是你写的。
This one is very critical, which is completely fine, but the description on Amazon is so full of inaccuracies.
这一点非常关键,完全没问题,但亚马逊上的描述充满了不准确之处。
I’m very welcoming to the criticisms in the book, but I’m not welcoming to the inaccuracies that I was staggered by it.
我非常欢迎书中的批评,但我不欢迎书中的不准确之处。
I hope, by the time this appears, they’ve been taken down.
我希望,当这一切出现时,它们已经被删除了。
I actually thought, “This is not libelous, probably, but in the extended universe.” That made me think about your question.
我实际上想,“这可能不是诽谤,而是在广阔的宇宙中。”这让我思考了你的问题。
To invoke libel law is extremely expensive and a very hazardous enterprise.
援引诽谤法是一项极其昂贵且非常危险的事业。
On the one hand, that’s good because, as the Supreme Court said in New York Times against Sullivan, if you punish actual libel, you deter people from saying things that might be true or might be extremely productive to have in the conversation, even if they’re not really true.
一方面,这很好,因为正如最高法院在《纽约时报》中针对沙利文所说的那样,如果你惩罚真正的诽谤,你就会阻止人们说出可能是真的或在对话中可能非常有成效的话,即使它们不是真的。
To allow lots of descriptions on Amazon, even if they describe the work of people we know in ways that are extremely tendentious, that’s good.
亚马逊上允许有大量描述,即使它们以极其有倾向性的方式描述我们认识的人的工作,这很好。
We should allow all that.
我们应该允许这一切。
On the other hand, I do think that the fact that you can’t get, let’s say, an acknowledgment of error and a penny, a Trump penny, let’s say, plus an acknowledgment of error, is regrettable.
另一方面,我确实认为,事实上,你无法得到,比如说,承认错误和一分钱,比如说特朗普的一分钱,加上承认错误,这是令人遗憾的。
Let’s say someone says — knowing that it’s false — that some public figure is a drug addict or a communist.
假设有人说“——“知道这是假的”——“某个公众人物是吸毒者或共产主义者。
If the person knows it’s false, then under New York Times against Sullivan, you can win.
如果这个人知道这是假的,那么在《纽约时报》对抗沙利文的情况下,你就能赢。
Let’s say it was negligent.
可以说这是疏忽。
It wasn’t knowingly false, and there wasn’t reckless indifference to the matter, but it was really negligent.
并不是故意造假,也不是毫不顾忌地漠视此事,但确实是疏忽大意了。
They said the person was a communist.
他们说这个人是共产党员。
They should have known it wasn’t true.
他们应该知道这不是真的。
Then the person says, “I want a penny and I want a correction.” Why is that bad?
然后这个人说:“我想要一分钱,我想要更正。”为什么这么糟糕?
What I would do to the regime is to allow people to sue for a very small monetary sum and a correction/retraction in the event of damaging falsehood, even if the speaker was merely negligent, and maybe if the speaker wasn’t even negligent but just got it wrong.
我对这个政权要做的就是允许人们在出现损害性谎言的情况下起诉,要求支付非常小的金钱,并要求更正/撤回,即使发言者只是疏忽,也许发言者甚至没有疏忽,只是弄错了。
On trial by AI
正在接受人工智能的审判
Five years from now, should we have such trials run by AIs?
五年后,我们应该让人工智能进行这样的试验吗?
It would be much cheaper, right?
会便宜很多,对吧?
I think the idea of AI trials looks very thinkable today.
我认为人工智能试验的想法在今天看起来非常值得思考。
What role for the human overseer is TBD.
人类监督者的角色是什么尚待确定。
We’re not there yet, but with respect to certain things, it would be very disagreeable to many, and maybe that’s a reason not to do it.
我们还没有做到这一点,但对于某些事情,许多人会非常不同意,也许这就是不这样做的原因。
Maybe it’ll be decreasingly disagreeable to many as people see well-functioning AI as in airlines, and increasingly, motor vehicles.
也许随着人们在航空公司以及越来越多的汽车中看到功能良好的人工智能,许多人会越来越不同意。
This is at least something to be discussed.
这至少是值得讨论的事情。
I work a lot on the topic of algorithm aversion.
我在算法厌恶这个主题上做了很多工作。
We have some research on that and also on AI aversion, where we have less research.
我们对此有一些研究,也有关于人工智能厌恶的研究,但我们在这方面的研究较少。
Some of algorithm aversion, a cousin of AI aversion, is based on just mistakes, but some of it is based either on a belief that, in some context, human beings will know things that algorithms and AI don’t.
有些算法厌恶(与人工智能厌恶类似)只是基于错误,但有些则是基于这样的信念:在某些情况下,人类会知道算法和人工智能所不知道的事情。
Maybe that’s decreasingly true, but it’s true in some contexts.
也许这不太真实,但在某些情况下确实如此。
It’s also based on a belief that a human, let’s say judge or participant, is deeply sought, even if accuracy isn’t increased by virtue of human engagement.
它还基于这样一种信念,即即使人类的参与并没有提高准确性,但人类(比如说法官或参与者)也是受到深入追捧的。
The ostensible right to a jury by one’s peers — does that matter here?
表面上由同行组成陪审团的权利——这在这里重要吗?
Well, as a formal legal matter, yes.
嗯,作为正式的法律问题,是的。
The jury-trial right, until the constitution is amended — which is unlikely — would trump AI advances.
在宪法被修改之前——“这不太可能”——陪审团审判权将胜过人工智能的进步。
Then we’d ask, “Should we be excited about that or ambivalent?” We might be excited about it on the ground that the jury isn’t supposed to only figure out what’s accurate.
然后我们会问,“我们应该对此感到兴奋还是矛盾?”我们可能会对此感到兴奋,因为陪审团不应该只弄清楚什么是准确的。
It’s also supposed to bring the conscience of the community to bear.
它还应该唤起社区的良知。
I served on a jury, by the way.
顺便说一句,我曾担任陪审团成员。
They let you?
他们让你了?
They let me.
他们让我。
I tried to get off.
我试图下车。
I said I was a law professor who works on jury behavior.
我说我是一名研究陪审团行为的法学教授。
I thought that would certainly get me off.
我想这肯定能让我摆脱困境。
I was included.
我也被包括在内。
Then, after the trial, the lawyer for the prosecution actually wanted to talk to me to ask what I thought of his performance, which was very generous of him.
然后庭审结束后,控方律师竟然想找我谈话,问我对他的表现有何看法,他真是大方了。
He lost, the prosecutor.
他输了,检察官。
He did a pretty good job.
他做得很好。
He talked to me, and the judge was there.
他跟我说话,法官也在场。
I said after our discussion, “How come I was allowed on the jury?” All the lawyers there were saying, “We wanted you off, but the judge wanted you on.” I said, “Why did the judge want me on?” Then the judge said, “I thought you studied jury behavior.
讨论后我说:“我怎么会被允许进入陪审团呢?”那里的所有律师都说:“我们希望你离开,但法官希望你继续。”我说:“法官为什么要我上场?”然后法官说:“我以为你研究了陪审团行为。
You should be a juror.” Now, it’s not completely appropriate for a judge to insist over the objections of lawyers.
你应该当陪审员。”现在,法官不顾律师的反对而坚持是完全不合适的。
But this was Chicago, and we’re all informal here.
但这是芝加哥,我们在这里都很随意。
One thing I learned being on a jury — I learned close up, of course; this is part of the common wisdom about juries — is that juries bring to bear some assessments that are accuracy-independent moral views.
我在陪审团中学到的一件事 —— 当然,我是近距离学习的;这是关于陪审团的常识的一部分——陪审团做出一些与准确性无关的道德观点的评估。
Now, if you had an AI that would track jury moral assessments — and you’re way ahead of me on this — you would be able to embed the thing you get from a jury in AI.
现在,如果你有一个可以跟踪陪审团道德评估的人工智能——并且你在这方面远远领先于我——你就可以将从陪审团获得的信息嵌入到人工智能中。
People wouldn’t like that very much, and so, there’d be a strong presumption against it in terms of actual practice, and in any case, the Sixth Amendment wouldn’t allow it.
人们不会很喜欢这样,所以在实际操作中就会有强烈的反对推定,无论如何,第六修正案都不会允许这样做。
On favorite novels, movies, and TV
关于最喜欢的小说、电影和电视
Why is Byatt’s Possession your favorite novel?
为什么《拜厄特的占有》是你最喜欢的小说?
Well, it captures the intensity and specificity of romance and the knowability to outside observers of what exactly happened in a way no other work in any language, I will say, does.
好吧,它捕捉到了浪漫的强度和特殊性,以及外部观察者对到底发生了什么的了解,我想说,这是其他任何语言的作品都无法做到的。
I’m smiling because, of course, I have only one language, really, but that’s how much I like it.
我微笑是因为,当然,我只有一种语言,真的,但这就是我喜欢它的程度。
The letters between the main characters are searing in their specificity, and they’re showing, not telling, about emotions.
主角之间的信件具有强烈的特殊性,它们是在展示而不是讲述情感。
The ending, which I’m not going to spoil, has a twist in it, which is both heartbreaking and impossibly joyful about what — forgive the word — love can do.
我不想剧透的结局有一个转折,既令人心碎,又令人难以置信地快乐,因为 - 请原谅这个词 - 爱可以做什么。
The twist on the tale of the Garden of Eden in the closing pages of the next-to-last chapter is to equal Genesis.
倒数第二章最后几页对伊甸园故事的转折与创世记相同。
That’s really hard.
这真的很难。
I think Byatt did, and not only equal it, but she turned it around.
我认为拜厄特做到了,不仅追平了它,而且扭转了局面。
Have you ever lived a tale like that?
你经历过这样的故事吗?
Maybe.
或许。
Maybe.
或许。
What’s a good movie that has shaped how you think about the law?
有哪部好电影塑造了您对法律的看法?
I have to say that, partly because I spend so much time on them, the first thing that comes to mind is — drum roll please — Star Wars.
我不得不说,部分是因为我花了太多时间在他们身上,首先想到的是 — 请打鼓 — 星球大战。
They are profound about the law, but they’re unforgettable about the law, about liberty and tyranny and freedom.
他们对法律深刻,但对法律、对自由、暴政和自由却难以忘怀。
So, they both connect with themes of liberalism.
因此,它们都与自由主义的主题相关。
You always have freedom of choice in small settings and large settings, and that says something about law.
无论是小环境还是大环境,你总是有选择的自由,这说明了法律。
I find most law movies not so good.
我发现大多数法律电影都不太好。
It’s a little like most sports movies, not all, but they have a gee-whiz quality, so I’m sticking with Star Wars.
这有点像大多数体育电影,但不是全部,但它们具有令人惊叹的品质,所以我坚持看《星球大战》。
In the television show, Bewitched, who’s the best secondary character?
在电视剧《迷魂记》中,谁是最好的配角?
Is it Uncle Arthur, Serena, Endora, Larry Tate?
是亚瑟叔叔、瑟琳娜、恩多拉、拉里·泰特吗?
Serena.
瑟琳娜。
Who didn’t fall for Serena?
谁没有爱上塞雷娜?
Elizabeth Montgomery was my first crush, and Serena was less committed to Darrin.
伊丽莎白·蒙哥马利是我的初恋,而瑟琳娜对达林的忠诚度较低。
Who was better as Darrin or Derwood, Dick York or Dick Sargent?
达林 (Darrin) 或德伍德 (Derwood)、迪克约克 (Dick York) 或迪克萨金特 (Dick Sargent) 谁更出色?
Dick York was better, but I saw recently an interview with Elizabeth Montgomery, I think — either she or someone who’s involved in the show — who said Dick York liked her a little more than was comfortable.
迪克·约克更好,但我最近看到了对伊丽莎白·蒙哥马利的采访,我认为“无论是她还是参与该节目的人”都说迪克·约克对她的喜欢程度超过了舒适度。
Dick Sargent has, I think, maybe a more congenial character to the person to whom I’m loyal, which is Ms. Montgomery.
我认为,迪克·萨金特的性格可能与我所忠诚的蒙哥马利女士更合拍。
Why is that an interesting TV show?
为什么这是一个有趣的电视节目?
I think, for all of us, the idea that someone can do magic — if it’s done right, it’s very cool.
我认为,对于我们所有人来说,有人可以施展魔法 ——如果做得好,那是非常酷的。
Harry Potter, of course, benefited from that.
哈利·波特当然从中受益匪浅。
The idea that there’s a person who seems normal and like a neighbor, who has magical properties, that’s very fun.
有一个人看起来很正常,就像邻居一样,拥有神奇的属性,这个想法非常有趣。
Elizabeth Montgomery carries the show.
伊丽莎白·蒙哥马利主持了这场演出。
She both portrays a normal person who goes to dinner parties and is a great spouse and mother, but also someone who can basically do anything, and she’s funny.
她既扮演了一个参加晚宴的普通人,也是一个伟大的配偶和母亲,但也是一个基本上可以做任何事情的人,而且她很有趣。
And there’s a sense of law on the show, right?
而且节目中有一种法律意识,对吧?
Yes.
是的。
Maybe it’s Ullmann-Margalit law.
也许这就是乌尔曼-玛格丽特定律。
You can’t just do anything to the other witches and warlocks, or you’ll get in a lot of trouble.
你不能对其他女巫和术士做任何事,否则你会遇到很多麻烦。
Yes, completely.
是的,完全如此。
There are rules.
有规则。
That’s right.
这是正确的。
If there weren’t rules, it would seem random.
如果没有规则,就会显得随机。
But they’re broken all the time as well.
但它们也总是坏掉。
They’re broken, and that’s funny.
它们坏了,这很有趣。
That’s where episodes come from.
这就是剧集的来源。
Yes.
是的。
On Bob Dylan
关于鲍勃·迪伦
When you visited the Bob Dylan museum in Tulsa, what did you learn about Dylan?
当您参观塔尔萨的鲍勃·迪伦博物馆时,您对迪伦有什么了解?
A lot.
很多。
I think the principal thing I learned is how he took standard songs that were classics and twisted them in directions that made them new, not only by doing things to the music, but also by taking words that had a certain meaning back then and giving them a different kind of meaning.
我认为我学到的最重要的事情是他如何将经典的标准歌曲转向新的方向,不仅通过对音乐进行修改,而且还通过采用当时具有一定含义的单词并赋予它们不同的含义。
“Chimes of Freedom,” was an Irish song originally, and you could see the evolution that led to “Chimes of Freedom” —
《自由之钟》原本是一首爱尔兰歌曲,你可以看到《自由之钟》的演变 ——
Wasn’t that a Scot song, “Chimes of Freedom”?
那不是一首苏格兰歌曲“自由之钟”吗?
I’m married to an Irish woman, so when I hear Scot, I think Irish.
我娶了一位爱尔兰女人,所以当我听到苏格兰人时,我想到的是爱尔兰人。
I think it was Irish, but maybe it was Scot.
我认为是爱尔兰人,但也许是苏格兰人。
Anyway, sorry, go on.
不管怎样,对不起,继续吧。
I think this is how all geniuses work, actually, but you can see it vividly at the museum, how he took things and made them his own and made them new.
我认为这实际上是所有天才的工作方式,但你可以在博物馆生动地看到它,他如何把东西变成自己的,然后使它们焕然一新。
What did you learn about Tulsa, going there?
去塔尔萨你学到了什么?
It’s amazing.
太棒了。
I learned that there’s a guy there whose name either I’ve forgotten or protecting by not giving his name.
我了解到那里有一个人,我要么忘记了他的名字,要么通过不透露他的名字来保护他。
He’s not concerned about himself.
他不关心自己。
He’s not a self-publicist.
他不是一个自我宣传者。
He’s a very wealthy man, who created the Dylan museum.
他是一个非常富有的人,创建了迪伦博物馆。
He bought it.
他买了它。
He did the same thing to Woody Guthrie’s holdings, so to speak, which are there.
可以这么说,他对伍迪·格思里的财产也做了同样的事情。
He created memorials and places you can go where it’s hot.
他创建了纪念馆和可以让你去炎热的地方的地方。
He basically made Tulsa both more livable and more culturally central.
他基本上使塔尔萨变得更加宜居,并且在文化上更加中心化。
It’s a person who has a lot of resources, but is completely public-spirited, not political.
这是一个拥有大量资源的人,但完全热心公益,不参与政治。
I didn’t get any sense of his political convictions.
我对他的政治信念一无所知。
He just wants to help the people of Tulsa.
他只是想帮助塔尔萨人民。
Now, we started with the topic of liberalism.
现在,我们从自由主义的话题开始。
How is it you think about or characterize the liberalism of Bob Dylan?
您如何看待或描述鲍勃·迪伦的自由主义?
Bob Dylan is a liberal.
鲍勃·迪伦是一位自由主义者。
His liberalism is captured in the line, “He not busy being born is busy dying.” I hope he’s immortal, but if anything is on his epigraph, that would be a good candidate.
他的自由主义体现在“他不忙于出生,而是忙于死亡”这句话中。我希望他是不朽的,但如果他的铭文上有什么,那将是一个不错的候选人。
The notion of self-invention, of freedom, is central to basically everything.
自我发明和自由的概念基本上是一切的核心。
His refusal to keep singing the same song — you can hear him talking about it in some of the interviews.
他拒绝继续唱同一首歌——你可以在一些采访中听到他谈论这一点。
He said, “I could do that.
他说:“我能做到。
I could just do that forever.
我可以永远这样做。
I knew how they’d react.” He said, “What’s that about?” He said, “I needed to do something else.” But of course, the line, “I needed to do something else” — that’s my line.
我知道他们会如何反应。”他说:“那是什么事?”他说:“我需要做点别的事情。”当然,“我需要做点别的事情”——这就是我的台词。
How he would put it would be much more vivid and surprising than that.
他怎么说会比这更生动、更令人惊讶。
His “Like a Rolling Stone” is an anthem of freedom.
他的《像滚石》是一首自由的赞歌。
I heard it, actually, in concert a few years ago.
事实上,我几年前在音乐会上听过它。
It was a great performance.
这是一场很棒的表演。
It wasn’t young, but it was a great performance.
虽然年纪不小了,但演技还是很不错的。
The audience went wild when he did “Like a Rolling Stone.” That was the final song.
当他演唱《Like a Rolling Stone》时,观众们都为之疯狂。那是最后一首歌。
It was the encore.
这是安可曲。
It wasn’t just because it was the greatest rock song ever written.
这不仅仅是因为它是有史以来最伟大的摇滚歌曲。
It was because of how he did it.
这是因为他的做法。
I thought, “What’s going on in this song?
我想:“这首歌讲了什么?
Why is everyone exhilarated?” The song, which he described when he wrote it as vomit, hatred directed at somewhere that was real — it wasn’t that, or it was a little bit that, but it was a song of liberty.
为何大家都兴奋不已?”他在写这首歌时将其描述为呕吐物,是针对真实某个地方的仇恨——不是那样,或者有点那样,但它是一首自由之歌。
“How does it feel to be on your own with no direction home, like a complete unknown, like a rolling stone?” Everyone felt like they were flying.
“独自一人,没有回家的方向,就像一个完全未知的人,就像一块滚石,感觉如何?”每个人都感觉自己在飞翔。
He makes that — “Like a Rolling Stone” — be a song of freedom.
他让那首——《像滚石》——成为一首自由之歌。
If you look at his angry songs — “Positively 4th Street” — there’s a freedom in being, of course, uninhibited, able to say things, but also a freedom of disconnection.
如果你听听他愤怒的歌曲 ——《积极的第四街》——当然,你会发现一种不拘一格、能够畅所欲言的自由,但也有一种脱离现实的自由。
When he’s asked why did he change his name, I have an account of why he actually did.
当他被问到为什么要改名时,我有一个关于他实际上这样做的原因的描述。
I think he gave it exactly once, but in his more characteristic way, he said, “This is America.
我认为他只说过一次,但以他更具特色的方式,他说:“这就是美国。
You can change your name.” Then he said, “I was born.
你可以改名字。”然后他说:“我出生了。
I didn’t think I was born with the right name.
我不认为我生来就有正确的名字。
I could make it up.
我可以弥补。
I could say that sounds more like I was.”
我可以说这听起来更像我。”
Making rootlessness not be a curse, but instead something that is .
让无根不再是一种诅咒,而是一种诅咒。
.
。
.
。
the word joy is too clichéd for Dylan.
对于迪伦来说,“快乐”这个词太陈词滥调了。
If you look at his love songs, like “If You See Her, Say Hello,” which isn’t one of my favorites, but it’s good.
如果你看他的情歌,比如“如果你看到她,打个招呼”,这不是我最喜欢的歌曲之一,但也很好。
There’s a connection with the one he loved, who got away, but you can feel the sense of freedom.
与他所爱的人有一种联系,虽然他离开了,但你可以感受到自由的感觉。
“Visions of Johanna”?
“约翰娜的幻象”?
Yes, completely.
是的,完全如此。
He’s torn.
他很伤心。
That has the great opening line.
那有很棒的开场白。
“Ain’t it just like the night to play tricks When you’re trying to be so quiet?” Did Yeats write better lines than that?
“这不就像晚上你想保持安静的时候搞恶作剧吗?”叶芝写过比这更好的诗句吗?
Probably, but he was Yeats.
也许吧,但他是叶芝。
Blood on the Tracks — a liberal album?
《Blood on the Tracks》——一张自由主义专辑?
Oh, yes.
哦是的。
How would you express that?
你会如何表达?
Well, I’m thinking “Buckets of Rain” is the closing song.
嗯,我想《Buckets of Rain》是片尾曲。
Right before that, there’s a song, “You’re Gonna Make Me Lonesome When You Go.” That’s it, which is, I think, one of his greatest songs.
在那之前,有一首歌,“你走的时候会让我感到孤独”。就是这样,我认为这是他最伟大的歌曲之一。
That’s a liberal song of freedom and separation, that she’s going, but he’s going to see her everywhere, and there’s smiling at impermanence.
这是一首关于自由和分离的自由主义歌曲,她要去,但他会到处看到她,并对无常微笑。
That is a big liberal theme — smiling at impermanence — because impermanence makes things not routine and also makes for freedom.
这是自由主义的一个大主题——“微笑面对无常”——因为无常使事情不再例行公事,也带来自由。
“Idiot Wind” is the angry song of the batch, right?
《白痴风》是这批愤怒的歌曲吧?
Yes, it’s pretty mad.
是的,这很疯狂。
He said about that song, “I don’t know why people like it.
他谈到这首歌时说:“我不知道为什么人们喜欢它。
There’s so much sadness and distress in it.”
这里面有太多的悲伤和痛苦。”
Do you see your own liberalism or just yourself in the liberalism of Bob Dylan?
你在鲍勃·迪伦的自由主义中看到了你自己的自由主义还是你自己?
I think so.
我想是的。
Reinventing yourself, not quite wanting to be pinned down, doing a lot of stuff.
重塑自己,不想被束缚,做很多事情。
He likes, I think, abandoning and going on to something that’s very different.
我认为,他喜欢放弃并继续做一些非常不同的事情。
I wish I’d gone electric or had some equivalent of that.
我希望我能用电动的或者有类似的东西。
But doing something quite different — I do share a little bit with him.
但做一些完全不同的事情 —— 我确实与他分享了一些东西。
I like it when I think something I thought was wrong.
当我认为我认为是错误的事情时,我喜欢它。
I now am very enthusiastic about the Austrian economists and Hayek.
我现在对奥地利经济学家和哈耶克非常感兴趣。
I’ve always admired them, of course, but I didn’t feel that they were on my team.
当然,我一直很钦佩他们,但我不觉得他们是我的团队成员。
Now I feel I’ve gone to their team.
现在我感觉我已经加入了他们的团队。
I don’t feel ashamed that I was wrong before.
我并不为自己之前的错误感到羞耻。
I feel excited that I’m less wrong now.
我感到很兴奋,因为我现在错得少了。
On animal rights
关于动物权利
Final question, what are the next six things you will do?
最后一个问题,接下来你会做的六件事是什么?
There’s lunch.
有午餐。
I’m doing a book now on animal rights, which was a topic I wrote a bit on 15, 20 years ago.
我现在正在写一本关于动物权利的书,这是我 15、20 年前写过的一个主题。
Then when I tried to get my second government job, where I was confirmed by the Senate, I faced ridicule and death threats because of my pro–animal welfare views.
然后,当我试图获得第二份政府工作并得到参议院批准时,由于我支持动物福利的观点,我面临着嘲笑和死亡威胁。
It got sufficiently unfun that I self-silenced about animals.
这太无趣了,我对动物保持沉默。
One reason was, I had worked for President Obama, and then I wasn’t working for him, but I was in some ways connected with him.
原因之一是,我曾为奥巴马总统工作过,后来我不再为他工作,但我在某些方面与他有联系。
I didn’t want to do anything to cause problems for my colleagues or former colleagues.
我不想做任何事给我的同事或前同事带来麻烦。
There was also a little bit of cowardice in it.
其中还夹杂着一点点的怯懦。
This book is called Animals Matter.
这本书的名字叫《动物很重要》。
It’s a project that I am liking more than anything that I’ve liked since I worked on the Star Wars book, which I thought was a wild project to engage in.
这是我自从创作《星球大战》这本书以来最喜欢的一个项目,我认为这是一个疯狂的项目。
This one is not a wild project to engage in.
这并不是一个疯狂的项目。
I’m reading everything I can about animal welfare.
我正在阅读所有有关动物福利的内容。
The world of learning about octopuses and about dogs and horses is incredible, and I’m proposing a bill of rights for animals.
了解章鱼、狗和马的世界是令人难以置信的,我正在提出一项动物权利法案。
No book on Dylan?
没有关于迪伦的书吗?
I’m thinking about it.
我正在考虑。
I have an essay on Dylan, but I don’t have a book planned on Dylan.
我有一篇关于迪伦的文章,但我没有计划写一本关于迪伦的书。
I do have a gleam-in-the-eye book called How to Disagree.
我确实有一本令人眼前一亮的书,名叫《如何表达不同意见》。
I have an essay on this, which is right now focused on .
我有一篇关于此的文章,目前重点关注。
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。
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If I may say, you are a practitioner of the principles which I hope everyone would embrace, which include characterizing other people’s arguments in a way that they would recognize and be grateful for, indicating what you’ve learned from other people, including especially things that are not known yet, and indicating what you agree with in people you’re criticizing, especially, again, if those aren’t things that most people agree with.
如果我可以说,你是我希望每个人都能接受的原则的践行者,其中包括以一种他们会认可和感激的方式来描述别人的论点,表明你从别人那里学到了什么,尤其是还不知道的东西,并表明你同意你所批评的人的哪些观点,特别是,如果这些不是大多数人同意的事情。
That’s a start.
这是一个开始。
There’s a game theorist named Rapoport, who —
有一位名叫拉波波特的博弈论学家,他 ——
Anatol, you mean?
阿纳托尔,你是说?
Yes.
是的。
This was formalized a little bit by Daniel Dennett in a paper on what he called the Rapoport Rules.
丹尼尔·丹尼特(Daniel Dennett)在一篇关于他所谓的“拉波波特规则”的论文中对此进行了形式化的阐述。
I’m thinking about this.
我正在考虑这个。
In the animals book, I have a section — it was the most fun to write.
在动物书中,我有一个章节 ——写起来最有趣。
It is called “Scolds and Scolding.” I recently learned the word scold as a noun.
这就是所谓的“骂与骂”。我最近学到了“骂”这个词作为名词。
I knew it was a verb.
我知道这是一个动词。
To be a scold is a terrible thing, and to be scolded is terrible.
被骂是一件可怕的事情,被骂也是一件可怕的事情。
The risk is that you write about animals and people feel scolded, and I hate that.
风险在于你写的是动物,人们会感到被责备,我讨厌这样。
I’m really trying to avoid that.
我真的很想避免这种情况。
The risk is writing about how to disagree.
风险在于写出如何表达不同意见。
You look like you’re on a high horse, but to have clarity, certainly for academic life, but also for families and maybe even for politics on disagreement that leads to, let’s say, friendship and maybe truth, and disagreement which leads to rage and something other than truth.
你看起来一副高高在上的样子,但要保持清晰,当然是为了学术生活,也是为了家庭,甚至可能是为了政治,因为分歧会导致友谊,也许还有真相,而分歧会导致愤怒和真相以外的东西。
It would be good to get clear on that.
如果能弄清楚这一点就好了。
Cass Sunstein, thank you very much.
卡斯桑斯坦,非常感谢你。
Thank you.
谢谢。
Great pleasure.
非常高兴。
This episode was made possible through the support of the John Templeton Foundation.
这一集是在约翰·邓普顿基金会的支持下得以实现的。